GIFT   OF 
JANE  KoSATHER 


A  REVIEW 


OF 


FROM  THE  COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  ANTI-SLAVERY  AGITATION  TO  THE 
CLOSE  OF  SOUTHERN  RECONSTRUCTION  ; 


X 


COMPRISING  ALSO  A 


Resume  of  the  Career  of  Thaddeus  Stevens : 


BEING  A  SURVEY  OF  THE  STRUGGLE  OF  PARTIES,  WHICH  DESTROYED 
THE  REPUBLIC  AND  VIRTUALLY  MONARCHIZED  ITS  GOVERNMENT. 


Quando  imperiam  tenent  pravi,  plorat  populus. 


BY  ALEXANDER  HARRIS. 


NEW    YORK  : 

T.  H.  POLLOCK,  PUBLISHER,  37  PARK  Row. 
1376. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  year  1876,  by 

ALEXANDER  HARRIS, 
In  the  Office  of  Librarian  of  Congress  at  Washington. 


STEREOTYPED  BY 

3.  &  T.  A.  RAISBECK, 

Stereotypers  &  Electrotypers. 

No.  74  BEEKMAN  STREET. 


PEEFACE. 


THE  undersigned  proposes  to  pre.-ent  to  the  public  a  history,  to  be 
entitled  "  A  REVIEW  OF  THE  POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA."  He  dees 
so,  in  obedience  to  monitions  that  were  ever  reminding  him,  since  the 
close  of  our  civil  war,  that  duty  demanded  of  this  generation,  that  it  writ 3 
the  truth  concerning  the  origin  and  progress  of  the  conflict,  through 
which  the  nation  has  passed.  The  work  will  also  comprise  a  "Eesumo 
of  the  Career  of  Thaddeus  Stevens,"  who  conspicuously  figured,  as  the 
leading  revolutionist  of  the  American  Congress  ;  and  who  towered  as  the 
unconcealed  contemner  of  law  and  the  Federal  Constitution.  Until  the 
work  was  completed,  it  had  been  the  design  of  the  undersigned,  toentitla 
it  "The  Life  and  Times  of  Thaddeus  Stevens  ;"  because  it  was  believed, 
that  the  prominence  and  admitted  intellectual  capacity  of  the  man  being 
treated,  would  secure  attention  from  all  classes  of  readers.  But  his  ca 
reer  had  been  mainly  selected,  in  order  to  embody  therewith,  the  history 
of  the  times  in  which  he  lived  ;  and  because  also  he  of  all  American 
Statesmen,  appeared  as  the  typical  representative  of  the  destructive  revo 
lutionary  movement,  which  the  work  is  designed  to  illustrate  and  unfold. 
Upon  its  completion,  however,  the  originally  conceived  title,  appeareJ 
not  to  harmonize  with  what,  it  might  have  seemed  to  have  imported;  and 
therefore,  after  some  reflection,  it  was  changed  to  what  has  been  adopted. 
The  plan  thus  followed,  in  the  treatment  of  the  work,  notwithstanding 
the  change  or  title,  will  allow  of  a  clearer  light  being  reflected  (as  is  be 
lieved)  upon  the  development  and  progress  of  the  revolution,  as  it  passes 
scenically  before  the  vision. 

The  work  will  trace  the  conflict  to  its  inception,  deducing  it  from  inhe 
rent  principles.  It  will  thence  follow  the  progress  of  the  anti-slavery 
agitation,  from  its  commencement  to  its  full  development  in  one  of  the 
political  parties  of  the  country,  and  its  complete  seizure  of  power,  in  the 
election  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  in  1860.  The  movement  intended  to  check 
the  progress  of  sectionalism  will  also  be  sketched,  until  the  final  effort  to 
do  so,  resulted  in  the  secession  of  the  Southern  States ;  and  the  bloody 
collision  of  arms  followed.  During  the  progress  of  the  civil  war,  the  ideal 
conflict  in  Congress  and  throughout  the  nation,  which  animated  and  sus 
tained  the  armed  combatants  upon  the  fields  of  battle,  is  alone  viewed 
and  depicted.  The  Presidential  and  Congressional  acts  which  had  refer 
ence  to  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  and  the  motives  influencing  these,  are 
presented  in  historical  delineation  of  the  political  struggle,  as  it  progressed. 
The  breach  of  President  Johnson  with  his  party,  is  detailed  in  appropriate 
compass,  and  ths  conflict  of  parties  which  followed,  until  the  reconstruc 
tion  legislation  of  Congress,  insured  the  Africanization  of  the  South. 


iv  PREFACE. 

"No  asperity  or  bitterness,  should  be  aroused  in  the  breasts  of  those,  who 
may  honestly  differ  with  the  author,  as  to  the  causes  which  led  to  our  late 
conflict.  He  claims,  as  a  free  citizen,  the  right  to  present  the  reasons, 
which  ever  induced  him  to  condemn  the  war  against  the  South  and  its 
prosecution.  He  has  presented  these  openly  and  fearlessly  ;  records  for 
all  time  his  conviction,  that  the  war  was  wholly  unwarranted  by  the  Fed 
eral  Constitution  ;  and  he  believes  the  time  will  come,  when  the  majori  y 
of  the  American  people,  will  be  fully  convinced  that  coercion  was  an 
unwise  policy,  adopted  to  preserve  republican  government.  Not  only  un 
wise,  will  they  come  to  see  it  to  have  been,  but  wTholly  suicidal  to  the 
institutions,  it  was  meant  to  preserve.  The  ship  of  state,  which,  under 
republican  steersmen,  had  sailed  on  a  calm  ocean,  no  sooner  came  under 
the  management  of  those  of  contrary  principles,  than  it  was  driven  upon 
the  shoals  and  quicksands  of  political  disorder,  from  which  it  is  even 
problematical  if  it  can  ever  be  rescued. 

Though  the  work,  to  the  unreflecting,  may  appear  as  if  written  to  sub 
serve  partisan  politics,  the  author  disclaims  all  such  motives,  as  in  anywise, 
having  influenced  his  undertaking.  And,  before  being  so  accused,  those 
thus  charging  him,  should  inquire,  what  selfish  interest  he  could  promote, 
by  advocating  views  unpopular  in  both  parties,  in  his  state  and  section. 
Nay,  the  truth  is  the  pole  star  by  which  he  is  guided,  and,  albeit  he  may 
be  (as  he  has  been  heretofore)  subjected  to  reproach  and  bitter  vilification, 
for  the  maintenance  of  his  opinions,  he  hesitates  not  to  defend  them,  be 
lieving,  that  though  covered  with  the  darkness  of  midnight,  the  dawn  of 
morning  is  approaching.  Our  Union  has  sustained  a  long  and  arduous 
struggle,  with  the  foes  of  her  own  household,  but  patriotism,  like  a  deity 
seated  upon  some  Olympian  summit,  has  been  from  the  first  viewing  the 
combat,  and  expecting  every  true  Ainer  can  to  do  his  duty.  Should  none 
have  the  boldness  to  break  the  silence,  the  slumber  of  truth,  might  at 
times,  be  the  sleep  of  death  ;  but  she  lias  ever  by  her  couch,  her  faithful 
sentinels  to  arouse  her,  and  messengers  to  go  forth  amidst  terror  and 
gloom,  to  proclaim  her  immutable  laws,  to  sound  her  clarion  and  arouse 
her  hosts  to  victory. 

Fully  trusting,  that  the  deductions  of  the  w*crk  now  to  be  submitted  to 
the  public,  are  the  inspiration  of  truth,  the  author  invokes  for  them  no 
leniency  of  criticism  ;  and,  if  able  to  be  controverted  by  truth,  logic  and 
sound  ratiocination,  let  them  fall  and  forever  perish  !  For  the  author  only 
desires  to  know  the  truth,  and,  if  fully  convinced  that  the  opinions  which 
he  has  steadily  defended,  since  the  commencement  of  the  civil  war*,  were 
erroneous,  he  should  himself  be  one  of  the  first  to  disavow  them.  But 
until  proven  false,  in  the  forum  of  reason,  he  claims  the  right  to  defend 
and  publish  them  to  the  reflective  world.  Careful,  however,  as  the  au 
thor  has  endeavored  to  be,  historical  -inaccuracies,  no  doubt,  will  have 
eluded  his  scrutiny,  and  he  is  not  so  presumptuous  as  to  conceive,  but  that 
his  work,  will  disclose  many  literary  errors  to  the  critical  eye.  He  enter 
tains,  nevertheless  the  hope,  that  it  may  in  a  slight  degree  help  to  pacify 
turbulent  passion,  and  correct  mistaken  views  ;  and,  so  believing,  he  com 
mits  it  to  the  judgment  and  criticism  of  ages. 

ALEXANDER  HARRIS* 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Pjge, 

BIRTH,  EDUCATION,  ADMISSION  TO  THE  BAR  AND  EARLY  LEGAL  SUCCESS 
OF  THADDEUS  STEVENS,  -  -  9. 

CHAPTER  II. 

RISE  OP  THE  ANTI-MASONIC  PARTY.  ELECTION  OF  MR.  STEVENS  TO  THE 
LEGISLATURE  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  -  -  21. 

CHAPTER  III. 

MASONIC  INVESTIGATION.  STAR  CHAMBER  COMMITTEE.  CHARTER  OF  THE 
UNITED  STATES  BANK  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.  MEMBER  OF  STATE  REFORM 
CONVENTION,  -  -  29. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  BUCKSHOT  WAR,  .  -  -  -  -    .          •     .          -          44. 

CHAPTER  V. 

THE  ANTI-SLAVERY  AGITATION,      ------          07. 

CHAPTER  VI. 

REMOVAL  OF  MR.  STEVENS  TO  LANCASTER,  PA.  HIS  SUCCESS  AS  A  LAW 
YER,  AND  HIS  MOVEMENTS  AS  A  POLITICIAN,  -  -  84. 

CHAPTER  VII. 

AMERICAN  POLITICAL  PARTIES  AND  THEIR  PRINCIPLES,  -  -          101. 

•  v 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

COMPROMISE  MEASURES  OF  1850,      ----..    122, 

CHAPTER  IX. 

P.ESISTANCE  TO   THE   FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LAW.      CHRISTIANA  RIOT,   &C.,         143, 

CHAPTER  X. 

THE  KANSAS-NEBRASKA  BILL,  WITH  THE  REPEAL  OF  THE  MISSOURI  COM 
PROMISE.  ORIGIN,  RAMIFICATION  AND  ASPECTS  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN 
PARTY,  -  ---  -  -  -  -  135. 


vi  CONTENTS— CONTINUED. 

CHAPTER  XI. 

Page. 

THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  ASCENDENCY  IN  KANSAS,  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF 
CONFLICTING  VIEWS  INTO  SECTIONAL  ANTAGONISM,  AND  THE  ULTIMATE 
TRIUMPH  OF  REPUBLICANISM,  -  -  163. 

CHAPTER  XII. 

SECESSION  OF  THE  SOUTHERN  STATES,  AND  THE  EFFORTS  AT  COM 
PROMISE,  -  -  -  189. 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

STATE  SOVEREIGNTY  AND  CENTRALIZATION,  OR  THE  OPPOSITE  PRINCI 
PLES  OF  GOVERNMENT  STRUGGLING  FOR  ASCENDENCY,  -  -  213. 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

WAR  FOR  THE  UNION,  -  -  ...        239. 

CHAPTER  XV. 

EMANCIPATION  DECREED,       -  ...      257. 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

EXECUTIVE    UNCONSTITUTIONALISM,  -  *  271. 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

LEGISLATIVE  UNCONSTITUTIONALISM,  -  28G. 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

GOVERNMENTAL  CONSOLIDATION  REACHED,  •  306. 

CHAPTER  XIX, 

DEMOCRATIC  ANTI-WAR  ATTITUDE,  -  -  -  -  319. 

CHAPTER  XX. 

THE  NEW  ERA,          •  «...        333. 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

THE  MILITARY  SATRAPS,      •  -  352. 

CHAPTER  XXH. 

THE  GREAT  CONSPIRACY  REVEALED,  -  -       359. 

CHAPTER  XXHI. 

THE  POLITICAL  CAMPAIGN  OF  18G4,  -  375. 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

FANATICISM  TRIUMPHS,         -  w  -        389. 


CONTENTS— CONTINUED.  vii 

CHAPTER    XXV. 

Pag?. 
THEORIES  IN  CONFLICT,        -  -  403. 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

ANTI-REPUBLICAN  RECONSTRUCTION,  -  ••         415. 

CHAPTER  XXVII, 

BREACH  WITH  PRESIDENT  JOHNSON,  -  425. 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

THE  POLITICAL  CAMPAIGN  OF   1866,  -        439. 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 

FINAL  RECONSTRUCTION,  OR  THE  CLIMAX  OF  THE  REVOLUTION  REACHED,   458. 

CHAPTER  XXX. 

THE  AFRICANIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH,        -  -        471. 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 

IMPEACHMENT  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON,    -  -   486. 

CHAPTER  XXXII. 

DEATH  OF  MR.   STEVENS,   WITH  CONCLUDING  REFLECTIONS,      -  -        502. 


CHAPTER  L 

BIRTH,    EDUCATION,    ADMISSION  TO  THE  BAR  AND  EARLY  LEGAL  SUCCESS  OF 
THADDEUS  STEVENS. 

THADDEUS  STEVENS  was  born  at  Danville,  Caledonia  County, 
Vermont,  April  4th,  1792.  His  parents  were  persons  in  limited 
circumstances,  being  possessed  of  nothing  save  a  poor  farm,  upon 
which  they  were  enabled  to  rear  their  children  with  the  most 
pinching  and  parsimonious  economy.  His  father,  named  Joshua 
Stevens,  was  a  shoemaker  by  occupation,  but  as  he  was  a  man  of 
rather  dissipated  habits,  he  contributed  little  to  the  support  of  his 
family.  He  was  well  built,  strong  and  muscular,  and  quite  an 
athlete,  bearing  the  reputation  of  being  the  best  wrestler  in  his 
county.  He  enlisted  as  a  soldier  in  the  war  of  1812,  and  in  the 
attack  upon  Oswego,  received  a  bayonet  wound  in  the  groin,  of 
which  he  shortly  afterwards  died.  His  mother,  whose  maiden 
name  was  Sarah  Merrill,  was  a  woman  of  strong  native  sense,  and 
of  an  unconquerable  will  and  resolution.  On  account  of  the  loose 
and  irregular  life  of  his  father,  the  management  of  the  farm  and 
the  rearing  of  the  family  devolved  uponliis  mother;  and  being  a 
woman  of  shrewdness  and  penetration,  she  determined  to  afford 
her  children  (as  all  she  could  give  them)  the  advantages  of  an  ed 
ucation.  The  school  system  of  Vermont,  at  that  'tune  being  very 
similar  to  that  of  the  other  Eastern  States,  Thaddeus  was  placed, 
as  soon  as  old  enough,  under  tutelage  in  one  of  these  Xew  Eng 
land  seminaries  of  the  people,  where  he  soon  acquired  the  rudi 
ments  of  an  English  education.  Being  the  youngest  of  the  family, 
and  besides,  lame  and  sickly  in  youth,  he  obtained  advantages  in 
the  way  of  schooling  over  and  above  his  brothers.  He  was  the 
favorite  and  pet  of  his  mother,  as  is  often  the  case  with  the 
mothers  of  deformed  children ;  and  she  spared  no  pains  to  provide 
that  he  should  be  in  constant  attendence  at  school,  in  order  to 
prepare  him  as  she  fondly  hoped,  to  make  his  way  in  life  by 
some  means  not  demanding  manual  exertion.  She  was  not  slow 
in  perceiving  his  rare  powers,  in  the  acquisition  of  the  ordinary 


10  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

brandies  of  an  education ;  and  the  thought  occurred  to  her  that 
one  who  could  so  thoroughly,  and  in  so  short  a  time,  master  read 
ing,  writing  and  arithmetic,  should  have  an  opportunity  to  try  his 
strength  in  the  higher  departments  of  knowledge.  In  a  word,  it 
was  quietly  resolved  that  Thaddeus  should  be  sent  to  college ;  and 
perhaps  he  might  be  able  to  carve  his  way  to  one  of  the  profess 
ions,  at  that  time  the  goal  of  the  ambition  of  every  intelligent 
New  England  mother.  But  the  path  of  life  from  the  cradle  to 
the  grave,  is  beset  with  thorns ;  and  the  smart  of  these  young 
Thaddeus  must  also  feel.  On  account  of  his  lameness,  being 
unable  to  sport  around  as  briskly  as  other  boys  of  his  age,  he  came 
somewhat  to  be  regarded  as  a  youth  of  great  sedateness  and  sobri 
ety  ;  nor  was  he  able  to  escape  the  taunts  and  jeers  of  his  youthful 
school  companions,  who  would  at  times  mimic  his  limping  w^alk, 
and  otherwise  annoy  and  vex  him.  These  petty  anoyances  to  hia 
proud  and  sensitive  nature,  were  very  galling ;  and  in  their  oft 
repetition. his  stern  and  sedate  character  may  originally  have  re 
ceived  its  earliest  impression.  But  although  his  young  classmates 
were  ready  to  gibe  him  because  of  his  deformity,  he  had  the  sweet 
satisfaction  of  knowing  that  he  could  far  outstrip  any  of  them,  so 
far  as  class  standing  wras  concerned. 

The  following  anecdote  is  related  by  Mr.  Stevens  of  his  school 
days,  and  whether  narrated  to  create  amusement,  or  to  delineate 
character  and  the  condition  of  the  country  at  that  early  period,  it 
at  least  deserves  rehearsal  in  this  connection :  "  At  one  time,"  said 
Mr.  Stevens,  "  the  schoolmaster  was  a  broad  shouldered  Irishman. 
During  a  severe  winter,  the  bears  encroached  on  the  settlement, 
and  it  became  the  duty  of  all  good  citizens  to  enlist  in  a  wrar  of 
extermination.  The  teacher  marshalled  his  pupils,  and  at  their 
head  ventured  to  obstruct  a  noted  bear-path,  he  being  armed  with 
a  long  rifle,  w^ell  loaded  and  primed,  and  the  boys  with  clubs  and 
a  miscellaneous  assortment  of  weapons.  The  baying  of  the  dogs 
soon  indicated  that  the  game  was  up,  and  the  cracking  of  the 
bushes,  that  the  bear  was  approaching.  lie  came  on  \vithin  a  few 
feet  of  where  the  army  was  posted,  and  leaping  up,  his  fore  feet 
resting  on  a  large  log,  he  hesitated,  while  he  snuifed  the  danger 
ahead.  The  teacher  sounded  the  charge,  saying  to  the  boys :  'Now 
I'll  show  you  a  rale  specimen  of  bear  hunting.'  But  his  impet 
uosity,"  added  Mr.  Stevens,  "  overcame  his  discretion,  and  rushing 
on  the  astonished  animal  he  demolished  him  with  the  butt  end  of 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  11 

his  rifle.  When  laughed  at  by  the  boys,  and  rallied  on  his  for- 
getf ulness  by  myself,  the  spokesman  of  them,  he  replied,  'an  what's 
the  use  *of  powder  and  ball  when  the  thing  itself  made"  sich  an 
illegant  skdalah?  " 

The  first  time  that  young  Thaddens  was  introduced  to  a  knowl 
edge  of  the  world,  as  he  himself  related,  was  in  the  year  1804, 
when  he  accompanied  his  parents  on  a  visit  to  Boston,  to  see  some 
of  their  relations.  It  is  inferred  from  what  he  remarked  of  this 
visit,  that  he  then  made  up  his  mind  to  endeavor  to  procure  riches, 
that  he  might  be  able  to  live  as  did  the  wealthy  people,  whom  he 
there  for  the  first  time  met.  This  resolution  of  one  so  young 
shows  his  remarkable  perceptive  capacity,  and  his  strong  intellect; 
and  as  this  was  his  first  knowledge  of  the  power  of  money,  it  was 
natural  that  he  should  feel  prompted  to  strive  for  that  which  he 
learned  supplied  so  many  of  the  wants  of  life. 

The  desire  for  the  accumulation  of  wealth,  was  that  which  first 
fired  his  youthful  genius,  and  the  sight  of  any  other  admitted  ex 
cellence,  might  have  produced  a  similar  resolve  in  his  mind.  Does 
not  history  record  the  names  of  several  of  the  eminent  ancients, 
whose  ambition  was  excited  by  hearing  a  distinguished  poet  recite 
his  verses  at  the  Olympic  games,  or  an  orator  thunder  forth  his 
eloquent  harangues  at  the  forum,  or  in  the  Senate  chamber? 
Although  in  the  present  case,  our  visitor  to  Boston  would  seem 
very  young  to  have  formed  such  high  resolves ;  yet  it  is  quite  cer 
tain  that  at  that  time  he  first  determined  that  no  efforts  should  be 
wanting  on  his  part,  to  ascend  the  ladder  of  life  set  before  all  who 
make  the  proper  efforts. 

The  following  year,  after  his  parents  had  returned  from  Boston, 
the  spotted  fever  prevailed  to  an  alarming  extent  in  his  native 
County  of  Caledonia.  For  miles  around  his  home,  there  was 
scarcely  a  family  that  escaped  the  attacks  of  this  very  dangerous 
disease.  In  some  families  all  were  sick  at  one  time,  and  it  was 
next  to  an  impossibility  to  procure  any  assistance.  In  this  condi 
tion  of  affairs  Mrs.  Stevens  became  a  ministering  angel,  as  it  were, 
to  the  sick  of  her  acquaintance,  visiting  from  family  to  family 
and  relieving  their  needs  in  every  capacity  in  which  she  was  able 
to  help  them.  In  these  visits  amongst  her  sick  neighbors,  she 
took  young  Thaddeus  with  her,  and  on  these  circuits  of  mercy,  he 
obtained  another  glimpse  of  life  which  left  an  impress  upon  his 
memory  that  never  forsook  him.  Ilis  heart  was  then  tender,  and 


12  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

the  sights  of  suffering  which  he  witnessed,  so  operated  upon  his 
sensibilities  as  to  make  him  ever  afterwards  kindly  disposed  to  the 
sick  and  poor  of  every  class.  To  such,  to  the  end  of  his"  life,  he 
was  ever  ready  to  extend  a  helping  hand. 

Mr.  Stevens'  estimate  of  his  mother  we  give  in  his  own  words, 
detailed  shortly  before  his  death.  Speaking  of  his  efforts  in  the 
Legislature  in  behalf  of  the  Free  School  system  of  Pennsylvania, 
and  in  reference  thereto,  he  said  :  "  That  is  the  work  that  I  take 
most  pleasure  in  recalling,  except  one  perhaps.  I  really  think  the 
greatest  gratification  of  my  life  resulted  from  my  ability  to  give 
my  mother  a  farm  of  250  acres,  and  a  dairy  of  M  cows,  and  an 
occasional  bright  gold  piece,  which  she  loved  to  deposit  in  the 
contribution  box  of  the  Baptist  Church  which  she  attended.  This 
always  gave  her  great  pleasure,  and  me  much  satisfaction.  My 
mother  was  a  very  extraordinary  woman.  I  have  met  very  few  wo 
men  like  her.  My  father  was  not  a  well-to-do  man,  and  the  support 
and  education  of  the  family  depended  on  my  mother.  She  worked 
night  and  day  to  educate  me.  I  was  feeble  and  lame  in  youth, 
and  as  I  could  not  work  on  the  farm,  she  concluded  to  give  me  an 
education.  I  tried  to  repay  her  afterwards,  but  the  debt  of  a  child 
to  his  mother,  you  know,  is  one  of  the  debts  we  can  never  pay. 
Poor  woman !  the  very  thing  I  did  to  gratify  her  most,  hastened 
her  death.  She  was  very  proud  of  her  dairy,  and  fond  of  her 
cows,  and  one  night  going  to  look  after  them,  she  fell  and  injured 
herself  so  that  she  died  soon  after." 

As  his  father  was  a  shoemaker,  Thaddeus  had  an  opportunity 
to  pick  up  so  much  knowledge  of  this  trade,  as  to  enable  him  to 
make  the  shoes  of  the  family,  and  perhaps  a  few  for  the  neighbors. 
This  he  did  at  least  after  the  death  of  his  father.  In  his  younger 
years,  when  first  a  candidate  for  the  legislature,  he  used  to  boast 
that  he  was  a  shoemaker ;  and  this  gave  birth  to  the  numerous 
stories  that  circulated  all  over  Pennsylvania,  after  his  fame  as  a 
great  lawyer  was  fixed,  that  he  first  came  to  York  as  a  shoemaker 
and  worked  at  the  business  for  some  time  before  he  studied  law. 
These  stories  were  purely  mythical,  as  are  many  that  are  usually 
retailed  concerning  distinguished  personages ;  and  have  their 
origin  in  the  deception  and  credulity  of  mankind : 

"  Magnas  it  Fama  per  urbes 
Fama  malum,  quo  non  aliud  velocius  ullum 
Mobilitate  viget,  viresque  acquirit  eundo." 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  13 

AYlien  a  boy,  Thaddeus  Stevens  was  a  diligent  reader  and, 
like  Benjamin  Franklin,  not  having  a  great  supply  of  books,  lie 
perused  everything  that  came  within  his  reach.  Books  at  that 
early  day,  were  not  so  plenty  as  at  the  present  time,  and  particu 
larly  not  within  the  reach  of  one  so  situated  as  he  then  found 
himself.  His  fondness  for  books,  it  is  said,  induced  him  at  the 
early  age  of  fifteen  to  essay  the  experiment  of  starting  a  library ; 
but  whether  this  be  one  of  the  stories  that  accompany  fame,  we 
are  not  prepared  to  say.  The  example  of  Franklin,  whose  life  by 
this  time  no  doubt  had  been  perused  by  him,  might  have  very 
readily  suggested  such  an  idea  in  the  mind  of  an  intellectual  youth 
of  Xew  England.  At  least,  it  was  not  long  after  this  time,  that 
he  began  to  teach  school  as  a  means  of  supply  to  aid  him  in  his 
course  through  college ;  for  his  parents  were  not  able  to  provide 
*.n  every  particular  for  his  subsistence  and  expense  whilst  passing 
his  collegiate  career.  The  clothing,  board,  text-books  and  tuition 
of  a  college  pupil,  to  a  poor  Vermont  family,  was  no  light  burden ; 
but  by  his  teaching  and  other  industry,  he  greatly  alleviated  his 
parents,  and  enabled  him  to  provide  himself  with  some  additional 
books  by  which  he  might  store  his  mind  with  useful  information. 
The  first  part  of  his  classical  course  was  made  in  Burlington  Col 
lege,  Vermont,  where  he  continued  for  a  considerable  period. 
"  On  September  llth,  1814:,  he  was  a  student  at  Burlington  Col 
lege,  for  on  that  day  he  saw  with  a  spy-glass  the  tight  between 
McDonough  and  the  British  fleet,  on  Lake  Champlain.  For  some 
reasons  he  did  not  graduate  at  this  college,  but  at  Dartmouth,  in 
the  following  year."* 

The  following  anecdote  of  his  college  life  whilst  at  Burlington 
is  from  Alexander  Hood's  sketch  of  Mr.  Stevens  :  "  The  cam 
pus  at  Burlington  College  was  not  enclosed,  and  the  cows  of  the 
citizens  used  to  enjoy  it  as  a  pleasant  pasture  ground.  Before  com 
mencement  it  was  usual  to  give  the  people  notice  to  keep  their 
cows  away  until  after  commencement  was  over.  The  grounds  were 
then  cleared  up,  and  everything  kept  in  complete  order,  until  the 
exercises  were  ended  and  the  students  gone  to  their  homes.  It 
happened  that  among  the  citizens  of  Burlington  was  a  man,  "  a 
stubborn  fellow,  whom,"  as  Stevens  said  "  we  shall  call  Jones." 
He  would  take  no  steps  to  keep  his  cows  off  the  campus.  One 

-'Hood's  Sketch  in  Harris'  Biographical  History  of  Lancaster  County, 
pp.  5<l-2. 


14  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

night,  about  a  week  before  the  commencement,  Stevens  and  a 
friend  were  walking  under  the  trees  in  front  of  the  college, 
when  they  saw  one  of  Jones'  cows  witlM  the  prohibited  lines. 
They  knew  the  cow  belonged  to  Jones ;  they  knew  Jones  let  her 
go  there  in  a  spirit  of  defiance  to  the  students.  After  some  dis 
cussion  it  was  agreed  to  kill  the  cow. 

"  Among  the  students  was  a  young  man  who  kept  himself  aloof 
from  most  of  the  others.  In  a  word,  he  had  the  reputation  of 
being  decidedly  pious.  This  young  man  had  a  room  in  an  out 
house  belonging  to  the  college,  where  in  spare  moments  he  man 
ufactured  many  things  out  of  wood,  which  he  sold  to  the  people 
of  the  town,  and  to  others.  Among  other  tools  he  was  known 
to  have  an  axe,  and  Stevens  and  his  companion  determined  to  use 
it  in  the  execution  of  the  cow.  The  axe  was  procured,  the  cow 
was  slain,  the  axe  returned,  and  the  two  avengers  of  the  college 
dignity  retired  to  rest.  The  next  morning  Jones  was  with  the 
President  making  complaint  about  the  death  of  his  cow.  An 
investigation  was  at  once  begun  ;  blood  was  found  upon  the  axe 
of  the  pious,  well-behaved  student ;  he  denied  the  charge,  but  as 
there  was  no  evidence  against  any  other  person,  he  was  threatened 
with  a  public  reprimand  on  the  day  on  which  he  had  expected  to 
graduate  with  high  honor.  No  doubt  the  young  man  suffered 
much,  but  Stevens  and  his  associate  suffered  much  more.  They 
dare  not  inform  against  themselves,  yet  they  could  not  see  an 
innocent  person  punished  for  their  misconduct.  What  was  to  be 
done.  After  many  conferences,  without  any  result,  Stevens  sug 
gested  that  Jones  was  not  a  bad  man,  but  rather  a  high-spirited 
fellow,  who  would  help  them  out  of  the  scrape,  if  they  would 
throw  themselves  upon  his  mercy.  This  they  resolved  to  do.  It 
was  the  night  before  commencement  day,  when  they  had  the 
interview  with  Jones.  They  made  a  clean  breast  of  it,  and 
offered  to  pay  twice  the  value  of  the  cow  whenever  they  should 
be  able  to  do  so.  Jones  listened  kindly ;  told  them  not  to  dis 
tress  themselves  about  the  price  of  the  cow,  and  said  he  would 
fix  it  all  next  morning.  True  to  his  word,  about  nine  o'clock 
Jones  appeared,  just  before  the  proceedings  were  to  begin  ;  told 
the  professors  that  he  was  all  wrong  about  the  death  of  his  cow, 
and  that  she  had  been  killed  by  soldiers  who  w^ere  going  down 
the  river  on  a  boat,  and  had  no  time  to  dress  and  remove  the 
meat.  This  made  all  things  right ;  the  pious  young  man  was  not 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  15 

expelled,  but  honorably  acquitted  of  the  charge.  Stevens  and 
his  friend  were  never  suspected.  Some  years  afterwards,  when 
Stevens  was  rising  in  1  .e  world,  Mr.  Jones  received  a  draft  for 
the  price  of  the  best  sort  of  cow  in  the  market,  accompanied  by  a 
fine  gold  watch  and  chain  by  way  of  interest.  A  year  or  two 
afterwards  there  came  to  Gettysburg,  directed  to  Mr.  Stevens,  a 
hogshead  of  the  best  Vermont  cider,  and  this  was  the  end  of  the 
killing  of  Jones'  cow."  * 

Which  of  the  professions  Mr.  Stevens  may  have  made  up  his 
mind  to  study,  in  his  passage  through  college,  is  not  known.  On 
one  occasion,  in  an  argument  with  an  Arminian,  concerning  pre 
destination,  he  evinced  such  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  the 
writers  and  arguments  of  the  Calvinistic  school,  that  a  friend  vas 
induced  to  put  to  him  the  inquiry :  "  Mr.  Stevens,  did  you 
ever  study  with  a  vieAV  to  the  pulpit."  The  answer  w.-;s  : 
"  Umph  !  I  have  read  the  books."  But  no  further  information 
on  that  point  was  he  able  to  elicit  from  him. 

After  taking  his  degree  at  Dartmouth  College,  he  prepared  and 
set  out  in  quest  of  employment,  and  at  length  found  himself 
about  the  close  of  the  year  1815  in  York,  Pennsylvania.  Here 
he  obtained  a  situation  as  assistant  teacher  in  an  academy  taught 
by  Dr.  Perkins.  Amos  Gilbert,  a  very  noted  teacher,  then  re 
siding  at  York,  afterwards  remarked  of  Mr.  Stevens,  that  he  was 
at  that  time  "  one  of  the  most  backward,  retiring  and  modest 
young  men  he  had  ever  seen,"  and  besides  spoke  of  him  as  being 
a  very  close  student.  Soon  after  his  arrival  in  York,  he  began 
reading  law,  both  morning  and  evening,  when  not  engaged  in  teach 
ing,  under  the  instruction  of  David  Casset,  a  prominent  York 
County  lawyer,  and  prosecuted  its  study  with  great  zeal,  utilizing 
thus  the  scraps  of  his  time  to  a  valuable  purpose.  During  the 
period  he  was  in  this  manner  preparing  himself  for  future  life, 
an  effort  was  made  by  the  members  of  the  bar  to  thwart  the 
fulfilment  of  his  designs,  by  the  passage  of  resolutions,  providing 
that  no  person  should  be  recognized  as  a  lawye?  who  followed 
any  other  vocation  whilst  preparing  himself  for  admission.f 
The  voung  student,  however,  never  took  any  concern  as  regards 
the  protest,  but  pursued  the  even  tenor  of  ]>s  way,  until  he  felt 

that  he  had  mastered  his  studies.  He  therefore  repaired  quietly 
- 

*Harris'  -Biographical  History  of  Lancaster  County,  pp.  512-18. 

fForney's  Press,  August  12,  iS68. 


18  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

to  Bel  Air,  the  county  seat  of  Harford  County,  Maryland,  while 
the  court  was  in  session,  and  made  application  to  be  examined. 
At  that  time  Maryland  admitted  all  applicants  to  the  bar  who, 
upon  examination,  were  found  to  be  qualified.  The  Court,  Judge 
Chase  of  impeachment  notoriety,  appointed  a  committee,  the  chair- 
mini  of  which,  was  Gen.  "Winder.  The  following  is  Mr.  Stevens' 

iption  of  the  examination  as  given  in  Mr.  Hood's  sketch 
of  him : 

"  Supper  was  over,  the  table  was  cleared  off,  and  the  clock  said 
it  was  half -past  seven.  Stevens  was  of  course  punctual  to  time, 
and  shortly  after,  the  Judge  and  the  committee  took  their  seats. 
*  Are  you  the  young  man  who  is  to  be  examined  ?'  asked  the  Judge. 
Stevens  said  he  was.  '  Mr.  Stevens,'  said  the  Judge, i  there  is  one 
indispensible  pre-requisite  before  the  examination  can  proceed. 
There  must  be  two  bottles  of  Madeira  on  the  table,  and  the  appli 
cant  must  order  it  in.'  The  order  was  given,  the  wine  brought 

ird,  and  its  quality  thoroughly  tested.  Gen.  Winder  began 
with  :  i  Mr.  Stevens,  what  books  have  you  read  V  Stevens  replied, 
4  Blackstone,  Coke  upon  Littleton,  a  work  on  pleading,  and  Gilbert 
on  e  vidence.'  This  was  followed  by  two  or  three  other  questions 
by  <  >1  her  members  of  the  committee,  the  last  of  which  required 
the  distinction  between  a  contingent  remainder,  and  an  executory 
devise,  which  was  satisfactorily  answered.  By  this  time  the  Judge 
was  feeling  a  little  dry  again,  and  broke  in  saying :  c  Gentlemen, 
you  see  the  young  man  is  all  right,  I'll  give  him  a  certificate.' 
T  was  soon  made  out  and  signed,  but  before  it  was  handed 
over,  two  more  bottles  had  to  be  produced.  These  \vere  partaken  of 
by  a  \irge  number  of  squires  and  others,  who  were  there  attending 
court,  \vlio,  as  soon  as  the  examination  was  concluded,  came  in  and 
were  introduced  to  the  newly  made  member  of  the  bar.  Tip-Loo' 
was  played  then  for  a  good  part  of  the  night.  Stevens  was  then 
a  green  hai»J  at  the  business.  To  use  his  own  words,  when  he 
paid  his  bill  Uie  next  morning,  he  had  but  $3.50  left  out  of  the 
$45  he  began  Vith  the  night  before."* 

He  left  Bel  Air  early  next  morning,  directing  his  course  for 
Lancaster,  and  narrowly  escaped  a  watery  grave  in  crossing  the 
McCall's  Ferry  Bridge,  not '  yet  completed.  His  horse  became 
frightened  and  wouH  have  fallen  with  its  rider  into  the  river,  but 
for  the  presence  of  mud  of  one  of  the  workmen  who  was  engaged 

Harris'  Biographical  History  of  Lancaster  County,  pp.  574=-5. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  17 

upon  the  bridge.  The  same  day  he  reached  Lancaster  by  noon 
and  dined  at  Slough's  Hotel,  then  one  of  the  headquarters  of  the 
old  inland  city ;  and  while  his  horse  was  resting  he  reconnoitered 
the  place,  and  walked  from  one 'end  of  King  street  to  the  other. 
He  had  concluded,  should  Lancaster  please  him,  to  select  it  as  a 
location  for  the  practice  of  his  profession.  Xot  believing  that  the 
place  suited  one  whose  pocket  was  so  near  empty,  he  next  deter 
mined  upon  Gettysburg  and  started  the  same  day  for  York,  which 
he  reached  in  the  evening.  The  following  day  he  arrived  at  the 
county  seat  of  Adams  County  where  he  began  his  legal  career,  with 
but  few  friends  and  little  money. 

Mr.  Stevens  had  now  embarked  in  that  career,  in  which  to 
one  devoid  of  amability  and  captivating  address,  time,  patience 
and  ability  are  all  required  to  obtain  marked  success.  Being 
unendowed  in  a  high  degree,  with  either  of  the  former  traits  of 
character  that  pave  the  way  in  most  instances  to  ordinary  suc 
cess,  he  had  to  depend  upon  patience  and  ability  with  whatever 
slight  auxiliary  fortune  might  interpose  to  aid  him  in  his  early 
struggles.  But  with  all  the  force  of  intellect  he  could  command, 
his  patience  was  well  nigh  exhausted  before  anything  turned  up 
to  assure  him  that  his  profession  would  afford  him  the  ladder  of 
life-ascent,  which  he  had  hoped  to  meet  in  it.  It  is  very  certain, 
at  least,  that  the  quality  for  which  Job  was  distinguished  had  in 
his  case  nearly  all  become  exhausted  before  he  met  with  any 
success  commensurate  with  his  anticipations ;  as  he  stated  to  a 
confidential  friend  at  a  dance  at  Littlestown,  that  he  could  hold 
out  no  longer,  and  must  select  a  new  location.  Destiny,  how 
ever,  had  resolved,  that  in  his  case,  though  reduced  to  the  lowest 
depths  of  despair,  the  profession  of  the  law,  with  its  political 
accompaniments,  should  make  up  his  career ;  as  the  darkest  hour 
of  night  is  that  before  day-break,  so  it  was  with  him.  A  day  or 
two  after  the  despondency  of  his  condition  had  led  him  to  ruminate 
in  his  mind  a  new  location,  a  horrible  murder  was  committed  ; 
and  none  of  the  prominent  lawyers  felt  inclined  to  undertake 
the  defense  of  the  accused.  Mr.  Stevens  was  retained  and  exerted 
his  powers  to  the  utmost  in  behalf  of  his  client,  although  without 
being  able  to  acquit  him  ;  yet  he  brought  to  the  trial  of  the  cause 
such  an  array  of  legal  learning,  so  marshalled  and  arranged ;  and 
he  handled  the  evidence  with  such  masterly  adroitness,  that  the 
court,  the  bar,  the  jury,  and  the  citizens  were  taken  by  surprise. 


13  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

His  speech  before  the  jury  evinced  a  mind  of  such  logical  acute- 
ness,  that  the  trial  ended  with  his  reputation  fixed  as  possessing 
the  elements  of  an  able  lawyer.  This  trial,  and  the  masterly  de 
fense,  became  at  once  the  subject  of  conversation  throughout  the 
whole  country.  His  client  was  found  guilty  of  murder  and  exe 
cuted,  but  the  case  brought  Mr.  Stevens  a  fee  of  $1,500,  which 
was  the  beginning  of  his  fortune.  lie  had  already  ascended  the 
first  step  of  the  ladder  of  life.  From  this  period  there  was  no  occa 
sion  that  he  must  content  himself  with  cases  that  the  other  law 
yers  saw  proper  to  decline.  He  now  began  to  receive  a  different 
class  of  clients  than  those  to  whom  the  other  attornies  semi- 
sneeringly  had  remarked,  u  there  is  a  young  man  in  town  by  the 
name  of  Stevens  who  may,  perhaps,  be  willing  to  attend  to 
your  case." 

Persons  were  no  more  fearful  to  employ  the  club-footed  lawyer, 
as  he  thenceforth  came  to  be  known  by  those  who  were  not  yet 
much  acquainted  with  him.  But  his  success  must  depend  upon 
his  own  efforts,  for  the  seemingly  instinctive  jealousy  of  lawyers 
precluded  his  receiving  any  favor  from  which  they  could  debar 
him.  Regarded  as  an  interloper  by  most  of  them,  he  was  thrust 
aside  from  all  the  favors  which  bars  have  in  their  power  to  ex 
hibit,  and  their  reflection  was  that  if  he  succeed  it  must  be  by 
dint  of  superior  ability  and  application  to  business.  But 
Mr.  Stevens  was  one  of  those  who  could,  in  a  remarkable 
measure,  divest  himself  of  all  appreciation  of  the  petty  and  con 
temptible  jealousies  of  human  nature.  He  could  afford  to  despise 
all  such,  and  yet  give  no  exhibition  of  his  feelings.  As,  however, 
he  felt  that  his  success  must  depend  upon  the  impression  he  would 
continue  to  make  upon  the  people,  he  studiously  applied  himself  and, 
to  the  best  of  his  ability,  to  the  preparation  for  trial  of  every  case 
with  which  he  was  entrusted.  It  was  soon  perceived  by  the 
people  of  the  county  that  he  was  able  to  try  a  case  with  as  much 
success  as  any  lawyer  at  the  Gettysburg  bar.  His  reputation  all 
the  time  was  spreading,  and  his  business  increasing.  His  great 
candor  in  everything  he  said,  or  undertook,  made  at  once  a  favor 
able  impression  upon  those  with  whom  he  came  in  contact.  Be 
sides,  his  freedom  from  all  affectation  and  pride  procured  for  him 
the  confidence  of  the  German  citizens  of  Adams  County,  although 
unable  to  converse  with  them  in  their  vernacular  language,  a  con 
fidence  which  he  ever  afterwards  was  able  to  retain.  The  ready 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  19 

humor  lie  could  make  use  of  in  his  intercourse  with  the  people 
or  his  brethren  of  the  bar,  and  his  sallies  of  wit,  with  which  he 
could  often  disconcert  an  opposing  attorney  in  the  trial  of  a 
cause,  were  additional  weapons  which  in  his  setting  out  in  legal 
life  were  of  incalculable  service  to  him. 

His  legal  business  rapidly  increased  on  his  hands,  and  by  the 
year  1821  he  made  his  first  appearance  in  the  Supreme  Court, 
holding  its  session  at  Chambersburg,  then  one  of  the  five  places 
at  which  the  highest  Court  of  Pennsylvania  sat.  It  is  somewhat 
remarkable,  in  view  of  his  latter  political  course,  that  his  first 
case  in  that  court  should  have  been  a  suit  de  homine  replcgiando, 
in  which  the  liberty  of  a  colored  woman  and  her  children  were 
concerned.  But  as  lawyers  have  not  the  choice  of  sides  in  a  case, 
in  this  instance,  Mr.  Stevens  found  himself  compelled  to  -dispute 
the  claim  for  freedom.  Henry  Butler  and  Charity  his  wife,  and 
their  children  had  brought  suit  for  their  liberty,  and  Stevens  was 
employed  for  the  defense.  Their  claim  grew  out  of  a  contract 
between  the  owner  of  Charity  and  a  man  named  del  and,  both 
Mary  landers,  Cleland  again  entered  into  another  contract  with  a 
Mr.  Gilleland,  living  in  tho  same  State,  concerning  the  services 
of  Charity.  Gilleland  having  deserted  his  wife,  the  latter  was 
obliged  to  turn  seamstress,  and  went  occasionally  into  Pennsyl 
vania,  taking  Charity  with  her.  After  returning  to  her  mother's 
domicil  in  Maryland,  she  sent  Charity  back  to  her  original  master, 
being  then  eleven  years  of  age.  It  became  a  question  of  fact  for 
the  jury  to  determine  upon  the  trial,  whether  Charity  had  ever,  at 
one  time,  been  kept  six  months  in  Pennsylvania.  If  she  had  been 
so  detained,  she  was  then  entitled  to  her  freedom,  as  also  her 
children.  The  jury  returned  a  verdict  against  her  freedom. 
The  case  was  taken  to  the  Supreme  Court,  but  Mr.  Stevens  suc 
ceeded  in  sustaining  the  verdict  of  the  court  below.*  At  this 
period  he  was  established  in  a  profitable  practice.  From  the  year 
1823,  he  was  engaged  on  one  side  or  the  other,  of  all  the  im 
portant  suits  of  his  County,  of  which  fact  the  report  books  of 
the  period  afford  abundant  evidence. 

By  1827,  he  was  become  a  man  of  influence  and  standing  in  his 
county,  and  owned  therein  considerable  real  estate.  His  fame  had 
now  far  passed  the  bounds  of  Adams  County,  and  he  was  hence 
forth  employed  in  the  trial  of  important  causes,  in  the  neighboring 

*7  Sergeant  &  Rawle,  pp.  379. 


20  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

counties  of  Cumberland,  Franklin  and  York.  His  business  now 
almost  engrossed  his  whole  attention,  but  he  was  not  •unmindful 
of  the  necessity  of  exercise.  lie  was  in  the  habit  of  riding  much 
upon  horseback,  and  became  known  as  one  of  the  most  skilled 
equestrians  in  his  section  of  country.  He  was  fond  of  attending 
the  races  in  Maryland,  then  one  of  the  customary  amusements  of 
the  day.  His  contiguity  to  Maryland  and  the  numerous  suits  in 
which  he  was  concerned,  involving  the  liberty  of  colored  persons 
claimed  as  slaves  in  the  State  of  Maryland,  had  no  doubt  much  to 
do  in  giving  him  his  strong  bias  in  opposition  to  the  institution  of 
African  Slavery.  As  far  as  can  be  gathered,  he  always  seemed  to 
sympathize  with  the  colored  race,  and  was  ready  to  assist  them  iii 
gaining  their  freedom  when  in  his  power  to  do  so. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  21 


CHAPTER  H. 

RISE    OF    THE    ANTI-MASONIC    PARTY.      ELECTION   OF    ME.   STEVENS    TO    THE 
LEGISLATURE  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

We  have  seen  that  Mr.  Stevens,  first  selected  in  his  mind  the 
Comity  of  Lancaster  for  the  practice  of  his  profession,  but  after 
visiting  it,  canie  to  the  conclusion  to  go  to  Gettysburg.  Both 
these  choices  would  seem  to  imply  that  he  was  not  altogether 
unmindful  of  political  considerations  in  choosing  a  location. 
But  belonging  to  a  party,  whose  principles  had  become  gen 
erally  unpopular  throughout  the  nation,  we  do  not  find  him 
participating  in  political  affairs  for  many  years  after  his  settle 
ment  in  Adams  County.  He  was  not  the  man  to  change  his 
principles  for  the  sake  of  success ;  and  it  wa«  only  when  new 
questions  began  to  be  discussed  that  he  stepped  forward  upon  the 
political  arena. 

The  excitement  aroused,  throughout  the  Xorthem  States, 
against  the  Masonic  order,  occasioned  by  the  abduction  and  exe 
cution  of  William  Morgan,  in  the  Autumn  of  1826,  had  the 
effect  of  reorganizing  parties  upon  a  new  basis  in  many  States  of 
the  Union.  Morgan,  a  citizen  of  Batavia,  Xew  York,  had  pre 
pared  for  publication,  a  work  detailing  the  secrets  of  the  three 
first  degrees  of  masonry,  and  had  the  same  in  press,  when  the 
fact  became  known  amongst  the  members  of  the  Masonic  order. 
As  subsequent  developments  seemed  to  indicate,  steps  were  con 
certed  in  the  Xew  York  lodges  to  thwart  the  exposure  of  the  secrets 
of  an  order,  to  which  many  of  the  most  influential  and  respectable 
men  of  the  nation  had  united  themselves.  Morgan  was  accord 
ingly  seized  by  members  of  the  Masonic  order  in  broad  daylight, 
and  borne  by  conveyance  to  the  northern  part  of  the  State  of  ISTew 
York,  where  all  trace  of  him  was  lost.  It  was  believed  that  he 
was  sunk  in  Lake  Ontario.  The  news  of  this  transaction  was 
soon  spread  throughout  the  country,  but  it  was  in  "Western  New 
York  where  the  highest  degree  of  excitement  prevailed.  Com- 


23  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

mittces  of  investigation  and  safety  were  appointed  to  ferret  out 
the  mysteries  of  a  transaction  that  impressed  the  people  with  the 
conviction  that  a  vital  stab  was  inflicted  upon  American  civil 
liberty.  Prosecutions  were  also  instituted  against  the  conspira 
tors  in  the  Morgan  tragedy,  but  these  resulted  in  the  acquittal  of 
all  except  Bruce  and  Whitney,  who  were  imprisoned  for  theii 
participation  in  the  affair. 

The  trials  that  took  place,  perhaps  more,  even  than  the  abduc 
tion  of  Morgan  itself,  intensified  the  excitement.  The  courts  were 
crowded  when  the  trials  were  in  progress,  and  although  many  of 
the  witnesses  were  masons  of  admitted  respectability  and  stand 
ing,  it  was  believed  by  the  people,  that  they  testified  falsely  in 
order  to  shield  their  brother  masons  from  punishment.  This  was 
the  allegation  that  tftey  would  do  so,  and  the  boasts  of  certain 
masons  were  retailed,  who  had  declared  that  their  friends  would 
not  be  allowed  to  suffer.  In  America,  then,  as  it  was  charged, 
was  an  institution  that  dared  in  the  light  of  day  to  arrest  a  citizen 
and  execute  him,  and  the  civil  law  was  powerless  to  prevent  the 
wicked  and  diabolical  deed.  What  more  could  the  Invisible 
Tribunal  of  Germany,  or  the  Spanish  Inquisition  do,  than  was 
now  witnessed  in  Republican  America  ?  Was  an  order  to  be  per 
mitted  to  exist  in  the  United  States,  that  would  dare  the  perpe 
tration  of  such  high  handed  iniquity  as  was  enacted  in  this 
instance?  The  excitement  diffused  itself  from  the  locality  of 
the  occurrence  of  these  scenes  throughout  the  whole  North.  A 
party  arose,  styling  themselves  Anti-Masons,  in  the  following 
year,  which  cast  33,000  votes  in  New  York  State  for  the'r  candidate 
for  Governor,  and  in  1828  this  number  was  increased  to  70,000. 
In  this  last  named  year,  the  party  had  obtained  some  foothold  in 
Pennsylvania;  newspapers  being  established  in  this  State  in 
favor  of  Anti-Masonic  principles.  Men  from  both  the  old  politi 
cal  parties  attached  themselves  to  the  new  organization,  though  it 
is  not  to  be  denied,  that  the  greater  number  by  far  were  Feder 
alists,  whose  party  was  become  quite  defunct. 

Amongst  the  foremost  in  Pennsylvania,  to  espouse  the  principles 
of  the  Anti-Masons,  was  Thaddeus  Stevens,  who  saw  in  the  new 
party,  the  means  of  rising  in  political  life.  He  no  doubt  hated 
an  institution  that  had  rejected,  as  is  said,  his  admittance  as  a 
member ;  and  besides  he  saw  that  it  might  be  combatted  with 
advantage  to  his  party.  He  began  to  denounce  the  Masonic 


POLITICAITCONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  £3 

order^as  an  iinperlum  in  imperio,  a  power  that  set  the  laws  of 
the  land  at  defiance,  and  nullified  the  system  of  the  civil  tribunals. 
If  Masonry  be  permitted  to  endure,  argued  he,  how  can  a  mem 
ber  of  the  order  be  brought  to  trial,  when  one  Mason  in  accord 
ance  with  his  obligations,  is  required  to  support  another,  in  all 
difficulties,  "whether  right  or  wrong,"  and  hold  his  secrets  inviolable, 
"  murder  and  treason  not  excepted."  He  declared  that  it  was 
impossible  to  remain  in  doubt  as  to  how  he  should  act  when 
American  liberty  was  subjected  to  such  peril  from  an  institution, 
the  power  of  which  he  perceived  to  be  governed  and  supported 
by  the  credulity  of  ages.  The  courts  of  justice,  trial  by  jury, 
the  sanctity  of  the  witness  stand  were  all  able  to  be  set  at  naught, 
as  he  averred,  by  men  who  felt  that  the  obligations  of  Masonry 
were  more  binding  upon  their  consciences  than  the  judicial  oaths 
of  the  land.  In  co-operation,  therefore,  with  others,  he  used  all 
his  efforts  to  consolidate  the  Anti-Masonic  opposition  in  Pennsyl 
vania  into  a  political  organization,  that  might  prove  effective  in 
overthrowing  a  society  of  oath-bound  enemies  of  the  body  politic. 
In  the  year  1829,  the  opposition  to  the  Democrats,  was  united  as 
the  Anti-Masonic  party,  and  supported  Joseph  Ritner  for  the 
gubernatorial  chair  of  Pennsylvania,  He  was  defeated,  but  in  some 
counties  of  the  State,  the  party  was  strongly  in  the  ascendant. 
The  war  of  opposition,  that  was  henceforth  waged  against  the 
Masonic  institution,  was  a  severe  and  trying  one.  Books  expos 
ing  the  secrets  of  the  order  were  in  great  demand.  Bernard's 
Light  of  Masonry,  Morgan's  Illustrations,  and  other  works  of  like 
character,  obtained  a  wonderful  circulation.  Masonry  soon  sunk 
below  par.  By  the  year  1830,  it  was  ascertained  that  over  one 
thousand  Free  Masons  had  withdrawn  from  the  order,  and  ex 
posed  the  secrets  of  initiation.  The  seceding  masons  fully  cor 
roborated  what  was  contained  in  the  books  divulging  the  secrets 
of  Masonry,  and  averred  that  the  oaths  .therein  set  forth, 
were  the  same  identically  as  those  which  the  initiated  were 
required  to  accept.  This  was  fully  made  out  in  the  Le  Roy  con 
vention  of  seceding  masons,  held  in  July,  182S,  in  the  State  of 
ISTew  York.  Men  of  the  highest  respectability  and  social  stand 
ing  deserted  the  order  like  a  sinking  ship,  and  proclaimed,  that 
youthful  curiosity  had  induced  them  to  unite  with  it,  (as  is  the 
case  with  most  intelligent  young  men  entering  it)  but  that  they 
had  not  visited  a  lodge  for  many  years.  John  Q.  Adams,  TVril- 


2-i  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

liani  Wirt,  Moses  Stuart,  of  Andover,  Caldwallader  Golden,  and 
a  host  of  the  first  men  of  America,  expressed  publicly,  their  dis 
approbation  of  the  order.  The  lodges  all  over  the  country  were 
closed,  and  so  continued  for  years.  Masonry  was  required  to  pass 
through  a  searching  ordeal.  Its  history  was  examined  to  the 
foundation  by  able  scholars,  and  its  claims  of  antiquity  shown  to 
rest  upon  the  assertions  of  credulous  members,  but  for  which 
truth  furnished  no  basis.  The  origin  of  speculative  Masonry,  was 
traced  to  the  year  1717  in  England,  and  the  averments  of  a  more 
ancient  deduction,  were  proved  to  be  entirely  fabulous. 

Mr.  Stevens,  having  the  sagacity  to  perceive  that  Free  Masonry 
and  all  other  secret  societies  were  of  anti-republican  tendency,  de 
nounced  the  same  as  such.  In  his  denunciation  of  these  he  was 
not  far  astray.  These  societies  had  derived  their  birth  under 
monarchial  governments,  and  seemed  to  exhibit  the  natural  incli 
nation  of  mankind  to  recur  back  in  principle  to  the  ancient  form 
of  policy,  which  republics  should  seek  to  overthrow.  Deducing 
their  principles  from  the  aristocratic  feelings  of  superiority  which 
one  class  of  people  entertain  towards  another,  it  was  apparent  that 
Masonry  was  but  laying  the  foundation  for  kingly  rule,  and  the 
ruin  of  republican  liberty.  Even  the  names  of  the  officers  in  the 
lodges,  indicated  this  fawning  after  the  titled  appellations  of 
monarchial  rulers.  As  our  republic  prohibited  its  countrymen 
from  the  assumption  of  titles,  that  are  conferred  by  the  crowned 
magnates  of  Europe.,  secret  societies  afforded  to  the  aristocratic 
fawner  that  which  his  heart  craved,  but  which  the  laws  of  his 
country  prevented  his  assuming  in  the  light  of  day.  All  this 
Mr.  Stevens  saw  with  clearness,  and  hence  believed  that  the  out 
side  prejudice  could  <be  united  with  admirable  effect  as  to  himself 
against  the  initiated. 

Entertaining  these  notions,  and  conscious  of  the  antagonism 
which  the  new  movement  would  be  compelled  to  encounter  in 
the  battle  against  Masonry,  Mr.  Stevens,  from  the  organization  of 
the  Anti-Masonic  party  in  Pennsylvania,  actively  labored  to  con 
solidate,  and  give  it  national  strength  and  diffusion.  In  September, 
1831,  he  was  a  member  of  the  Baltimore  National  Convention  of 
the  Anti-Masonic  party,  which  placed  "Win.  Wirt  and  Amos 
Ellmaker,  in  nomination  for  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States. 
But  the  election  of  1832,  resulted  disastrously  to  the  hopes  of  the 
Anti-Masons,  but  one  State  casting  its  electoral  votes  for  their 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  25 

candidates,  Mr.  Stevens'  mountain  home  of  Vermont.  It  was 
now  believed  by  many,  that  the  party  could  never  succeed  as  a 
national  organization.  The  Southern  States  had  kept  aloof  from 
it,  and  the  North  was  unable  to  unite  upon  Anti-Masonic  princi 
ples.  Five  years  had  elapsed  since  the  excitement  occasioned  by 
the  Morgan  abduction  was  first  aroused ;  and  yet  the  party  had 
so  far  been  unable  to  achieve  any  substantial  victory.  Large 
numbers  of  individuals,  who  had  united  with  the  new  organization, 
merely  from  political  motives,  now  became  apathetic,  as  regards 
its  future  permanency,  and  were  ready  to  attach  themselves  to 
any  other  that  would  show  indications  of  greater  success.  Like 
vultures,  the  politicians  are  endowed  with  remarkable  nasal  organs 
for  scenting  the  official  carcass.  But,  four  years  must  now  elapse 
before  another  presidential  struggle  could  take  place ;  and  in  the 
meantime  each  State  must  manage  its  political  affairs  in  accord 
ance  with  the  judgment  of  their  respective  leaders.  In  Pennsyl 
vania,  the  Anti-Masonic  organization  was  kept  up  perhaps  better 
than  in  most  others ;  and  yet  here  many  visible  signs  existed  that 
the  seeds  of  party  dissolution  were  not  confined  alone  to  the  other 
States  of  the  LTnion.  It  is  believed  that  Anti-Masonry,  as  a  party 
organization,  was  prolonged  in  Pennsylvania  through  the  influence 
of  Thaddeus  Stevens  more  than  that  of  any  other  man  that  could 
be  named. 

In  the  fall  of  1833,  Mr.  Stevens  was  elected  to  the  lower 
House  of  the  Pennsylvania  Legislature,  taking  his  seat  in  De- 
cember  of  that  year.  The  legislative  session  of  1833-4,  was  a 
most  important  one,  insomuch  as  the  system  of  free  schools  was 
first  introduced  into  Pennsylvania  in  its  enactments.  The  free 
school  bill  passed  at  this  session,  and  which  was  approved  by 
Gov.  Wolf,  April  1st,  1834,  received  the  warm  support  of  Mr. 
Stevens.  The  measure  itself  was  the  outgrowth  of  the  intelli 
gent  thought  of  the  age,  striving  for  the  discovery  of  the  best 
method  by  which  to  enlighten  the  masses,  and  fit  them  for 
citizenship  in  a  free  republic.  It  was  but  the  expression  of  the 
united  intelligence  of  the  patriotic  public  citizens  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  who  desired  the  welfare  and  improvement  of  the  people 
of  their  State. 

The  American  system  of  free  schools  is  of  Xew  England 
birth,  and  dates  its  origin  to  an  early  period  in  the  history  of  the 
Eastern  States.  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  are  rivals  for  the 


23  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

honor  of  its  discovery.  Pennsylvania  was  slow  in  accepting  the 
system,  although  her  people  were  far  from  being  averse  to  edu 
cation.  In  their  efforts  for  the  advancement  of  general  intelli 
gence,  her  statesmen,  with  that  deliberation  and  caution,  which 
are  characteristics  of  the  people  of  Pennsylvania,  sought  for  the 
best  S}7stem  of  schools  that  could  be  obtained,  and  which  had  as 
yet  been  tried.  When  the  Constitution  of  1790  was  adopted,  it 
was  made  an  article  of  that  charter,  that  "  ike  Legislature  as  soon 
as  may  be,  shall  provide  ~by  law  for  the  establishment  of  schools 
throughout  the  /State,  in  such  manner  that  the  poor  may  he 
taught  gratis"  In  accordance  with  this  constitutional  provision, 
it  was  early  enacted,  that  the  tuition  of  all  poor  children  attend 
ing  school  should  be  paid  out  of  the  public  treasury.  But  this 
plan  did  not  seem  to  meet  the  necessities  of  the  demand  for 
general  instruction,  as  most  persons  needing  assistance  had  a  re 
luctance  to  being  enrolled  as  paupers  upon  the  school  lists ;  and 
the  question  how  to  remedy  the  defect,  became  more  and  more  a 
matter  of  discussion  amongst  educated  men.  The  attention  of 

O 

philanthropists  in  all  parts  of  the  country  was  directed  to  this 
subject  shortly  after  the  close  of  the  war  with  Great  Britain ;  and 
the  best  methods  of  education  were  discussed.  Improved  schools 
were  in  the  year  1817,  established  in  many  of  the  principal 
American  cities,  and  their  influence  did  much  to  educate  the 
public  up  to  a  knowledge  of  the  advantages  of  a  general  system 
*of  free  education. 

The  Governors  of  Pennsylvania,  being  men  of  cultivated 
minds,  and  surrounded  by  such,  seeing  the  current  of  advancing 
intelligence  in  other  States  and  countries,  were  in  their  messages, 
in  the  habit  of  calling  the  attention  of  the  Legislature  of  the 
State  to  the  necessity  of  providing  means  for  a  more  general 
system  of  public  instruction.  Gov.  Wolf  was  particularly  dis 
tinguished  as  the  advocate  of  a  free  school  system,  and  in  his 
message  of  1833,  he  urged  the  measure  in  the  strongest  terms. 
The  subject  was  taken  up  in  both  houses  of  the  Pennsylvania 
Legislature,  and  the  result  was,  that  a  free  school  bill  was  passed 
in  both,  and  received  the  sanction  of  the  Executive.  The  law 
went  into  operation,  but  met  with  furious  resistance  in  many 
sections  of  the  State ;  indeed,  in  all  parts,  a  party  arose  in  opposition 
to  the  law  of  1834.  The  majority  of  the  heavy  tax-payers  in 
all  quarters  of  the  State  were  opposed  to  a  law  that  abstracted 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  27 

money  from  their  pockets,  as  they  conceived,  without  any  justice 
or  right,  save  the  enactment  of  the  Legislature.  The  advantages 
of  elevating  communities  to  a  condition  of  intelligent  citizen 
ship  were  overlooked.  Again,  the  law  was  opposed  by  many, 
because  the  system  severed  religious  from  intellectual  instruction; 

«/ 

and  withdrew  the  education  of  the  youth  from  the  supervision  of 
the  clergy  and  other  church  authorities.  It  was  this  latter  objec 
tion,  that  induced  the  heavy  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  German 
counties  of  the  State,  a  resistance  that,  required  years  to  overcome. 
When  the  legislature  therefore  of  1834—5,  assembled,  petitions 
began  to  pour  in  from  all  parts  of  the  State,  urging  the  repeal  of 
the  school  law  that  had  been  passed  the  year  before.  On  the 
17th  of  March,  1835,  it  was  reported  in  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  that  558  petitions,  signed  by  31,988  names  were  before  that 
body,  asking  that  the  school  law  of  1834  be  repealed,  whereas  but 
49  petitions  with  2,575  signers  were  in  its  favor.  All  the  outside 
pressure  seemed  to  demand  the  repeal.  A  bill,  revoking  the 
school  law  of  the  last  year,  was  introduced  into  the  Senate, 
passed  that  body,  and  was  transmitted  to  the  House  for  its  con 
currence.  Speech  after  speech  was  now  made  in  the  House,  in 
favor  of  what  seemed  almost  the  universal  sentiment  of  the  people. 
Many  short-sighted  members,  who  had  even  favored  the  free 
school  law,  were  ready  to  vote  for  its  repeal,  as  they  feared  to 
place  themselves  upon  record  as  supporters  of  a  law  which  the 
public,  in  their  petitions,  seemed  so  emphatically  to  have  con 
demned.  Politicians  are  timid,  and  fear  to  support  a  measure, 
that  their  constituents  have  reprobated,  much  as  their  judgment, 
might  approve  it.  Thaddeus  Stevens  was  this  year  a  member  of 
the  Legi slature  of  Pennsylvania.  His  ~Ne w  England  birth  and  train 
ing  made  him  naturally  inclined  to  favor  the  free  school  system. 
He  had  the  sagacity  likewise  to  perceive  that  it  would  receive 
the  support  of  the  poorer  classes,  much  as  it  might  be  combatted 
by  the  wealthy.  It  belonged  to  the  equalizing  movements  of  the 
age,  which  seemed  to  harmonize  with  American  ideas.  Mr.  Ste 
vens  therefore  boldly  resisted  the  repeal,  in  a  speech  of  great 
ability  and  force,  delivered  in  the  House.  It  was  a  fine  oppor 
tunity  to  become  the  champion  for  the  elevation  of  the  masses 
at  the  expense  of  the  monied  classes.  Such  championship,  in 
America,  ever  secures  for  the  demagogue  high  applause,  whether 
deservedly  or  otherwise.  Mr.  Stevens  espied  his  own  gain  in  his 


28  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

strong  defense  of  tlie  free  school  system,  as  he  perceived  that  he 
was  thus  making  himself  the  leader  of  the  people,  in  opposition 
to  the  opulent  few. 

In  him,  the  people  and  the  timid  free  S3hool  men  found  a 
leader.  His  speech  had  a  magical  effect  upon  the  sentiments  of 
members.  Such  a  masterly,  argumentative,  and  convincing  array 
of  thought,  as  they  conceived,  had  not  been  heard  in  the  Pennsyl 
vania  halls  of  legislation  for  years.  A  master  intellect  had  simply 
defended  the  growing  popular  sentiment.  All  without  distinction, 
whether  enemies  or  friends,  acknowledged  the  overpowering 
superiority  of  the  speech.  Many  who  had  determined  to  favor  the 
repeal,  changed  their  opinions,  and  voted  to  sustain  the  law  of 
1834.  The  House  decided  to  lion-concur  in  the  action  of  the  Sen 
ate,  and  thus  the  common  school  law  was  saved  to  the  common 
wealth.  This  speech  ranked  its  author,  henceforth,  as  one  of  the 
first  intellects  of  Pennsylvania. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  29 


CHAPTER  III. 

MASONIC    INVESTIGATION.      STAR    CHAMBER    COMMITTEE.      CHARTER    OF    THE 
UNITED    STATES    BANK  OF    PENNSYLVANIA.      MEMBER  OF    STATE 
REFORM    CONVENTION. 

The  political  tide  of  Anti-Masonry  was  somewhat  broken  in 
the  Presidential  election  of  1832.  But  this,  instead  of  weaken 
ing,  seemed  rather  to  have  had  the  effect  of  enhancing  the  force 
of  the  moral  onslaught  which  was  made  against  the  institution  of 
Masonry,  and  which,  through  the  courage  and  intellectual  superi 
ority  of  Thaddeus  Stevens,  became  more  intense  in  Pennsylvania, 
perhaps,  than  in  any  other  State  of  the  Union.  The  legislative 
warfare  in  this  State  was  begun  in  March,  1828,  in  the  presenta 
tion  in  the  House  of  Rapresentatives,  by  a  Mr.  Diesbach,  of  three 
memorials  from  sundry  citizens  of  the  Commonwealth,  setting 
forth  that  the  society  of  Free  Masons  had  become  dangerous  to 
the  free  institutions  of  the  Commonwealth,  and  that  men  who 
are  members  of  the  order,  are  wholly  incompetent  to  act  as  jurors 
and  arbitrators,  in  cases  wherein  a  Free  Mason  and  another  citizen 
are  parties.  The  memorialists  prayed  for  some  legislation  that 
would  afford  the  requisite  relief  in  such  cases.  Other  petitions 
of  like  character  were  also  presented,  all  of  which  were  laid  upon 
the  table.  In  this  manner,  the  people,  year  after  year,  sent  their 
petitions  to  the  Legislature,  asking  for  some  law  to  remedy  the 
evils  of  Masonry. 

When  Mr.  Stevens  took  his  seat  as  a  member  of  the  lower 
House  of  Representatives  at  Harrisburg,  the  Anti-Masons  found  a 
leader  competent  to  marshall  the  party  in  the  Legislature,  and  cope 
with  the  ablest  opponents  that  might  be  arrayed  against  it.  He 
was  but  a  short  time  in  the  Houss,  until  he  had  an  opportunity 
of  proving  his  capacity  for  leadership,  in  a  speech  delivered  by 
him  in  which  he  took  occasion  to  review  the  course  of  the  Jack 
son  party,  and  the  men  who  molded  its  principles.  As  the  antag 
onist  of  Masonry,  on  February  10,  1834,  he  introduced  the 


30  A  REVIEW  OF     THE 

following  resolution : 

"Resolved,  That  a  committee  be  appointed  to  inquire  into  the  expedi 
ency  of  providing  by  law  for  making  Free  Masonry,  a  good  cause  of  per 
emptory  challenge  to  jurors  in  all  cases,  where  one  of  the  parties  is  a 
Free  Mason,  and  the  other  is  not,  and  on  the  part  of  the  Commonwealth, 
in  all  prosecutions  for  claims  and  misdemeanors,  where  the  defendant  is  a 
Mason  ;  and  also,  where  the  judge  and  one  of  the  parties  are  Free  Masons, 
to  make  the  same  provisions  for  the  trials  of  causes  as  now  exist  whera 
the  judge  and  either  of  the  parties  are  related  to  each  other  by  blood  or 
marriage,  and  to  make  the  same  provison  relative  to  the  summoning  and 
return  of  jurors,  where  the  Sheriff  and  either  of  the  parties  are  Free 
Masons,  as  now  exists  where  they  are  related  to  each  other  by  blood  or 
marriage,  and  that  said  committee  have  power  to  send  for  persons  and 
papers." 

On  the  second  reading,  on  the  question  shall  the  resolution  as 
offered  pass,  the  vote  was  yeas,  34,  nays,  45.  By  this  vote  the. 
Anti-Masons  were  shown  to  be  incapable  of  effecting  any  legisla 
tion  of  a  party  nature.  Mr.  Stevens,  as  chairman  of  the  com 
mittee  appointed  to  investigate  Masonry,  on  the  27th  of  March, 
1834,  submitted  the  following  report : 

"  Whereas,  Numerous  petitions,  signed  by  a  large  number  of  highly 
respectable  citizens  of  this  Commonwealth,  have  been  presented  to  the 
Legislature,  stating  their  belief  that  the  masonic  fraternity  is  associated 
for  purposes  inconsistent  with  the  equal  rights  and  privileges  which 
are  the  birth-right  of  every  freeman  ;  that  they  are  bound  together  by 
secret  obligations  and  oaths,  illegal,  immoral  and  blasphemous,  subver 
sive  of  all  public  law,  and  hostile  to  the  full  administration  of  justice. 
They  ask  for  a  legislative  investigation  into  the  truth  of  these  charges, 
and,  if  supported,  a  legislative  remedy  ;  and  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining 
authentic  proof,  they  ask  for  the  appointment  of  a  committee  to  send  for 
persons  and  papers. 

"  In  pursuance  of  what  was  supposed  to  be  the  prayer  of  the  peti 
tioners,  a  committee  was  appointed  and  the  petitions  referred  to  them. 
The  committee  met  and  organized,  and,  supposing  it  to  be  their  duty  to 
proceed  to  investigate  the  charges  made  against  the  Masonic  institution 
thus  referred  to  them,  they  gave  a  precips  for  a  subpoena  for  wit 
nesses  to  the  Clerk  of  the  House,  to  be  by  him  issued  in  the  usual  way, 
signed  by  the  Speaker.  The  committee  would  not  deny  their  right  to 
inquire  into  the  the  truth  of  the  charges,  for  the,  investigation  of  which 
they  had  been  specially  appointed.  Nor  did  they  suppose  they  had  been 
commanded  by  the  House  to  perform  that  duty  without  being  clothed 
with  the  power  asked  for  by  the  petitioners,  and  indispensably  necessary, 
and  incident  to  its  faithful  and  intelligent  discharge.  The  Clerk  and 
Speaker  of  the  House  thought  otherwise,  and  declined  issuing  the  sub 
poena.  The  committee  appealed  to  the  House  to  grant  explicitly  the 
questioned  ipower.  It  was  objected  to,  on  the  ground  (among  others)  that 
it  would  subject  refractory  witnesses  to  punishment  for  contempt  if  they 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  SI 

refused  to  testify  ;  a  power  which  the  House  seemed  disposed  not  to 
pursue  towards  masonic  witnesses.  To  obviate  this  objection,  the  com 
mittee  consented  to  modify  the  resolution,  so  as  to  give  them  power  to 
take  the  testimony  of  such  witnesses  only  as  would  appear  to.  testify 
voluntarily  before  them.  But  the  House,  by  a  vote  of  every  member 
present,  except  two,  of  all  parties,  not  politically  opposed  to  M  asomy 
refused  the  request.  The  committee  were  thus  prohibited  from  ascer 
taining  by  legal  testimony  the  trus  character  of  Free  Masonry  as  prac 
tised  in  Pennsylvania.  Nor  could  they  fail  to  view  that  decision  as  a 
plain  intimation  by  the  House  of  their  unwillingness  to  have  the  secret 
designs,  principles  and  practices  of  that  institution  established  and  made 
known  to  the  people.  Feeling  themselves  bound  by  that  intimation,  and 
trusting  it  with  the  respect  which  is  always  due  to  the  wish  of  this  body, 
the  committee  feel  themselves  constrained  not  to  make  use  of  the  proof 
within  their  power,  taken  in  other  States  to  develops  its  alledged  iniqui 
ties.  Such  proof  might  and  would  be  met  with  the  allegation,  that  it 
"might  6j  New  York,  but  not  Pennsylvania  Mason ry."  To  establish  the 
identity  of  Pennsylvania  and  New  York  Masonry  by  a  legislative  com 
mittee,  vested  with  adequate  power,  is  left  to  a  future  time  and  other 
hands.  To  suppose  that  this  will  not  soon  take  place,  would  be  a  foul  and 
unwarranted  libel  on  the  intelligence  and  firmness  of  the  freemen  of  this 
Commonwealth . 

"To  show  the  necessity  of  the  power  asked  for,  and  to  justify  their 
failure  to  make  a  more  extended  report  on  the  subject  confided  to  them, 
the  committee  will  briefly  state  the  nature  and  quality  of  the  test'mony 
which  they  had  intended  to  submit  to  this  House.  That  the  evidence 
might  be  above  suspicion,  they  had  determined  to  call  before  them  nono 
but  adhering  Masons  who  could  not  be  suspected  of  testifying  out  of 
hostility  to  the  institution.  To  leave  no  doubt  as  to  the  character  of  the 
witnesses,  it  was  proposed  to  examine  the  Masonic  members  of  this 
House  and  the  Cabinet.  It  was  particularly  desirable  and  intended  that 
the  Governor  of  this  Commonwealth  should  become  a  witness,  and  have 
a  full  opportunity  of  explaining  under  oath,  the  principles  and  practices 
of  the  order  of  which  he  is  so  conspicuous  a  member.  It  was  thought 
that  the  papers  in  his  possession  might  throw  much  light  on  the  question 
how  far  Masonry  secures  political  and  executive  favor.  This  inspection 
would  have  shown,  whether  it  be  true  that  applications  for  offices  have 
been  founded  on  Masonic  merit  and  claimed  as  Masonic  rights  ;  whether 
in  such  applications  the  "significant  symbols"  and  mystic  watch  words 
of  Masonry  have  been  used,  and  in  how  many  cases  such  applications 
have  been  successful  in  securing  executive  patronage.  It  might  not  have 
been  unprofitable,  also,  to  inquire  how  many  converted  felons,  who  have 
been  pardoned  by  the  present  Governor,  were  brethren  of  the  "  mystic 
tie,"  or  connected  by  blood  or  politics  with  members  of  that  institution, 
and  how  few  of  those  who  could  boast  of  no  such  connection  have  been 
successful  in  similai  applications.  The  committee  might  have  deemed  it 
necessary,  in  the  faithful  discharge  of  their  duty,  to  have  called  before 
them  some  of  the  judges,  who  are  Masons,  to  ascertain  whether,  in  their 
official  character,  the  "grand  hailing  sign"  has  ever  been  handed, 
sent  or  thrown  to  them  by  either  of  the  parties  litigant,  and  if  so,  what 


S2  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

has  been  the  result  of  the  trial.  This  would  have  been  obviously  proper, 
as  one  of  the  charges  against  Masonry  is  it's  partial  and  corrupt  influence 
in  courts  of  justice.  Who  the  witnesses  were  to  be,  was  distinctly  an 
nounced  to  this  House  by  the  chairman  of  the  committee  on  the  disscussion 
of  his  resolution.  The  House  decided  that  no  evidence  should  be  taken; 
every  member  of  the  Masonic  institution  present  voting  in  the  negative. 
The  committee  have  deemed  this  brief  history  of  legislative  proceedings 
necessary  to  justify  them  for  failing  to  make  a  report  which  is  anxiously 
looked  for  by  the  people.  The  committee  are  aware  that  most  of  those 
who  opposed  the  power  to  send  for  "  persons  and  papers,"  did  it  on  the 
avowed  grounds  that  it  was  unnecessary,  as  the  principles  of  Masonry 
were  fully  disclosed  and  known.  For  themselves,  the  committee  have 
no  hesitancy  in  saying,  that  Masonry  is  no  longer  a  secret  to  any  but 
those  who  wilfully  make  it  so,  and  that  its  principles  and  practices  are  as 
dangerous  and  atrocious  as  its  most  violent  opponents  have  ever  de 
clared.  They  take  pleasure,  however,  in  saying  that  a  great  majority  of 
its  members  reject  its  doctrines,  habitually  disregard  its  principles,  and 
in  honesty,  honor  and  patriotism,  are  inferior  to  none  of  their  fellow- 
citizens.  It  is  the  duty  of  government,  while  it  looks  with  charity  and 
forbearance  on  the  past,  to  take  care  that  in  future  none  of  our  respecta 
ble  citizens  should  be  entrapped  into  such  degrading  and  painful  thral 
dom.  To  effect  this  object  and  give  those  who  profess  to  be  morally 
opposed  to  Masonry  an  opportunity  to  record  such  opposition,  the  com 
mittee  report  a  bill  "  to  prohibit  in  future  the  administration  of  Masonic, 
Odd  Fellow,  and  all  other  secret  extra-judicial  oaths,  obligations  and 
promises  in  the  nature  of  oaths." 

As  parties  were  constituted  in  the  legislature,  Mr.  Stevens  had 
no  further  object  in  the  submission  of  the  above  report  than  to 
place  upon  record  the  demands  and  views  of  the  Anti-Masonic 
party.  In  the  session  of  1834r-5  the  AntiMasons  were  again  in 
the  minority  in  the  legislature.  Mr.  Stevens  being  a  member  of 
the  House  at  this  session  also,  considerable  discussion  took  place 
and  there  was  the  usual  display  of  partizan  tactics  regarding  the 
question  of  Masonry.  Mr.  Stevens  submitted  a  motion  in  the 
House,  prefaced  by  a  lengthy  preamble,  detailing  in  varied  items 
the  evils  of  Masonry  and  which  contained  a  resolution  "that  the 
Committee  on  the  Judiciary  be  instructed  to  bring  in  a  bill 
effectually  to  suppress  and  prohibit  the  administration  and  recep 
tion  of  Masonic,  Odd  Fellow  and  all  other  secret  extra-judicial 
oaths,  obligations  and  promises  in  the  nature  of  oaths"  This 
resolution  was  without  delay  laid  upon  the  table  and  authority  to 
publish  the  same  was  denied  by  a  vote  of  38  yeas  to  58  nays. 

During  the  controversy  w^aged  throughout  the  country  over  the 
question  of  the  removal  of  the  deposits  by  President  Jackson, 
Joseph  E.  Eitner  was  nominated  for  the  governorship  of  Penn- 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  S3 

sylvania,  distinctly  as  an  Anti-Mason,  and  through,  the  division  of 
the  Democratic  party  was  elected.  A  majority  was  chosen  to  the 
House  of  Representatives  favorable  to  the  same  principles  as  the 
Governor  was  supposed  to  represent.  Mr.  Stevens  was  again, 
returned  as  a  member  from  Adams  County.  Governor  Ritner,  in 
his  inaugural,  expressed  the  sentiments  of  his  party  upon  the 
Masonic  question,  and  spoke  of  his  election  as  an  endorsement  of 
Anti-Masonic  principles.  He  said : 

"The  supremacy  of  the  laws,  and  the  equal  rights  of  the  people,  whether 
threatened  or  assailed  by  individuals,  or  by  secret  sworn  associations,  I 
shall  so  far  as  may  be  compatible  with  the  constitutional  power  of  the 
Executive,  endeavor  to  maintain  as  well  in  compliance  with  the  known 
will  of  the  people,  as  from  obligations  of  duty  to  the  Commonwealth. 
In  these  endeavor  ;  I  shall  entertain  no  doubt  of  zealous  co-operation  by 
the  enlightened  and  patriotic  legislature  of  the  State.  The  people  have 
willed  the  destruction  of  all  secret  societies,  and  that  will  cannot  be  dis 
regarded." 

At  the  legislative  session  of  1835-6,  on  motion  of  Mr.  Stevens, 
a  committee  was  appointed  to  investigate  the  evils  of  Free  Ma 
sonry  and  other  secret  societies.  This  was  that  to  which  the  Free 
Masons  and  their  allies  gave  the  name  of  the  "Star  Chamber 
Committee"  because  of  the  attempt  to  extract  information 
from  the  Masons  themselves,  which  as  was  believed,  would  be 
prejudicial  to  the  order.  Subpoenas  were  accordingly  served  upon 
Gov.  Wolf,  Geo.  M.  Dallas,  Francis  R,  Shunk,  Joseph  R.  Chand 
ler,  and  a  number  of  the  other  distinguished  lights  of  Masonry, 
citing  them  to  appear  before  the  committee  and  answer  such 
questions  as  might  be  asked  them  touching  their  knowledge  of 
Masonry.  The  questions  as  agreed  on  in  committee  to  be  pro 
pounded  to  the  parties  subpoenaed  were  the  following : 

1.  "Are  you,  or  have  you  been  a  Free  Mason  ?    How  many  degrees  have 
you  taken  ?    By  what  lodge  or  chapter  were  you  admitted  ?' 

2.  "Before  or  at  the  time  of  your  taking  each  of  those  degrees,  was  an 
oath  or  obligation  administered  to  you  ?" 

3.  "Can  you  repeat  the  several  oaths  or  obligatiDns  administered  to 
you,  or  any  of  them  ?    If  so,  repeat  the  several  oaths,  beginning  with 
the  entered  apprentice,  and  repeat  them  literally,  if   possible,  if    not, 
substantially  ;  listen  to  the  oaths,  and  obligations,  and  penalties,  as  read 
from  this  book  (Allyn's  Ritual)  and  point  out  any  variation  you  shall  find 
in  them  from  the  oaths  you  took.     Is  there  a  trading  degree  ?" 

4.  "D'd  you  ever  know  the  affirmation  administered  in  the  lodge  or 
chapter  ?" 

5.  "Are  there  any  other  oaths  or  obligations  in  Masonry  than  those 
contained  in  Allyn's  Ritual  and  Bernard's  Light  on  Masonry  ?" 


JU  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

C.  "Is  Masonry  essentially  the  same  everywhere  ?" 

7.  "State  the  ceremony  of  initiation  in  the  R.  A.  degree,  and  particularly 
whether  any  allusion  is  made  to  the  scripture  scene  of  the  burning  bush. 
State  fully  how  that  scene  is  enacted  in  the  lodge  or  chapter." 

8.  "Are  you  a  K.  T.?    If  so,  state  fully  the  obligations  and  ordinances 
of  that  degree.     In  that  degree  is  wine  administered  to  the  candidate 
out  of  a  human  skull  ?    State  fully  the  whole  scene.     Listen  to  the 
account  of  it  as  read  from  this  book  (Allyn's  Ritual),  and  point  out 
whether  it  varies  from  the  genuine  oath  or  ceremony." 

Most  of  those  subpoenaed  sent  to  the  committee  written  replies, 
declining  to  appear  and  answer  in  obedience  to  the  writ;  some 
of  them  appeared  in  person  before  the  committee  and  read  their 
reasons  for  refusing  to  answer  any  questions  concerning  Masonry, 
and  their  connection  therewith.  Their  reasons  for  declining  to 
answer,  as  gathered  from  their  several  replies,  embraced  sub 
stantially  the  following.  They  claimed  that  the  House  of  Rep 
resentatives  possessed  no  constitutional  authority  to  institute  an 
inquiry  concerning  any  organization  within  its  borders,  or  its 
secrets,  that  violated  no  law  of  the  land.  If  their  society,  or 
any  other,  was  proved  to  have  become  injurious  to  the  rights  of 
the  commonwealth,  in  that  event,  the  paramount  superiority  of 
the  State  must  subordinate  all  others.  But  until  this  be  shown, 
the  State  had  no  more  right  to  interfere  than  would  it  have  to 
institute  an  inquiry  concerning  any  private  family  affairs.  Ma 
sonry  existed  when  the  constitution  of  the  State  was  first  formed, 
and  no  objection  was  made  against  it;  and  they  claimed  it,  as 
one  of  those  natural  and  indefeasible  rights  which  men  possess, 
to  unite  together  in  the  pursuit  of  their  own  happiness.  Again, 
were  it  conceded  that  the  Masons  had  been  guilty  of  any  infrac 
tion  of  law,  the  proceedings  contemplated  the  compulsory  crimina 
tion  of  the  accused,  a  principle  violative  of  constitutional  privil 
eges.  Enact,  however,  a  "constitutional  law,"  as  Joseph  R. 
Chandler  remarked  in  his  reply  to  the  committee,  "  prohibiting 
the  existence  of  Masonic  institutions,  and  I  shall  be  the  first  to 
withdraw  from  all  communion  with  the  order,  without  reference 
to  the  weight  of  penalties,  and  shall  feel  bound  to  bear  testi 
mony  in  a  court  of  justice  against  any  Mason  who  might,  within 
my  knowledge,  violate  the  statute." 

The  committee  asked  authority  of  the  House  to  commit  those 
subpoenaed  for  contempt,  but  this,  after  considerable  disputation, 
was  refused.  The  cowardice  of  some  who  professed  Anti-Masonic 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  33 

principles,  and  the  influence  and  standing  of  the  parties  charged 
with  the  contempt,  shielded  the  recusant  witnesses  from  the  im 
prisonment  which  some,  and  amongst  those  Mr.  Stevens,  were 
ready  to  inflict.  Thaddeus  Stevens  was  the  soul  and  leader  of 
this  movement,  and  in  it  showed  himself  equal  to  any  emergency 
when  his  party  should  summon  his  services.  For  his  participa 
tion  in  this  undertaking,  he  subjected  himself  to  great  obloquy 
and  abuse  from  the  members  of  the  Masonic  order  and  their 
adherents.  But  the  movement,  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Stevens,  was 
in  itself  sufficient  to  stamp  him  as  a  man  of  wonderful  mental 
stamina  and  courage  ;  and  were  nothing  else  of  his  public  services 
extant,  this  itself  would  record  him  among  the  famed  names 
of  history.  One  man  in  this  case,  by  the  potent  strength  of  his 
intellectual  superiority,  sets  up  an  investigation  to  overthrow  an 
order  that  claimed  an  existence  from  the  building  of  Solomon's 

O 

Temple,  and  which  the  whole  power  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
Hierarchy  and  Priesthood  had  essayed  in  vain  to  destroy.  Had 
public  opinion  been  a  little  more  ripe  for  the  attempt,  it  is  un 
known  what  results  the  investigation  might  have  had.  Secret 
societies  are  never  too  strongly  entrenched  in  public  sympathy  to 
escape  censure.  The  exclusive  (never  popular),  in  a  free  country, 
must  ever  find  itself  an  exotic,  and  be  ranked  with  that  wholly 
anti-republican  in  its  nature.  Its  development  displays  the  aristo 
cratic  feelings  of  humanity,  severs  the  people  into  classes,  and 
ultimately  fits  nations  for  governmental  changes.  Had  the  asso 
ciate  partisans  of  Mr.  Stevens,  who  espoused  the  Anti-Masonic 
cause,  done  so  with  equal  ardor  as  himself,  Free  Masonry  in  Penn 
sylvania,  and  perhaps  in  America,  would  in  the  main  have  ceased 
to  exist.  It  does  not,  however,  seem  to  have  been  high  moral 
reasons  that  caused  his  opposition  to  Free  Masonry ;  but  rather 
because  deformity  had  precluded  his  initiation  into  the  mysteries. 
But  as  it  was,  the  order  met  a  shock  that  will  not  soon  be  for 
gotten.  And  while  Free  Masonry  in  the  United  States  is 
altogether  likely  to  continue  to  be  molded  by  the  spirit  of  our 
institutions,  in  order  that  it  may  still  defer  the  crusade,  which 
(If  our  republic  be  resurrected)  seems  destined,  in  the  march  of 
ages  to  eradicate  it,  with  all  the  other  relics  of  superstition  and 
monarchy. 

The  session  of  the  Pennsylvania  Legislature  of  1S35-G,  was 
an  important  one  in  more  respects   than  one.     The   charter  of 


33  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

the  United  States  Bank  would  expire  on  the  4th  of  March,  1836. 
The  political  contest,  regarding  this  institution,  had  been  one  of 
violent  and  impassioned  intensity.  From  the  first  intimation  by 
President  Jackson,  in  his  message  in  1829,  of  his  doubt  as  to  the 
constitutionality  of  the  bank,  the  people  were  divided  in  senti 
ment  regarding  it.  Upon  the  appearance  of  the  President's 
Message,  the  stock  fell  six  dollars  per  share,  but  when  Congress 
expressed  a  contrary  opinion,  the  stock  rose  to  a  higher  figure 
than  before.  The  affairs  of  the  bank  moved  smoothly  as  before, 
but  in  view  of  the  expiration  of  its  charter  in  183G,  its  stock 
holders  in  1832  applied  for  a  renewal  of  national  banking  privi 
leges.  The  bill  for  the  re-charter  of  the  bank  passed  both  Houses 
of  Congress,  but  met  resistance  in  the  veto  of  President  Jackson- 
This  action  upon  the  part  of  the  Executive  had  the  eSect  of 
arousing  in  Pennsylvania  (where  the  bank  wras  located  and  was 
popular)  a  furious  resistance  against  the  national  administration ; 
and  it  was  for  a  time  believed  that  the  President's  policy  would 
not  be  sustained  by  the  people  of  this  State.  A  very  large  meet 
ing  was  held  in  Philadelphia,  in  July,  1S32,  soon  after  the  veto 
of  the  bank  bill,  which  was  composed  of  the  President's  former 
political  friends,  at  which  resolutions  were  adopted  disapproving 
of  his  course,  with  regard  to  the  bank,  and  deprecating  his  re 
election  to  the  Presidency  as  a  national  calamity,  against  the 
occurrence  of  which,  they  pledged  themselves  to  use  their  utmost 
efforts. 

The  hostility  thus  arrayed  against  the  President  had  the  effect 
of  embittering  him  against- the  bank  and  its  supporters.  In  view 
of  the  uncertain  financial  condition  of  the  bank,  the  President, 
in  his  Message  of  December,  1832,  recommended  the  withdrawal 
of  the  public  funds  from  the  institution.  Congress,  on  the  con 
trary,  by  resolution  expressed  its  entire  confidence  in  the  solvency 
of  the  bank.  William  J.  Duane,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
in  whose  province  it  was  to  see  to  the  removal  of  the  deposits,  if 
in  his  judgment  necessary,  declined  removing  them,  and  he  was 
accordingly  removed  from  the  Secretaryship,  and  Roger  B.  Taney 
appointed  in  his  stead.  The  deposits  were  now  removed, 
and  a  period  of  financial  stringency  set  in,  which  greatly  em 
barrassed  the  trade  and  business  of  the  country.  All  this,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  President  and  his  friends,  was  the  result  of  the 
improper  conduct  of  the  managers  of  the  United  States  Bank. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  C7 

The  bank  question  remained  for  years  one  of  the  great  subjects 
of  national  politics,  and  by  it,  perhaps,  parties  then  were  mora 
molded  than  by  any  other.  It  was  a  fruitful  theme  of  discussion 
for  many  years. 

When  it  was  fully  discovered  at  length,  that  a  national  charter 
for  the  United  States  Bank  could  not  be  secured,  its  friends  con 
ceived  the  idea  of  a  State  incorporation,  in  order  to  save  the  ex 
piring  bank  from  impending  dissolution.  Thaddeus  Stevens  was- 
the  admitted  Achilles  of  the  bank  party  in  the  Pennsylvania 
Legislature.  He  was  accordingly  selected  by  the  stockholders  as 
the  man  to  champion  in  the  Legislature  the  application  for  a  State 
charter  of  the  United  States  Bank.  On  the  19th  of  January, 
1836,  he  presented  in  the  House  of  Representatives  a  bill  for  the 
charter  of  the  bank,  with  a  capital  of  §35,000,000,  which  met 
violent  opposition  from  the  Jackson  party  in  Pennsylvania  and 
all  over  the  country.  It  nevertheless  passed  both  Houses  of  the 
Legislature,  and  having  received  the  approbation  of  the  Gov 
ernor,  became  a  law.  A  leading  inducement  with  the  advocates 
of  the  charter  was,  that  the  State  was  to  receive  a  bonus  of  several 
million  dollars  from  the  stockholders  for  internal  improvements. 
The  resistance  to  the  State  charter  manifested  itself  not  only  in 
the  denunciations  of  the  Jackson  press,  but  even  in  the  legisla 
tion  of  some  of  the  States.  Ohio  passed  a  law  in  March,  1836, 
prohibiting  within  the  limits  of  the  State  any  branch  of  the 
Pennsylvania  United  States  Bank.  The  institution  thus  chartered, 
purchased  the  assets,  assumed  the  liabilities  of  the  old  United 
States  Bank,  and  cqiitinued  its  business  under  the  same  roof. 
But  the  new  bank  was  unable  to  resist  the  adverse  tide  of  finan 
cial  affairs,  that  was  gradually  approaching  to  a  crisis.  This  set 
in  fully  by  1837.  All  the  banks  in  the  Union,  with  few  excep 
tions,  suspended  specie  payments.  A  resumption  was  attempted 
in  1839,  but  was  only  persevered  -in  by  the  banks  of  New  Eng 
land  and  JSTew  York.  This  new  suspension,  however,  was  not 
generally  followed  by  contraction  of  the  currency  in  Pennsyl 
vania  until  1811,  when  another  attempt  was  made  to  resume, 
which  proved  fatal  to  the  tTnited  States  Bank  of  Pennsylvania. 
It  was  now  obliged  to  go  into  liquidation. 

In  the  fall  of  1836,  Mr.  Stevens  was  returned  a  member  of  the 
Heform  Convention,  which  was  fixed  by  the  Legislature  to  be 
chosen  in  November,  the  same  time  as  the  Presidential  electors. 


33  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

The  calling  of  the  convention  to  amend  the  constitution  of  Penn 
sylvania,  had  been  for  years  a  question  of  discussion,  and  was 
decided  in  1835,  by  a  majority  of  13,000  in  favor  of  the  call.  In 
1825  the  people  had  voted  in  opposition  to  a  convention  by  a 
majority  of  15,000.  Among  the  members  chosen  to  the  body, 
were  some  of  the  ablest  intellects  of  Pennsylvania.  Some  of 
these  made  lasting  reputations  from  the  part  they  bore  in  the 
deliberations  of  that  body.  The  convention  assembled  at  Ilarris- 
burg,  May  2nd,  1837,  and  entered  upon  its  duties  of  amending 
the  fundamental  charter  of  the  State.  Mr.  Stevens  took  a  seat 
in  this  convention,  in  the  fullness  of  his  intellectual  vigor,  and 
with  a  reputation  as  one  of  the  ablest  men  in  the  commonwealth. 
At  the  opening  of  the  deliberations,  he  assumed  the  position  that 
his  consciousness  of  ability  dictated  as  his  place,  and  should  a 
larger  share  of  hypocricy  been  part  of  his  character,  he  would  no 
doubt  have  been  able  to  wield  much  more  influence  in  the  work 
ings  of  the  convention  than  he  found  it  in  his  power  to  do.  Jeal 
ousy  soon  manifested  itself  on  the  part  of  several  members,  who 
were  ready  to  measure  swords  with  him,  as  regards  intellectual 
superiority.  His  readiness  to  express  his  opinions  proved  a  source 
of  weakness  to  him,  and  oft  exposed  him  to  thrusts  from  his 
competitors,  which  otherwise  he  might  have  avoided.  Unlike 
most  politicians,  his  nature  prompted  him  to  avow  what  he  sin 
cerely  believed ;  and  this  trait  made  him  appear  to  those  who 
have  no  convictions  singular  and  erratic. 

lie  was  placed  by  the  president  of  the  convention  as  chairman 
of  one  of  the  principle  committees  ;  but  his  great  readiness  to 
assert  his  opinions,  and  some  sweeping  measures  of  reform,  which 
he  was  prepared  to  advocate,  alarmed  those  even  of  his  own 
political  party,  so  that  he  soon  sunk  from  the  rank  of  a  deviser 
and  arranger  of  reforms,  to  be  simply  the  disputant  of  those 
already  submitted.  Much  weaker  men  than  he  were  those,  as  a 
consequence,  who  suggested  and  carried  through,  by  their  mild 
ness  and  amiable  manners,  the  reforms  that  were  adopted  by  the 
convention.  Radical  men  like  Mr.  Stevens,  are  never  popular  in 
any  body;  and  though  they  may  do  at  times  what  none  else 
could  accomplish,  it  is  because  they  happen  to  Be  in  entire  accord 
with  the  sentiments  of  those  whose  influence  and  votes  they 
require.  The  agitator  is  mostly  in  the  minority,  and  so  it  was 
with  Mr.  Stevens  in  the  convention  of  1837-8.  It  is  not,  there- 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  39 

fore,  in  any  particular  measures  that  he  proposed  and  caused  to 
be  adopted,  that  he  made  his  mark  in  this  body,  but  rather  in  the 
bold  stand  he  in  the  main  assumed,  in  the  defense  of  what  he 
regarded  as  right. 

Although  belonging  to  the  party  in  opposition  to  the  Demo 
crats,  he  was  too  violent  an  Anti-Mason  to  be  popular  with  the 
Whigs,  now  risen  to  considerable  political  importance  in  the 
country.  This  branch  was  the  rising  sun  of  the  opposition  party, 
whereas  Anti-Masonry  was  that  which  was  setting.  ~No  cordial 

v  O 

affiliation  had  as  yet  taken  place  between  the  two  wings,  and  as 
a  consequence ,  Mr.  Stevens  was  far  from  being  popular  with  the 
Whigs  of  the  convention  ;  indeed  some  of  his  most  bitter  assail 
ants  belonged  to  this  branch  of  the  party.  In  the  advocacy  of 
his  plan  of  representation,  which  would  limit  the  largest  city  to 
six  representatives,  he  reiterated  Jefferson's  sentiment,  that  cities 
are  "sores  of  the  body  politic"  and  strongly  advocated  his  views 
before  the  convention.  This  induced  a  severe  attack  from  AYm. 
M.  Meredith,  of  Philadelphia,  wherein  he  applied  to  him  some 
cutting  remarks,  and  though  conceding  his  great  ability,  yet 
designated  him  as  the  "great  unchained  of  A.dams"  and  attached 
to 'him  other  slurring  appellations.  Mr.  Stevens'  reply  upon  this 
occasion  evinces  his  power  of  rejoinder,  and  as  indicating  this  is 
inserted : 

"The  extraordinary  course  of  the  gentleman  from  Philadel 
phia  has  astonished  me.  During  the  greater  part  of  his  concerted 
personal  tirade,  I  was  at  a  loss  to  know  what  course  had  driven 
him  beside  himself.  I  could  not  imagine  on  what  boiling  cauld 
ron  he  had  been  sitting  to  make  him  foam  with  -all  the  fury  of  a 
wizzard  who  had  been  concocting  poison  from  bitter  herbs.  But 
when  he  came  to  mention  Masonry,  I  saw  the  cause  of  his  grief 
and  malice.  He  unfortunately  is  a  votary  and  a  tool  of  the 
' Handmaid ','  and  feels  and  resents  the  injury  she  has  sustained. 
I  have  often  before  endured  such  assaults  from  her  subjects-  But 
no  personal  abuse/ however  foul  or  ungentlemanly,  shall  betray 
me  into  passion,  or  make  me  forget  the  command  of  my  temper, 
or  induce  me  to  reply  in  a  similar  strain.  I  will  not  degrade 
myself  to  the  level  of  a  blackguard  to  imitate  any  man,  however 
respectable.  The  gentleman,  among  other  flattery,  has  intimated 
that  I  have  venom  without  fangs.  Sir,  I  needed  not  that  gentle 
man's  admonitions  to  remind  me  of  my  weakness.  But  I  hardlv 


40  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

need  fangs,  for  I  never  make  offensive  personal  assaults ;  how 
ever,  I  may,  sometimes,  in  my  own  defense,  turn  my  fangless 
jaws  upon  my  assailants  with  such  grip  as  I  may.  But  it  is  well 
that  with  such  great  strength  that  gentleman  has  so  little  venom. 
I  have  little  to  boast  of,  either  in  matter  or  manners,  but  rustic 
and  rude  as  is  my  education,  destitute  as  I  am  of  the  polished 
manners  and  city  politeness  of  that  gentleman,  I  have  a  suffic 
iently  strong  native  sense  of  decency  not  to  answer  arguments 
by  low,  gross,  personal  abuse.  I  sustained  propositions  which  I 
deemed  beneficial  to  the  whole  State.  Nor  will  I  be  driven  from 
my  course  by  the  gentleman  from  the  city,  or  the  one  from  the 
county  of  Philadelphia.  I  shall  fearlessly  discharge  my  duty, 
however  low,  ungentlemanly  and  indecent  personal  abuse  may  be 
heaped  upon  me  by  malignant  wise  men  or  gilded  fools." 

When  upon  the  presentation  by  Mr.  Denny,  of  a  petition  from 
sundry  free  citizens  of  color  of  Pittsburg,  remonstrating  against 
the  adoption  of  any  clause  in  the  new  constitution,  depriving  the 
free  colored  citizens  of  the  right  of  suffrage,  and  when  objection 
was  made  to  its  reception,  Mr.  Stevens  spoke  as  follows : 

"  I  maintain  that  those  who  have  petitioned  this  body,  whether 
white  or  black,  have  a  right  to  be  heard,  whether  on  this  or  any 
other  subject  relative  to  the  business  of  the  convention.  We 
have  a  right,  then,  to  give  the  prayer  of  the  petitioners  a  respect 
ful  consideration." 

The  question  of  suffrage  before  the  convention,  gave  rise  to 
considerable  discussion.  The  constitution  of  1790,  had  confined 
suffrage  to  freemen  ;  and  as  slaves  then  existed  in  Pennsylvania, 
it  was  generally  held  that  colored  persons  were  not  intended  to 
be  included  under  the  expression  of  freemen.  However,  as  time 
advanced,  and  the  spirit  of  hostility  to  slavery  grew  stronger, 
there  were  those  in  the  State  who  claimed  that  all  free  persons 
were  meant,  and  even  in  some  few  counties  negroes  were  permit 
ted  to  vote,  though  in  the  most  of  them  this  was  not  attempted. 
In  large  cities  the  attempt  would  have  been  attended  with  dan 
ger.  The  question  had  been  already  decided  by  some  of  the 
courts  that  the  constitution  of  1790  limited  suffrage  to  the  white 
race. 

When,  therefore,  this  subject  came  up  in  the  convention,  it  was 
moved  to  incorporate  the  word  white  in  the  section,  fixing  suff 
rage,  which  led  to  an  animated  debate,  the  convention  being 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  41 

somewhat,  though  not  entirely,  divided  on  this  point  by  party 
lines.  The  Democrats  were  almost  a  unit  in  opposition  to  negro 
suffrage.  But  not  all  of  the  other  party  favored  it.  "Win.  M. 
Meredith,  a  AVhig,  remarked :  "  That  he  knew  no  good  reason 
why  they  (the  negroes)  should  be  admitted  into  the  political 
class.  They  never  had  been  admitted  into  it.  *  *  *  The 
right  of  suffrage  ought  to  be  the  privilege  of  white  citizens 
alone."  Mr.  Stevens,  though  a  bitter  opponent  to  the  word 
white,  yet  took  no  special  part  in  the  discussion.  It  was  at  that 
time  a  very  unpopular  question  ;  petitions  were  pouring  in  from 
all  quarters  of  the  State  in  opposition  to  negro  suffrage,  and  the 
strong  supporters  of  such  a  measure  would  have  become  marked 
men.  This  Mr.  Stevens  seemed  to  recognize,  and  may  have  acted 
upon  the  reticent  list  in  view  of  public  opinion.  If  on  this  occa 
sion  he  played  politician,  it  was,  no  doubt,  under  the  strong 
rebukes  of  conscience,  for  his  firm  faith  in  human  equality  would 
have  prompted  him  to  be  the  staunchest  resistant  to  the  intro 
duction  of  the  word  white  in  the  suffrage  section.  When  the 
first  discussion  on  this  question  was  before  the  convention,  he  was 
present,  but  .was  absent  in  January,  1838,  when  the  first  vote  was 
taken  introducing  the  discriminating  word.  Mr.  Stevens,  in  this 
instance,  evinced  much  of  his  real  nature ;  for  while  he  desired 
to  be  regarded  as  the  bold  defender  of  principle,  he  had  that 
much  of  corrupted  nature  as  to  keep  an  eye  upon  his  future 
political  success. 

During  the  last  days  of  the  convention,  he  attended  the 
sittings  of  the  Legislature  at  Harrisburg ;  having  been  elected  to 
the  Lower  House  in  October,  1837.  And  when  the  new  Consti 
tution  was  completed,  he  declined  to  append  his  signature  to  it, 
because  of  the  incorporation  of  that  distinction  of  suffrage  which, 
for  some  reason,  contrary  to  his  nature,  he  had  not  the  boldness 
to  battle.  Thus  far,  ambition  alone  can  be  supposed  as  that  which 
triumped  over  principle,  othewise  he  should  have  pronounced 
some  philippics  that  might  have  enhanced  his  reputation  as  an 
agitator,  but  which  in  that  event  might  forever  have  bolted 
against  him  the  doors  of  the  Xational  Congress. 

Not  long  after  the  adjournment  of  the  Legislature  in  1838, 
Gov.  Ritner  appointed  Mr.  Stevens  one  of  the  Board  of  Canal 
Commissioners,  John  Dickey  and  a  Mr.  Pennebaker  being  the 
other  two  members.  One  of  the  enterprises  that  drew  upon 


43  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

Mr.  Stevens  much  odium  as  a  member  of  the  Canal  Board,  was 
his  advocacy  of  the  Gettysburg  Railroad,  which  he  was  charged 
by  his  political  opponents  as  favoring,  because  of  its  passing  his 
furnace  in  Adams  County.  It  was  a  measure,  however,  that  had 
received  the  warm  support  of  Gov.  Ritner  ;  but  with  the  Demo 
crats  this  in  no  wise  shielded  Mr.  Stevens,  as  he  was  regarded 
upon  all  hands  as  the  controlling  spirit  of  the  Ritner  adminis 
tration.  The  Governor  was  viewed  simply  as  a  puppet  in  his 
hands,  and  his  messages  as  but  the  dictations  of  the  power  behind 
the  throne.  The  Gettysburg  Railroad  was  designed  to  unite 
with  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad,  then  in  process  of  con 
struction.  The  tortuous  route  that  it  was  necessrry  to  take  in 
order  to  unite  the  points  contemplated  by  railway,  was  what  gave 
this  road  the  nickname  of  the  "  Tape-worm"  An  appropriation 
was  secured,  and  the  route  was  surveyed,  and  considerable  sums 
of  money  expended  upon  its  construction.  The  road  was  in 
spected  by  the  committee  during  the  legislative  session  of  1837-8, 
one  from  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  the  other  from  the 
Senate.  Both  committees  reported  adversely  to  the  completion 
of  the  road.  The  Senate,  at  that  time,  had  a  majority  of  its 
members  of  Mr.  Stevens'  own  party.  John  Strohm,  a  Whig 
Senator,  was  Chairman  of  the  Senate  Committee,  from  whose 
report  some  extracts  are  submitted  : 

"The  Gettysburg  Railroad,  commencing  at  Gettysburg  and  extending 
to  a  point  at  or  west  of  Hagerstown,  in  the  State  of  Maryland,  is  but  ail 
isolated  link  which  can  never  become  useful  or  profitable  until  the  Balti 
more  and  Ohio  road,  to  be  extended  to  Pittsburg  or  Whee  ing,  and  the 
Railroad  from  Gettysburg  to  the  Columbia  Railroad  at  Wrightsville  are 
completed.  That  portion  of  the  latter  which  lies  between  Wrightsville 
and  York,  about  twelve  miles  is  in  progress.  Between  York  and  Gettys 
burg  an  experimental  survey  has  been  made,  but  no  permanent  location 
fixed  ;  and  it  is  the  opinion  of  many  that  an  early  completion  of  the  said 
road  by  the  company  need  not  be  expected. 

"It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  no  certainty  can  be  attained,  either  in 
regard  to  the  location  or  time  of  completing  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio 
Railroad.  Would  it,  then,  be  consistent  with  cautious  prudence  and 
sound  policy  to  persevere  in  expending  millions  in  constructing  a  work, 
the  utility  of  which  is  dependant  on  such  precarious  and  doubtful  cir 
cumstances  V " 

The  Committee  reported  that,  in  their  opinion,  the  objects 
sought  for  by  the  Getty sbur  Road,  would  much  more  advantage 
ously  be  obtained  by  adopting  the  route  through  the  Cumberland 
Valley,  by  way  of  Chambersburg.  The  Gettysburg  Road,  in 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  43. 

crossing  tlie  South  Mountain,  was  obliged  to  select  such  a  meand- 

O  O 

erins:  line,  that  it  was  not  strange  that  it  secured  its  surname  of 

O  O 

the  "  Tape-worm"     On  the  aspect  of  this  road  the  committee 

say: 

"But  on  tlie  latter  (tlie  Gettysburg  road)  for  about  twenty  -five  miles, 
the  traveler  is  either  ascending  or  descending  at  the  rate  of  fifty  feet  to 
the  mile,  a  rugged,  solitary  and  barren  mountain,  uninhabited  and  almost 
uninhabitable  ;  on  the  one  hand  he  sees  perpendicular  cliffs  rise  like  tower 
ing  steeples  above  his  head,  covered  with  projecting  rocks  which  threaten 
him  with  instant  death  for  his  temerity  ;  on  the  other,  he  perceives  a 
frightful  precipice,  over  which  he  is  in  eminent  danger  of  being  hurled 
into  the  abyss  below,  with  the  certain  prospect  of  being  clashed  to  pieces 
by  the  fall.  Now  he  is  whirled  over  a  ravine,  or  an  embankment  of  some 
fifty  or  sixty  feet  in  height,  and  now  engulphed  in  an  excavation  from 
which  he  can  scarce  see  the  sun  ;  or  immured  in  a  tunnel  where  daylight 
may  enter  but  cannot  penetrate.  The  slightest  accident  must  expose 
him  to  danger  of  life,  limb  and  property,  from  which  nothing  but  a 
miracle  can  save  him." 


half  a  million  of  dollars  were  expended  upon  this  road 
through  the  influence  of  Mr.  Stevens,  as  was  charged  by  his  ene 
mies,  and  as  it  from  the  first  concentrated  the  hostility  of  the  Demo 
cratic  party  when  David  R.  Porter  came  into  power,  the  road  was 
abandoned.  It,  however,  was  one  of  those  projects  that  clung  to 
Thaddeus  Stevens  throughout  life,  and  like  the  poisoned  spirit  of 
!Nessus,  would  have  proved  a  fatal  tunic  to  a  weaker  man,  or, 
perhaps,  to  any  other  than  himself. 


4.4  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  BUCKSHOT  WAB. 

The  event  that  will  ever  be  known  in  the  history  of  Pennsyl 
vania  as  the  "  Buckshot  War,"  and  in  the  scenes  of  which  Thad- 
deiis  Stevens  bore  a  conspicuous  part,  to  be  understood  must  be 
traced  from  its  inceptive  causes.  At  the  general  election,  held  on 
the  second  Tuesday  of  October,  1838,  the  people  of  the  County 
of  Philadelphia  voted  for  two  Senators  and  eight  Representa 
tives,  besides  other  officers.  The  highest  Democratic  candidate 
for  the  senate,  C.  Brown,  received  10,036  votes,  while  "W.  Wago 
ner,  the  highest  on  the  Whig  ticket,  had  but  9,490  votes.  On 
the  representative  ticket  the  Democrat  who  polled  the  lowest 
vote  had  a  majority  of  385  over  the  highest  Whig  candidate. 

Charles  J.  Ingersol,  the  Democratic  candidate  for  Congress, 
had  run  several  hundred  votes  behind  his  ticket,  and  as  the  vote 
in  his  district  was  counted,  he  was  defeated.  It  was  averred,  on 
the  part  of  him  and  his  friends,  that  vast  frauds  had  been  perpe 
trated  in  the  district  of  the  Northern  Liberties.  Articles  imme 
diately  began  to  appear  in  the  public  journals  and  in  handbills, 
calling  upon  the  people  to  be  ready  to  assert  their  rights,  and 
urging  upon  them  to  attend  at  the  meeting  of  the  return  judges, 
at  the  State  House,  in  Philadelphia,  on  Friday  after  the  election, 
in  order  to  see  that  justice  be  done  them  and  their  friends.  This 
at  once  aroused  public  attention,  and  at  the  meeting  of  the  return 
judges,  Mr.  Ingersol  and  his  friends  appeared  and  demanded  that 
they  be  heard  in  defense  of  his  claims.  The  board  of  return 
judges  numbered  seventeen,  representing  the  same  number  of 
districts  :  ton  Democrats  and  seven  Whigs.  Mr.  Ingersol  claimed 
the  privilege  of  proving  that  certain  irregularities  had  taken 
place  at  the  polls  in  the  Northern  districts,  and  after  considerable 
discussion  this  right  was  granted  by  a  party  vote  of  the  return 
judges.  Having  proved  that  the  law  had  been  violated  at  one  of 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  45 

the  polls  in  the  Northern  Liberties ;  and  as  this  whole  district 
voted  in  one  building,  it  was  demanded  by  Mr.  Ingersoll  and  his 
party  friends,  that  the  whole  vote  of  the  Liberties  be  excluded. 
This  vote  amounted  to  about  5,000,  and  its  rejection  would  have 
the  effect  of  electing  the  Democratic  candidate  for  Congress,  but 
in  no  wise  altered  the  result  as  regards  the  candidates  for  the 
Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  save  that  it  increased  the 
Democratic  majorities.  The  Democratic  return  judges,  having 
the  majority  of  the  board,  decided  infavor  of  Mr.  Ingersol's  claim, 
and  the  vote  of  the  Northern  Liberties  was  rejected.  The  Whigs 
entered  their  protest  against  this  action  of  the  majority,  but  were 
powerless  to  prevent  it.  They  contended  that  the  board  of  return 
judges  had  no  legal  authority  to  exclude  the  vote  of  any  district, 
and  that  this  power  was  vested  in  other  tribunals.  But  as  the 
majority  thought  otherwise,  duplicate  returns  were  made  out  and 
signed  by  the  ten  judges,  which  elected  the  two  Democratic 
Senators  and  the  eight  Representatives,  one  copy  of  which  was 
deposited  in  the  Prothonotary's  office,  as  the  law  required,  and 
the  other  was  placed  in  the  post  office,  directed  to  the  Secretary 
of  the  Commonwealth.  After  this  the  six  Whig  return  judges, 
in  conjunction  with  the  one  from  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  met 
in  another  room  of  the  State  House,  and  they  also  prepared  and 
signed  duplicate  returns  of  the  votes  polled  in  seven  of  the  seven 
teen  election  districts  of  the  County  of  Philadelphia.  The  one 
of  these  returns  they  in  like  manner  deposited  in  the  Prothono 
tary's  office,  and  the  other  they  handed  to  the  Sheriff,  who  sent 
the  same  by  express  on  a  steam  engine  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Commonwealth.  This  last  return  came  first  into  the  hands  of 
the  secretary;  and  on  this  account,  induced  it  would  seem  by 
partisan  logic,  he  chose  to  consider  as  the  only  legal  one. 

The  Whigs  assumed  to  believe  that  the  Democrats,  in  casting 
out  the  vote  of  the  Northern  Liberties,  were  guilty  of  a  fragrant 
outrage,  and  that  dissenting  as  they  did  from  the  majority  return, 
no  other  remedy  was  left  them  save  to  act  as  they  had  done.  The 
Democrats,  on  the  other  hand,  claimed  that  the  minority  return 
was  intended  to  force  into  the  Legislature,  as  sitting  members, 
ten  def oated  Whig  candidates  from  the  County  of  Philadelphia  ; 
and  by  their  votes  before  they  could  be  removed  by  contesting 
their  election,  to  pass  laws,  to  elect  the  Canal  Commissioners,  a 
United  States  Senator,  and  other  officers.  The  fear  was  even 


46  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

expressed  that  tliey  would  contest  the  Governor's  election  and 
declare  Ritner  re-elected  for  three  years  longer,  and  thus  set  the 
will  of  the  people  at  defiance.  That  the  honorable  leaders  of 
either  party  desired  anything  but  what  wns  fair,  is  hardly  pre 
sumable,  much  as  the  partisans  of  each  may  have  desired  to 
advance  their  own  interests.  But  it  was  about  this  time  in  the 
history  of  Pennsylvania,  when  the  most  daring  displays  of  politi 
cal  corruption  first  began  to  be  witnessed.  The  corruptionists  of 
each  party  were  ready  to  advance  their  cause  by  any  means  what 
soever,  and  the  upright  and  conscientious  men  of  either  organiza 
tion  were  made  to  believe  that  the  fraud  all  attached  to  their 
opponents.  As  the  election  of  1838  had  been  warmly  contested, 
and  as  both  parties  had  felt  confident  of  victory,  and  had  wagered 
large  sums  of  money  on  the  result,  it  was  not  reasonable  to  sup 
pose  that  the  defeated  would  yield  the  contest,  when  fraud  was 
believed  to  have  contributed  to  their  overthrow.  Accordingly, 
Thomas  II.  Burrows,  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  who  was  also 
chairman  of  the  Whig  State  Committee,  no  doubt,  after  con 
ference  with  his  party  counsellors,  issued  on  the  15th  day  of 
October,  a  few  days  after  the  election,  the  following  address  to 
the  friends  of  Joseph  Ritner  : 

"FELLOW  CITIZENS: — The  general  election  has  resulted  in  a  manner 
contrary  to  all  our  reasonable  calculations  and  just  expectations.  The 
opponent  for  the  office  of  Governor  appears  to  be  elected  by  at  least 
5,000  majority.  This  is  an  event  to  which,  if  it  had  been  fairly  produced, 
we,  as  good  citizens,  would  quietly,  if  not  cheerfully,  submit.  But  there 
is  a  strong  probability  of  malpractice  and  fraud  in  the  whole  transaction 
that  it  is  our  duty  peacefully  to  resist  it  and  fully  to  expose  it. 

"The  election  has  been  characterized  by  features  altogether  unparall 
eled  in  the  history  of  our  State  politics.  A  few  of  those  of  a  more 
general  nature  may  be  here  instanced. 

"When  the  returns  from  all  the  counties  shall  be  received,  it  will 
probably  be  found  that  the  whole  vote  given  for  Joseph  L  itner,  on  the 
9th  instant,  is  greater  than  that  which  he  received  in  1835  by  a  number 
at  least  equal  to  the  natural,  regular  and  legal  increase  of  votes  in  the 
whole  State  in  three  years.  It  will  a1  so  b3  found  that  his  friends  in 
nearly  every  county  polle  I  fully  as  many  votes  as  they  before  the  elec 
tion  expected  to  do,  upon  the  strength  of  which  expectation  a  reasonable 
estimate  gave  him  a  majority  of  10,000.  Then  grave  questions  arise. 
Whence  came  the  majorities  returned  for  his  opponent?  And  how  can 
he  be  defeated  who  has  so  well  sust  lined  himself  with  the  people  and  so 
largely  increased  his  vote  ?  It  will  be  discovered  that  in  the  districts 
where  the  friends  of  Joseph  Ritner  had  the  control  of  the  elections,  a 
moderate  increase  of  votes  fcr  him,  arising  from  sufficient  and  well- 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  47 

known  causes,  took  place  ;  while  in  the  same  districts  his  opponents  had 
fair  play  and  polled  their  full  number  of  legal  votes.  On  the  other  hand, 
it  is  known  to  all  that  in  the  district?  in  which  the  inspectors  and  judges 
were  the  friends  of  Mr.  Porter,  not  only  were  the  friends  of  Joseph  Rit- 
ner  in  many  cases  wholly  excluded  from  voting,  but  his  opponents  admit 
ted  without  shadow  of  right,  thus  swelling  the  majorities  of  Mr.  Porter 
even  beyond  the  wild  expectations  and  extravagant  calcu  ations  of  his 
own  friends.  Is  it  right  that  this  state  of  things  (the  existence  of  which 
each  voter  will  determine  by  facts  known  to  himself)  should  be  submit 
ted  to  hi  a  free  country  ? 

"  Finally  it  is  known  that  in  several  counties  in  which  our  opponents 
had  the  control,  the  votes  of  whole  districts,  favorable  to  our  candidate. 
were  without  shadow  of  law  or  justice,  wholly  rejected,  and  false  and 
partial  returns  made.  Can  there  be  any  safety  under  republican  institu 
tions  if  such  high-handed  opp  ession  be  tolerated  ?  No  !  We  owe  it  to 
ourselves  as  free  men  and  good  citizens,  to  examine  into  this  matter,  and 
if  fraud  be  detected  to  expose  and  resist  it.  We  owe  it  to  our  country 
and  posterity. 

"  On  behalf,  therefore,  of  the  State  Committee  of  Correspondence  and 
Vigilance,  the  propriety  is  suggested  of  taking  measures  at  once  for  in 
vestigating  the  manner  in  which  the  election  was  conducted  and  the 
result  produced.  Now  is  the  time  to  make  the  examination  while  the 
facts  are  frash  and  the  outrage  recent.  Let  it  be  done  then  peacefully, 
determinedly  and  thoroughly.  But  let  it  be  commenced  with  an  honest 
resolution  to  submit  to  the  result  whether  it  be  favorable  or  unfavorable 
to  our  wishes.  This  is  the  duty  of  all  who  contend  for  equal  rights  and 
the  supremacy  of  the  laws. 

"  But,  fellow  citizens,  until  this  investigation  be  fully  made  and  fairly 
determined,  let  us  treat  the  election  of  the  $th  instant  as  if  we  had  not 
been  defeated,  and  in  that  attitude  abide  the  result. 

"In  the  meantime  your  State  Committee  will  take  all  proper  measures 
on  the  occasion,  and  when  the  whole  facts  are  known  and  the  returns 
received,  will  probably  address  you  more  at  length." 

This  address,  issuing  from  such  authority,  was  accepted  by  the 
Democrats  as  a  threat  of  revolution,  and  taken  in  connection  with 
the  return  of  the  minority  judges  of  Philadelphia,  had  the  effect 
of  arousing  partisan  passion  to  its  highest  .pitch  of  intensity. 
From  that  time  till  the  meeting  of  the  Legislature  in  December, 

O  O 

the  anticipated  action  of  each  party  at  that  period  was  a  subject 
of  discussion  in  the  party  journals,  and  preparation  was  made  by 
each  for  the  probable  colision  that  (as  was  believed  by  many)  would 
take  place.  As  the  time  approached  for  the  meeting  of  the 
Legislature,  the  active  partisans  began  to  flock  to  Harrisburg  to 
be  witnesses  of  the  scenes  that  were  about  to  transpire,  and  also 
to  see  that  their  party  friends  obtained  their  constitutional  rights. 
By  December  3d  all  the  hotels  were  crowded,  and  bullies  and 


49  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

roughs  of  both  parties  were  parading  the  streets  of  the  capitolj 
loudly  boasting  what  they  would  do  in  case  their  respective 
parties  were  unjustly  treated.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  all  this 
time,  was  the  centre  of  influence  with  his  party  friends,  and  the 
principal  object  of  malediction  with  the  Democrats.  The  Whigs 
and  Anti-Masons  looked  to  him  for  advise  in  all  their  movements, 
while  their  opponents  could  see  in  him  nothing  but  the  incarnation 
of  all  iniquity,  fraud  and  corruption,  against  which  they  were 
compelled  to  contend.  The  chief  of  the  fallen  angels  himself,  was 
almost  as  honorable  a  character  in  the  estimation  of  the  violent 
Democratic  partisans,  as  was  Thaddeus  Stevens  at  this  time. 
He,  the  contriver  of  the  whole  plan  for  revolutionizing  the  State 
goverment  and  securing  ascendancy  for  his  party,  could  be  noth 
ing  better  than  an  arch-fiend,  and  many  a  threat  escaped  the 
mouth  of  a  swaggering  politician  that  he  should  bite  the  dust  for 
his  treasonable  designs  against  the  rights  of  the  people* 

The  memorable  morning  of  the  4th  of  December,  1838,  the 
day  fixed  by  law  for  the  assembling  of  the  Legislature,  found 
the  adherents  of  both  parties  anxiously  waiting  the  hour  for  the 
House  to  assemble.  The  hour  of  meeting  was  11  A.  M.  Long 
before  this  time  the  hall,  the  galleries,  aisles  and  lobbies  were 
crammed  with  members  and  spectators  almost  to  suffocation,  wait 
ing  the  time  for  the  organization  of  the  House.  Bowie  knives  and 
pistols  were  in  the  pockets  of  a  large  number,  who  had  come  from 
Philadelphia  and  the  public  works,  in  order,  as  they  fancied,  to 
see  justice  done  to  their  party  friends.  The  matter  in  dispute 
seemed  well  understood,  not  so  well  the  cause  of  it.  All,  how 
ever,  recognized  that  the  diffculty  was  concerning  the  Philadel 
phia  County  delegation  to  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representa 
tives.  This  was  about  all  that  was  generally  understood;  the 
merits  of  the  dispute  had  dot  yet  been  closely  inquired  into. 
When  the  hour  of  eleven  struck,  the  Clerk  called  the  House  to 
order,  and  Thomas  H.  Burrows,  Secretary  of  the  Common 
wealth,  stepped  forward  and  handed  that  officer  the  Philadel 
phia  returns,  which,  contrary  to  custom,  he  had  up  to  this  time 
failed  to  deliver.  This  was  the  occasion  for  some  manifestation 
of  disapprobation  in  the  galleries.  Mr.  Charles  Pray,  one  of  the 
Democratic  contesting  members,  from  Philadelphia,  rose  and 
handed  the  clerk  a  certified  copy  of  the  returns  made  by  the 
majority  of  the  return  judges,  and  desired  also  that  it  might  be 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  49 

read.  Mr.  T.  S.  Smith,  another  Philadelphia  member,  protested 
against  the  reading  of  a  document  thus  irregularly  presented. 
The  law  prescribed  the  officer  by  whom  all  returns  must  be 
made ;  and  coining  from  any  other  they  were  illegal  and  void. 
After  some  discussion,  both  returns  were  allowed  to  be  read,  and 
afterwards  the  returns  from  the  east  of  the  State  were  read  with 
out  opposition.  The  contesting  members  of  both  political  parties 
were  thus,  as  it  were,  admitted ;  and  the  House  was  now  ready 
for  organization.  Counting  the  eight  contesting  members,  each 
party  had  a  majority.  Thos.  B.  McElwee,  of  Bedford,  next  rose 
and  moved  that  the  House  proceed  to  elect  a  Speaker,  which 
motion  was  adopted.  All  this  time  great  confusion  reigned. 
Scarcely  was  the  voice  of  the  clerk,  when  calling  the  names  of 
the  members,  audible  above  the  din  that  prevailed  through  the 
whole  hall.  "Win.  Hopkins,  of  Washington  County,  was  now 
nominated  for  Speaker,  and  the  tellers  were  appointed.  Here 
upon,  Thaddeus  Stevens  arose  and  named  as  Speaker,  Thomas  S. 
Cunningham,  of  Beaver,  and  having  appointed  tellers,  immedi 
ately  put  the  motion  and  declared  his  candidate  elected,  who  pro 
ceeded  to  the  speaker's  stand  and  took  the  chair.  He  was  greeted 
by  his  partisans  with  tumultuous  applause  when  he  reached  the 
speaker's  seat.  A  like  election  on  the  part  of  his  partisans 
declared  Mr.  Hopkins  Speaker  of  the  House,  who  mounted  a 
chair  and  began  to  address  the  multitude.  Thos.  B.  McElwee  ad 
vanced  to  him  and  escorted  him  to  the  speaker's  platform,  and 
gently  removing  Cunningham  with  his  elbow,  placed  the  Demo 
cratic  Speaker  in  his  seat.  This  in  turn  was  greeted  by  vocifer 
ous  cheering  by  those  who  saw  in  this  act  the  advantage  gained 
by  their  party.  Both  Speaker's  were  now  sworn  by  their  parti 
sans,  and  thereupon  Mr.  Cunningham  assumed  to  adjourn  the 
House  {ill  2:30  P.  M.  next  day.  The  Cunningham  members  now 
retired,  and  af  terthe  transaction  of  some  unimportant  business,  the 
Hopkins  House  also  adjourned  until  next  day  at  10  o'clock.  The 
crowd  now  gradually  dispersed ;  the  Democrats,  however,  took  the 
precaution  to  leave  some  trusty  guards  in  possession  of  the  capitol, 
in  order  to  retain  possession  of  the  advantage  they  had  gained. 

Both  parties  now  returned  to  their  several  hotels  and  boarding 
houses,  some  chagrined  and  others  jubilant  over  what  had  trans 
pired.  After  dinner  had  been  partaken  of  and  the  all-engrossing 
subject  for  a  short  time  discussed,  the  leading  politicians  began 


50  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

to  wend  tlieir  way  to  the  Senate  chamber,  which  body  was  to 
organize  at  3  o'clock.  Like  the  hall  of  the  House  had  been, 
when  the  clock  struck  three,  the  Senate  chamber  was  a  perfect 
jam.  When  the  clerk  called  the  Senate  to  order,  Mr.  Burrows, 
the  Secretary  of  the  Commonwealth,  handed  to  •him  the  return 
of  the  minority  judges  from  the  Comity  of  Philadelphia.  At 
this  point  the  crowd  gave  vent  to  some  tokens  of  disapprobation, 
after  which  the  roll  was  called  and  the  Senators  answered  to  their 
names.  A  Mr.  Hannah  was  one  of  the  Senators  from  Philadel 
phia  who  was  returned  by  the  Whig  judges  as  elected.  When 
his  name  was  called  and  he  was  about  to  be  sworn,  the  utmost 
confusion  prevailed.  The  crowd  broke  over  the  lobbies,  and 
some  of  them  mounted  chairs  and  began  to  speak.  Charles 
Brown,  one  of  the  contesting  Senators  from  Philadelphia,  at 
tempted  to  address  the  Senate,  but  was  called  to  order  as  not 
being  a  member  of  the  body.  This  excited  his  partisans  in  the 
crowd,  and  the  shout  was  raised :  "  Hear  him,"  "  Brown," 
"  Brown,"  "  You  shall  hear  Brown."  These  and  similar  out 
bursts  of  excitement  now  for  a  moment  rent  the  hall.  For  a 
time  all  single  voices  were  drowned  in  the  universal  clamor  and 
confusion  which  prevailed.  Gen.  Rodgers,  of  Bucks,  a  member 
of  the  Senate,  rose  and  moved  that  Mr.  Brown  be  permitted  to 
address  the  Senate.  Brown  now  addressed  it  and  the  crowd  at 
considerable  length,  and  all  the  while  the  tumult  remained 
unabated.  All  this  time  Penrose,  the  Speaker,  kept  his  seat  and 
endeavored  to  preserve  order  to  the  best  of  his  ability,  but  to  no 
purpose.  It  was  now  near  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening.  During 
all  this  time  Stevens  had  been  in  the  hall,  and  was  regarded  by 
his  political  enemies  as  the  spirit  that  animated  and  inspired 
confidence  in  the  hearts  of  his  partisans.  Penrose,  finding  his 
efforts  to  preserve  order  fruitless,  beckoned  to  Gen.  Rodgers  to 
take  the  chair,  he  retiring  behind  the  desk.  About  this  time, 
Stevens  perceiving  that  the  waves  of  faction  already  resistless 
were  still  surging  with  greater  intensity,  desired  to  make  his 
way  out  through  the  crowd,  but  was  unable  to  do  so.  He  went 
back  to  the  fire-place  and  while  standing  there,  was  told  by  a 
friend  that  it  was  intended  to  kill  him  if  he  went  out  by  the  door. 
It  was  then  suggested  that  he  and  Burrows  should  leave  by  the 
window  of  the  room,  near  the  fire.  As  it  was  too  perilous  a 
descent  to  leap  out  of  the  window,  they  crept  out  by  means  of  a 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  51 

lamp  lighters  ladder,  which  had  been  obtained  by  some  of  their 
friends,  and  secured  against  the  back  wall  of  the  Senate  Chamber. 
While  going  out  of  the  window  the  door  of  the  room,  opening  at 
the  end  of  the  lobby  stood  open,  and  they  were  seen  by  some  of 
the  crowd.  '"Three  persons,  one  of  them  with  a  long  bowie 
knife  in  his  hand,  ran  out  through  the  crowd,  swearing  he  would 

kill  the scoundrel  yet."  *     Had  not  these  roughs  mistaken 

the  direction  of  the  window  they  might,  in  the  intensity  of  the 
excitement,  have  imbued  their  han$s  in  blood.  Penrose,  about 
the  same  time,  also  made  his  escape.  Shortly  after  the  retreat 
of  Stevens,  Penrose  and  Burrows,  the  Senate  adjourned. 

By  this  time  the  people  of  Harrisburg  were  in  the  midst  of  the 
greatest  excitement  and  terror.  Every  moment  it  was  now  ex 
pected  that  a  collision  between  the  parties  might  ignite  the  flames 
of  civil  war  in  their  midst  Stevens,  Penrose  and  Burrows  were 
the  triumvirate  that  received  all  the  abuse  of  their  political 
opponents  for  what  had  happened,  or  was  likely  to  take  place, 
As  the  preponderance  of  plebeian  influence  was  possessed  by  the 
Democratic  party,  it  was  already  apparent  that  the  "\Vhigs  had  so 
far  been  necessitated  to  yield  to  its  influence.  Perhaps,  even  in 
this  case,  the  vox  populi  was  vox  dei^  much  as  reason  might  utter 
its  dissent.  Passion  and  patriotism  now  had  free  scope  for  dis 
play.  A  mammoth  meeting  of  Democrats  was  held  the  same 
evening  at  the  Court  House  in  the  Borough  of  Harrisburg,  pre 
sided  over  by  Gen.  T,  C,  Miller,  of  Adams  County,  assisted  by  a 
large  number  of  vice-presidents,  A  number  of  stirring  and 
inflamatory  addresses  were  delivered  at  this  meeting  by  CoL  J.  J. 
McCahan,  of  Philadelphia,  George  W.  Barton,  of  Lancaster,  and 
others.  A  committee  was  appointed  to  wait  upon  Thomas  II, 
Burrows,  and  request  him  forthwith  to  furnish  to  the  clerks  of 
the  Senate  and  House  of  Reprentatives,  the  full  and  legal  returns 
of  the  election  for  the  County  of  Philadelphia,  held  on  the  9th 
of  October,  1838,  A  Committee  of  Safety  was  also  appointed, 
of  which  Gen.  Adam  Diller,  of  Lancaster  County,  was  made 
Chairman,  The  meeting  then  adjourned  until  next  morning  at 
half-past  eight  o'clock. 

After  the  adjournment  of  the  Senate,  Gov,  Eitner  issued  the 
following  proclamation : 


Biographical  History  of  Lancaster  County,  pjx 


52  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

Pennsylvania,  ss :  In  the  name  and  l>y  the  authority  of  the 
Commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania^  l>y  Joseph  Ritner,  Gov 
ernor  of  the  said  Commonwealth : 

11  WHEREAS,  A  lawless,  infuriated  armed  mob,  from  the  Counties  of 
Philadelphia,  Lancaster,  Adams,  and  other  counties,  have  assembled  at 
the  seat  of  Government  with  the  avowed  object  of  disturbing,  interrupt 
ing  and  over-awing  the  Legislature  of  this  Commonwealth,  and  of  pre 
venting  its  proper  organization,  and  the  peaceable  and  free  discharge  of 
its  duties.  And 

"  WHEREAS,  The  said  mob  have  already,  on  this  day,  entered  the  Senate 
Chamber,  and  in  an  outrageous  and  violent  manner  by  clamoring,  shouting 
and  threatening  violence  and  death  of  the  members  of  that  body  and 
other  officers  of  the  Government,  and  finally,  by  rushing  within  the  bar 
of  the  Senate  Chamber,  and  in  defiance  of  every  effort  to  restrain  them, 
compelled  the  Senate  to  suspend  business.  And 

"  WHEREAS,  They  still  remain  here  in  force,  encouraged  by  a  person  who 
is  an  officer  of  the  General  Government  from  Philadelphia,  and  are  set 
ting  the  law  at  open  defiance  and  rendering  it  unsafe  for  the  legislative 
bodies  to  assemble  in  the  Capitol. 

"  THEREFORE,  This  is  to  call  upon  the  civil  authorities  to  exert  them 
selves  to  restore  order,  to  the  utmost  of  their  power,  and  upon  the  mili 
tary  force  of  the  Commonwealth  to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  repair 
to  the  seat  of  Government ;  and  upon  all  good  citizens  to  aid  in  curbing 
this  lawless  mob,  and  in  re-instating  the  supremacy  of  the  law. 

"  Given  under  my  hand  and  the  great  seal  of  the  State,  at  Harrisburg, 
this  4th  day  of  December,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord,  one  thousand,  eight 
hundred  and  thirty-eight,  and  of  the  Commonwealth  the  sixty-third. 

By  the  Governor. 

"THOMAS  II.  BURROWS, 
"  Secretary  of  the  Commonwealth.'* 

The  Democratic  citizens  met  pursuant  to  the  adjournment  at 
the  Court  House  meeting  at  8:30  o'clock  A.  M.,  of  December  5th, 
and  were  again  addressed  at  some  length  by  the  eloquent  Col. 
J.  J.  McCahan.  He  exhorted  them  to  use  all  peaceful  measures, 
in  order  to  secure  their  rights.  The  Committee  on  Resolutions 
submitted  the  following : 

"  Resolved.  That  we  recommend  to  the  citizens  generally  to  pursue  a 
prudent  and  calm  course,  Avaiting  the  events  of  the  day  with  that  firm 
ness  which  freemen  in  a  free  country  have  resolved  upon. 

"  Resolv:d,  That  neither  those  in  power,  who  endeavor  to  perpetuate 
their  reign  through  unlawful  and  fraudulent  returns,  as  citizen  soldiers, 
who  have  the  same  feelings  and  interests  with  us,  will  intimidate  people 
resolved  upon  having  their  rights." 

At  10  o'clock,  on  Wednesday,  December  5th,  the  Hopkins 
House  met  pursuant  to  its  adjournment,  in  the  hall  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  and  elected  their  officers;  and  after  the  trans- 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  53 

action  of  some  unimportant  business,  adjourned.  About  the 
time  the  House  was  adjourning,  a  rumor  was  afloat  that  the 
Whigs  had  taken  possession  of  the  arsenal  with  a  large  body  of 
armed  men.  Some  of  the  members,  going  to  ascertain  the  truth 
of  the  rumor,  found  a  large  collection  of  men  around  the 
arsenal.  Armed  men  were  seen  parading  in  the  arsenal,  with 
fixed  bayonets.  Gov.  Ritiier  had  issued  orders  that  a  special 
guard  should  be  detailed  for  the  defense  of  the  State  property  in 
the  arsenal.  The  Democrats  who  surrounded  the  arsenal  had  a 
field-piece  and  acted  under  the  orders  of  the  Committee  of 
Safety,  of  which  Gen.  Adam  Diller  was  chairman.  As  they 
viewed  affairs,  the  occupation  of  the  arsenal  was  but  part  of  a 
plan  to  coerce  them  into  the  relinquishment  of  their  rights;  and 
to  this  they  determined  to  interpose  whatever  resistance  the  occa 
sion  might  demand.  The  proclamation  of  the  Governor,  calling 
for  troops,  had  now  become  known,  and  this  now  added  fresh 
fuel  to  the  flames.  The  Democrats  demanded  either  the  evacua 
tion  of  the  arsenal,  or  that  it  should  be  guarded  by  equal  num 
bers  of  both  parties.  This  latter  demand  was  refused,  and  as  the 
parleying  had  already  lasted  for  a  considerable  time,  it  was  feared 
by  many  of  the  "Whigs  that  unless  some  compromise  were  effected 
&  collision  might  ensue.  At  this  point,  George  Ford,  of  Lancas 
ter,  and  Joseph  Henderson,  called  upon  the  Committee  of  Safety 
and  represented  themselves  as  deputed  by  Stevens,  Ritner  &  Co. 
to  confer  in  reference  to  the  arsenal  and  the  public  property  of 
the  Commonwealth.  Messrs.  Ford  &  Henderson  pledged  them 
selves,  "that  as  men  of  honor,  no  ordinance,  arms,  muskets,  or 
amunition,  should  by  any  order  of  the  Governor,  or  any  other 
authority  whatever,  be  taken  from  the  arsenal  for  the  purpose  of 
arming  any  forces  that  might  collect  in  obedience  to  the  proc 
lamation  of  the  Governor,  and  that  if  any  use  of  them  should 
be  made  they  would  hold  themselves,  personally  responsible  for 
the  consequences." 

The  Committee  of  Safety  thereupon  despatched  three  of  their 
number  to  advise  the  citizens  of  the  pledge  that  had  just  been 
made,  and  the  arsenal  guard  shortly  afterwards  consented  that  if 
the  citizens  would  withdraw,  they  would  evacuate  the  premises. 
Room  being  now  made  for  the  retreat,  the  garrison  sallied  forth 
at  full  run  for  Gleims'  Hotel,  the  headquarters  for  the  Ritner 
party.  In  the  chase,  one  of  the  fugitives,  a  known  bully,  was 


5t  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

overtaken  by  a  Philadelphia!!  of  like  character,  prostrated,  and 
severely  handled.  As  soon  as  the  arsenal  was  evacuated>  an  im 
mense  crowd  gathered  in  front  of  Gleims'  Hotel,  in  which  it  was 
rumored  that  live  hundred  muskets  were  deposited.  These  mus 
kets,  it  was  averred,  had  been  purchased  in  Philadelphia  by 
Stevens  and  Burrows  after  the  October  election,  and  deposited  in 
a  room  of  this  hotel  for  service  on  the  present  occasion.  It  was 
now  past  noon,  and  rain  was  falling  in  torrents  upon  the  crowd, 
now  swollen  to  an  immense  size,  in  the  streets  and  around  the 
hotel.  Col.  Lewis  Corryel  and  Col.  Piolett  addressed  the  multi 
tude  and  calmed  them  by  assurring  them  that  no  immediate  dan 
ger  of  a  collission  now  existed.  The  crowd  after  this,  gradually 
began  to  disperse. 

As  soon  as  Mr.  Stevens  had  heard  of  the  negotiation  made  with 
the  Committee  of  Safety,  concerning  the  arsenal,  by  Ford  and 
Henderson,  he  disclaimed,  in  a  public  letter  addressed  to  the 
editor  of  the  Pennsylvania  Telegraph^  as  far  as  he  was  concerned, 
having  authorized  the  parties  to  so  negotiate.  The  following  is 

the  copy  of  the  letter  : 

"  HARRISBURQ,  Dec.  Cth,  1808. 
"  To  the  Editor  of  the  Pennsylvania  Telegraph  : 

"SiR: — I  understand  that  a  publication,  issued  by  authority  of  the 
rebel  forces,  who  for  two  days  past  have  had  possession  of  the  seat  of 
government  and  the  State  Capitol,  states  that  while  such  forces  sur 
rounded  the  arsenal,  yesterday,  and  were  threatening  to  force  it  open,  a 
committee,  consisting  of  Messrs.  Ford  and  Henderson,  sent  by  Ritner, 
Stevens,  Burrows  &  Co.,  pledged  their  honor,  that  if  the  people  would 
disperse  no  arms  should  be  taken  out  of  the  arsenal  by  any  per 
sons,  either  in  behalf  of  the  government  or  others.  I  desire  to  contra 
dict  this  statement,  so  far  as  it  concerns  myself.  What  Messrs.  Ford  and 
Henderson  may  have  done,  I  know  not  ;  but  no  man  had  any  counte 
nance  from  me,  in  either  making  or  listening  to  any  suggestions  from 
the  rebels  on  any  subject ;  nor  do  I  believe  that  either  of  the  gentlemen 
named  authorized  any  such  communication.  I  have  uniformly  said  that 
I  should  deem  it  disgraceful  to  treat  with  the  rebels  on  any  subject,  or 
do  any  act,  either  now  or  hereafter,  on  their  demand.  Such  acts  I  should 
consider  as  disgraceful  to  myself,  personally,  and  an  infamous  surrender 
of  the  rights  of  the  people  of  the  Republic. 

"Your  obedient  servant, 

"THADDEUS  STEVENS." 

The  hall  of  the  House  of  Representatives  was  securely  guarded 
by  the  Democrats,  during  the  whole  of  the  5th  of  December. 
The  Cunningham  House  had  completed  its  organization  in  a  room 
of  "Wilson's  Hotel,  in  the  City  of  Harrisburg,  now  the  Lochiel 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  55 

House.  As  Cunningham  had  adjourned  his  House  when  the  two 
parties  on  the  4th  divided  in  their  organizations,  until  half-past 
two  P.  M.  on  the  5th,  he  directed  a  Mr.  Spackman,  of  Philadel 
phia,  to  proceed  to  the  hall  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  and 
again  adjourn  it  till  the  next  day.  Meeting  Thomas  B.  McElwee, 
Spackman  was  asked  by  his  political  opponent,  where  he  was 
^oing.  Spackman  replied,  "to  adjourn  the  House."  McElwee 
told  him  he  had  no  right  to  do  so,  as  there  was  no  House  to 
adjourn,  and  started  immediately  for  the  Speaker's  stand.  Some 
one  in  the  House  (for  the  hall  was  again  densely  crowded)  said  to 
him,  "  you  will  get  a  ball  through  your  head  if  you  attempt  to 
keep  Spackman  from  the  Chair."  Spackman  advanced  to  the 
platform.  McElwee  the  second  time  demanded  of  him  what  he 
wanted,  and  the'  reply  was,  "  to  adjourn  the  House."  The 
interrogator  remarked  that  there  was  no  House  to  adjourn. 
Spackman  said,  "  the  Cunningham  House,"  to  which  McElwee 
told  him  he  would  not  be  permitted  to  do  so.  Great  agitation 
now  prevailed  throughout  the  hall.  Some,  supposing  a  collision 
iminent,  raised  the  windows  to  make  their  escape  if  danger  arose. 
Some  cried  out,  "  Spackman,  adjourn  the  House  from  where  you 
are."  McElwee  immediately  remarked  to  some  of  the  bystanders, 
"  gentlemen,  remove  this  man  from  the  hall."  He  was  at  once 
seized  by  the  men.  and  led  to  the  door.  While  he  was  being 
conveyed  out,  he  remarked  to  one  of  those  leading  him,  that  "  he 
would  adjourn  the  House  from  a  member's  chair."  The  gentle 
man  assured  him  that  if  he  attempted  to  do  so  he  would  not  be 
responsible  for  his  safety.  Spackman  then  retired  from  the  hall. 
In  the  interval  a  rush  was  made,  and  the  folding  doors  between 
the  hall  and  rotunda  were  burst  from  their  hinges,  and  many 
individuals  leapt  from  the  windows.  Great  confusion  reigned 
for  a  short  time,  some  attempting  to  speak,  in  order  to  quell  the 
disorder.  After  some  time  the  citizens  again  quietly  dispersed, 
and  the  hall  was  once  more  almost  deserted. 

Gov.  Ritner,  on  the  5th  of  December,  addressed  a  letter  to 
E.  V.  Sumner,  Captain  of  the  United  States  Dragoons,  at  Car 
lisle,  urging  him  "  forthwith  to  march  the  troops  at  your  com 
mand  to  Harrisburg,  for  the  protection  of  the  constituted  authori 
ties  of  the  Commonwealth,  for  the  suppression  of  the  insurrection, 
and  for  the  preservation  of  our  Republican  form  of  Government, 
agreeably  with  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States."  Captain 


56  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

Sumner,  on  the  same  day,  replied  to  the  Governor  as  follows : 

"  As  the  disturbance  at  the  Capitol  of  this  State,  appears  to  proceed 
from  political  differences  alone,  I  do  not  feel  that  it  would  be  proper  for 
me  to  interpose  my  command  between  the  parties.  If  this  riot  proceeded 
from  any  other  cause,  I  would  offer  you  the  services  of  my  command 
before  you  will  receive  this  letter." 

On  Friday,  December  7th,  Gov.  Ritner  addressed  the  following 
letter  to  the  President  of  the  United  States : 

HARRISBURG,  PA.,  December  7th,  1838. 

"  SIR  : — It  is  my  exceedingly  unpleasant  duty,  officially  to  inform  you, 
that  such  a  state  of  domestic  violence  exists  at  this  place,  as  has  put  an 
end  for  the  present  to  all  the  regular  functions  of  the  State  Government. 
The  Senate  of  the  State  has  been  compelled,  by  imtimidatioii,  to  break 
up  in  confusion.  The  duly  appointed  presiding  officer  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  was  prevented  from  calling  the  House  to  order,  to  which 
it  stood  adjourned,  and  was  ejected  from  the  hall  by  violence.  The  State 
Department  is  closed,  and  I  have  not  deemed  it  safe  or  prudent  to  proceed 
to  the  Executive  Chamber  since  the  first  disturbance,  which  took  place 
on  the  4th  instant. 

"  Under  this  state  of  things,  I  have  thought  it  my  duty,  to  the  good 
citizens  of  this  Commonwealth,  and  to  law  and  order,  to  lay  the  foregoing 
fact  before  you,  and  to  request  you,  in  accordance  with  the  Fourth  Sec 
tion  of  the  Fourth  Article  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  4o 
take  measures  to  protect  this  State  against  the  effects  of  the  domestic 
violence  which  is  now  in  existence. 

"  That  there  may  be  no  doubt,  in  your  mind,  as  to  the  propriety  of 
some  interference  at  the  present  moment,  without  an  application  of  the 
Legislature,  it  is  only  requisite  to  say  that  I  have  been  officially  informed 
that  neither  branch  of  the  Legislature  can  with  freedom  and  safety  meet 
for  the  transaction  of  business  ;  and  further,  that  though  the  Legislature  of 
this  State  annually  convenes  on  the  first  Tuesday  in  December,  I  have 
not  yet  been  officially  informed,  in  the  usual  manner,  of  their  organiza 
tion.  I,  therefore,  do  not  believe  that  the  Legislature  can  be  convened 
or  that  it  is  already  in  session.  On  yesterday  I  made  a  formal  applica 
tion  to  Captain  E.  V.  Sumner,  commanding  the  United  States  Dragoons, 
and  other  forces  at  Carlisle,  for  the  assistance  of  his  command,  of  which 
the  accompanying  papers  will  exhibit  a  copy  of  his  reply. 

'*  For  the  full  information  of  your  Excellency,  I  enclose  the  copy  of  a 
proclamation  which  I  have  issued  on  the  occasion,  together  with  the 
published  statements  of  the  facts  connected  with  the  riot  in  the  Senate 
Chamber,  signed  by  a  majority  of  the  Senators,  and  the  material  facts 
of  which  have  been  sworn  to  by  the  Speaker  and  other  members  of  the 
Senate,  and  other  published  documents. 

' '  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir,  with  great  respect, 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"JOSEPH  RITNER. 
"  To  his  Excellency,  Martin  Van  Buren, 

"  President  of  the  United  States." 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  57 

The  above  letter  of  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  was  refer 
red  by  the  President  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  J.  R.  Poinsett, 
who  under  date  of  December  llth,  replied  to  the  application  for 
troops,  a  portion  of  whose  reply  is  here  inserted : 

"The  commotion,"  says  the  Secretary  of  "War,  "which  now  threat 
ens  the  peace  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania,  does  not 
ft]  pear  to  arise  from  any  opposition  to  the  laws  ;  but  grows  out  of 
a  political  contest  between  the  different  members  of  the  Govern 
ment,  most,  if  not  all  of  them,  admitted  to  be  the  legal  represen 
tatives  of  the  people  constitutionally  elected,  about  their  relative 
i  ights,  and  especially  in  reference  to  the  organization  of  the  pop 
ular  branch  of  the  Legislature.  To  interfere  in  any  commotion 
growing  out  of  a  controversy  of  so  grave  and  delicate  a  character, 
by  the  Federal  authority,  armed  with  the  military  power  of  the 
Government,  would  be  attended  with  dangerous  consequences  to 
our  republican  institutions.  In  the  opinion  of  the  President,  his 
interference  in  any  political  commotion  in  a  State  could  only  be 
justified  by  the  application  for  it,  being  clearly  within  the  mean 
ing  of  the  Fourth  Section  of  the  Fourth  Article  of  the  Consti 
tution,  and  of  the  Act  of  Congress  passed  in  pursuance  thereof, 
and  while  the  domestic  violence  brought  to  his  notice,  is  of  such 
a  character  that  the  State  authorities,  civil  and  military,  after 
having  been  duly  called  upon,  have  proved  inadequate  to  suppress 
it." 

Gen.  Patterson,  of  Philadelphia,  marched  about  one  thousand 
troops  from  that  city  to  Ilarrisburg,  arriving  with  them  at  the 
State  Capitol  on  Sunday  morning,  December  9th.  A  number 
of  troops  were  also  marched  from  Carlisle  by  Gen.  Alexander, 
and  companies  prepared  themselves  to  march  in  different  sec 
tions  of  the  State,  but  were  informed  that  their  services  were 
not  required.  By  Thursday,  the  6th  of  December,  the  greatest 
of  the  excitement  had  subsided ;  and  the  Senate  was  again  in 
session  at  the  close  of  the  week  transacting  business.  All  the 
soldiers  were  dismissed,  and  had  reached  their  homes  on  Satur 
day,  December  22nd.  The  expenses  occasioned  by  this  attend 
ance  of  the  citizen  soldiery,  amounted  to  the  sum  of  one  hundred 
and  forty-seven  thousand  dollars. 

The  Cunningham  House  of  Representatives  continued  to  meet 
ragularly  in  a  room  of  Wilson's  Hotel,  and  it  was  believed  by 
the  Democrats  for  a  time  that  the  Senate  would  recognize  th's 


53  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

body  as  the  legally  constituted  House.     The  majority  of   the 
Senators  were  Whigs,  and  as  politicians  usually  stand  by  their 
party,  it  was  supposed  that  this  case  would  present  no  exception 
to  the  general  rule.     But  after  the  whole  truth,  as  regards  the 
election  in  Philadelphia  County,  came  to  be  fully  understood, 
many  of  the  Whigs  doubted  the  propriety  of  resisting  the  fairly 
expressed  will  of  the  people  at  the  ballot  box.     Much  as  they 
were  entitled  to  the  organization  upon  the  return  made  by  the 
Secretary  of  the  Commonwealth,  yet  it  was  gravely  questioned 
by  many  of  them  if  that  official  had  not  transcended  his  authority 
in  discriminating  between  the  two  returns,  and  deciding  upon  a 
matter  which  was  by  the  constitution  entrusted  to  the  House  of 
Representatives  itself.     In  this  they  agreed  with  their  political 
opponents.      Accordingly,    on   Monday,    December   17th,  three 
members  of  the  Cunningham  division,  Messrs.  Butler  and  Stur- 
devant,  of   Luzerne,  and  Montelius,   of    Union,  came  into  the 
Hopkins'  House  and  offered  to  be  and  were  sworn  in  as  members. 
This  gave   the   Hopkins'    House   a  majority  of    the   members 
whose  seats  were  uncontested.     Mr.  Micheler,  a  Whig  Senator 
from  Northampton,  on  the  25th  of  December,  offered  a  resolu 
tion  to  recognize  the  Hopkins  House  of  Representatives,  as  con 
taining  a  majority  of  the  legally  elected  members ;  and  this  reso 
lution  was  adopted,  1Y  voting  in  the  affirmative,  and  16  in  the 
negative.     The  Whig  Senators  who  supported  this  resolution,  in 
addition   to  the   eleven   Democrats,   were :     Messrs.    Fullerton, 
Case,  Strohm,  Micheler,  McConkey  and  Miller.     Two  days  after 
the  passage  of  this  resolution  in  the  Senate,  a  large  number  of 
the  Whig  members  presented  themselves  to  the  recognized  House 
of  Representatives,  and  after  being  qualified  took  their  seats. 
Win.  Hopkins  on  the  same  day  resigned  the  Speakership,  in  order 
to  accord  to  the  acceding  members  their  choice  in  the  selection  of 
a  Speaker.     He  was,  however,  immediately  re-elected,  and  the 
remaining  Whigs,  one  after  another,  except  Mr.  Stevens,  whose 
spirit  was  too  proud  to  yield,  came  in,  and  after  having  been 
sworn,  took  their  seats.     He  who  had  been  the  soul  of  his  party  in 
its  struggle,  was  too  spirited  to  succumb  when  defeated  and  even 
deserted  by  all  his  followers ;  and  he  chose  rather  to  absent  himself 
during  the  remainder  of  the  session. 

In  view  of  the  adoption  of  the  new  Constitution,  it  was  found 
necessary,  for  certain  reasons,  to  convene  a  special  session  of  the 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  59 

Legislature,  on  May  7th,  1839.  The  political  friends  of  Mr. 
Stevens  in  Adams  County,  regarding  themselves  as  entitled  to 
full  representation  in  the  Legislature,  held  a  meeting  and  passed 
resolutions  requesting  him  to  assume  his  seat  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  at  the  coming  special  session.  A  committee  was 
appointed  to  convey  to  Mr.  Stevens  the  wishes  of  his  constitu 
ents.  To  this  committee  he  replied  as  follows : 

"GETTYSBURG,  May  3d,  1839. 

"  GENTLEMEN  : — I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  27th  ult,  inclosing 
resolutions  of  a  county  meeting  held  in  my  absence,  approving  of  my 
conduct  in  having  refused  to  take  my  seat  in  the  House,  and  suggesting  as 
the  opinion  of  the  meeting,  that  I  could  be  of  service  to  the  Common 
wealth  by  going  into  it  at  the  adjourned  session  ;  containing  also  flattering 
expressions  of  confidence  reposed  in  me  by  the  meeting. 

"  My  opinion  of  the  legality  of  the  body  called  the  '  Hopkins'  House,' 
remains  unchanged.  I  believe  it  to  be  an  usurping  body,  forced  upon  the 
State  by  a  band  of  rebels  who  have  shaken  to  their  fall  the  pillars  of  our 
Constitution.  But  I  owe  too  much  to  the  kindness  and  steady  confidence 
of  the  people  of  Adams  County  to  disobey  their  wishes,  however  deli 
cately  intimated.  I  shall  therefore  conquer  my  repugnance  to  it  and  enter 
the  House  at  the  adjourned  session.  I  shall  feel  happy  if  contrary  to  my 
expectations,  I  should  be  able  to  be  of  any  service  to  you,  the  Common 
wealth  at  large,  and  the  liberty  of  the  people  which  I  fear  is  doomed  to 
a  short  existence.  Accept  gentlemen  for  yourselves  my  most  cordial 
thanks  for  the  kind  manner  in  which  you  have  discharged  the  duties  of 
your  appointment. 

"  To  James  Cooper,  R.  S.  Paxon  and  M.  C.  Clarkson,  Esq's,  Committee. 

"THADDEUS  STEVENS." 

Mr.  Stevens  presented  himself  at  the  special  session  of  the 
House  on  May  7th,  1859,  and  offered  to  be  qualified  as  a  member. 
It  was  the  occasion  for  the  manifestation  of  intense  hostility  to 
wards  him.  Thomas  B.  McElwee  offered  the  following  resolution : 

"  WHEREAS,  Thaddeus  Stevens,  a  person  elected  from  Adams  County, 
claims  a  seat  in  this  House  ;  And  Whereas,  if  even  the  said  Stevens  has 
had  a  right  to  sit  as  a  member  on  this  floor,  he  has  forfeited  this  right  by 
acts  in  violation  of  the  law  of  the  land,  by  contempt  of  this  House,  and 
by  a  virtual  resignation  of  his  character  as  a  representative  of  Adams 
County,  therefore 

"Resolved,  That  his  admission  as  a  member  be  postponed  for  the 
present,  and  that  a  committee  of  five  be  appointed  to  investigate  the 
claims  of  Stevens  to  a  seat  in  the  House  of  Representatives  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  and  whether  he  has,  if  duly  elected,  forfeited  his  seat  by  mal- 
conduct." 

The  above  resolution  called  forth  considerable  discussion,  but 
the  committee  was  finally  appointed  and  the  following  notice 
served  upon  Mr.  Stevens : 


60  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

"HARRISBURG,  Saturday  Morning,  May  llth,  1839. 

"  SIR  :  The  committee  appointed  by  the  House  of  Representatives  'to 
inquire  whether  Thaddeus  Stevens,  a  member  elect  from  Adams  County, 
has  forfeited  his  right  to  a  seat  in  the  House,'  will  meet  for  that  purpose 
in  the  committee  room  of  the  House,  on  Monday  next  at  4  o'clock,  or  at 
an  earlier  period  if  you  desire  it,  where  you  may  attend  and  be  heard. 
"  To  Thaddeus  Stevens,  Esq. 

"CHARLES  M.  BEGINS,  Chairman." 

To  this  notice  Mr.  Stevens  sent  the  following  reply : 

"HARRISBURG,  May  13th?  1839. 

"  SIR  :— I  received  your  letter  of  the  llth  instant,  informing  me  that 
the  committee  '  to  inquire  whether  Thaddeus  Stevens,  a  member  elect 
from  Adams  County,  has  not  forfeited  his  right  to  a  seat  in  the  House,' 
will  meet  on  Monday  next,  when  I  may  attend  and  be  heard. 

"  I  decline  to  appear  before  the  committee,  because  I  will  not  consent 
to  a  palpable  violation  of  the  Constitution  and  laws.  If,  as  on  recent 
occasions,  I  am  compelled  by  force  to  witness  such  scenes,  I  can  at  least 
withhold  from  them  my  sanction,  both  express  and  implied. 

"  The  resolution  admits  the  legality  of  my  election  and  return,  but 
proposes  to  inquire  whether  I  have  not  forfeited  my  seat  before  my  ad 
mission  into  the  House.  The  grounds  of  such  forfeiture  are  not  specified 
in  the  resolution,  and  I  can  only  infer  them  from  the  remarks  of  the 
original  mover  of  the  resolution,  T.  B.  McEhvee.  As  set  forth  by  him, 
they  consist  in  non  user,  misuser,  contempt  of  the  House,  by  calling  it  an 
illegal  body — the  offspring  of  a  mob  ;  and  for  sundry  personal  improprie 
ties.  No  constitutional  disqualification  was  or  is  alleged,  and  for  none 
other  can  the  House,  without  an  illegal  exercise  of  arbitrary  power,  pre 
vent  a  member  elect  from  taking  his  seat.  Expulsion  for  good  cause, 
after  admission,  stands  on  different  grounds,  and  is  authorized  by  the 
Constitution. 

"  I  think  it  will  trouble  the  committee  to  find  a  precedent  of  the  de 
clared  forfeiture  for  non  user  of  an  elective  representative  office.  For 
two  whole  sessions  the  minority  in  the  House  of  Parliament  absented 
themselves  from  the  House,  yet  neither  the  King,  the  Speaker,  nor  the 
majority  dared  to  exercise  the  high-handed  tyranny  now  attempted  by 
what  is  called  the  House  of  Representatives  of  Pennsylvania. 

"That  certain  public  executive  or  ministerial  offices  may  be  forfeited 
for  non  user  in  England  where  no  written  paramount  Constitution  exists, 
is  true.  The  business  of  several  departments  of-  government  could  not 
otherwise  be  transacted.  But  it  must  be  a  continuing  non  user.  It  would 
be  too  late  to  declare  the  forfeiture  after  the  officer  had  taken  possession 
of  his  office,  and  was  ready  to  discharge  its  duties.  The  forfeiture  is  a 
remedy  against  public  inconvenience,  and  not  a  punishment  for  an 
offender.  But  in  Constitutional  Governments  no  such  forfeiture  takes 
place,  except  for  the  causes  and  in  the  mode  pointed  out  in  the  Constitu 
tion  itself. 

"  In  the  present  case,  the  majority  did  not  seem  to  consider  the  public 
business  as  suffering  by  my  absence,  nor  claim  a  right  unknown  to  the 
Constitution,  to  forfeit  my  seat ;  else  they  would  have  declared  it  vacant 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  Cl 

before  the  adjournment,  and  given  my  constituents  a  new  election  during 
the  vacation,  so  that  they  might  be  represented  in  the  present  session. 
No  intimation  of  a  vacancy,  no  step  to  supply  it  was  taken  until  I 
appeared  to  take  the  oath  and  use  the  office.  The  House,  therefore,  seems 
rather  anxious  to  create  than  supply  a  vacancy. 

'•I  need  hardly  notice  the  allegation  of  misuser  of  an  office,  which  I 
have  been  prevented  fro*m  using  at  all. 

"  The  right  to  exclude  a  member  elect  for  speaking  or  writing  con 
temptuously  of  the  House  or  its  proceedings  is  a  novel  and  dangerous 
position.  Until  a  member  elect  has  taken  the  requisite  oaths  he  can  no 
more  participate  in  the  proceedings  of  the  House,  nor  is  he  any  more 
subject  to  its  jurisdiction  than  a  private  citizen.  Individuals  may  be 
punished  by  the  House  for  corrupt  attempts  upon  its  integrity  by 
attempting  to  bribe  its  members,  or  for  disturbing  or  interrupting  its 
proceedings,  as  in  the  case  of  the  December  mob,  but  not  for  any  written 
or  printed  comments  on  its  proceedings  however  severe.  The  Sixth 
Section  of  the  Ninth  Article  (the  Declaration  of  Rights)  of  the  Constitu 
tion  declares  that  "  tlie  printing  press  shall  be  free  to  every  person  who 
undertakes  to  examine  the  proceedings  of  the  Legislature  or  any  branch  of 
tlie  Government,  and  no  law  shall  ever  be  made  to  restrain  the  right 
thereof."  Anything  I  may  have  published,  therefore,  is  not  subject  to 
your  supervision,  if  the  Constitution  be  yet  considered  as  existing. 

'•If  I  were  an  admitted  member,  and  should  demean  myself  indeco 
rously  and  disorderly  towards  that  body,  the  House  has  the  power  of 
expulsion.  And  if  calling  it  '  an  illegally  organized  body,  the  offspring  of 
a  mob,'  as  was  contended  in  debate,  be  sufficient  cause  for  expulsion,  I 
think  I  may  safely  promise  to  furnish  an  excuse  for  that  act  soon  after 
my  admission.  I  do  consider  the  '  Hopkins  House  ?  a  usurping  body 
but  like  all  other  usurpers,  having  possession  of  the  Government  de  facto, 
its  acts  will  be  binding  for  good  or  evil  on  the  State.  Hence,  my  con 
stituents  have  thought  proper  to  ask  me  to  take  my  seat  and  attempt  to 
moderate  an  evil  which  is  now  without  remedy. 

4i  If  the  committee  should  occupy  the  ground  pointed  out  by  the  mover 
of  the  resolution,  and  sit  in  judgment  upon  decency  and  morality,  I  must 
still  further  object  to  the  tribunal.  I  mean  no  disrespect  to  the  committee 
for  the  majority  of  them  I  feel  a  high  regard  ;  but  the  whole  question 
on  their  report  will  be  again  in  the  power  of  the  majority  of  the  House, 
and  I  cannot  agree  to  admit  the  intellectual,  moral  or  habitual  compe 
tency  of  Thomas  B.  McElwee,  his  compeers,  coadjutors  and  followers  to 
decide  a  question  of  decency  and  morals. 

'•  For  myself,  personally,  I  feel  no  anxiety  for  the  result  of  this  inquiry 
or  the  reasons  which  may  be  given  for  it,  and  to  put  which  upon  the 
Journal,  I  presume  was  the  chief  object  of  the  proceeding.  My  only 
anxiety  is  that  the  Constituti  n  may  not  be  further  violated,  and  that  the 
people  may  yet  have  some  ground  to  hope  that  Liberty,  although  deeply 
wounded,  may  not  expire.  I  owe  my  acknowledgments  to  the  committee 
for  their  prompt  attention  to  this  business,  and  trust  it  may  be  speedily 
finished.  With  proper  respect,  your  obedient  servant, 
" To  Charles  Hegins,  Esq.,  '•  THADDEUS  STEVENS. 

"  Chairman  of  Committee.  &c." 


62  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

After  tlie  committee  had  submitted  their  report,  a  resolution 
was  adopted  by  a  strict  party  vote  of  58  to  34,  declaring  the  seat 
of  Mr.  Stevens  vacant  in  tlie  House,  and  ordering  a  new  election, 
to  take  place  on  the  14th  of  June*  At  the  special  election, 
Mr.  Stevens  was  re-elected,  and  on  the  19th  of  June  he  appeared 
in  the  House,  and  having  subscribed  the  requisite  oath,  took  his 
seat.  The  Legislature  adjourned  on  the  27th  of  the  same  month. 
The  following  is  his  address  when  presenting  himself  as  a  candi 
date  at  the  special  election  : 

"  FELLOW  CITIZENS  : — In  accordance  with  your  wishes,  I  presented  my 
self  to  the  body  now  exercising  the  duties  of  the  House  of  Representa 
tives  of  this  Commonwealth,  and  desired  to  have  administered  to  me  the 
oath  prescribed  by  law.  A  majority  of  that  body,  using  the  same  unconsti 
tutional  and  unlawful  means  which  invested  them  with  official  authority, 
refused  to  allow  me  to  occupy  that  seat  to  which  I  had  been  called  by 
the  free  choice  of  my  fellow  citizens.  Under  the  most  shallow,  hypo 
critical  and  false  pretences,  they  have  declared  my  seat  vacant  and  im 
posed  upon  you  the  expense  of  a  new  election,  to  be  held  on  the  14th  of 
June  next.  In  doing  so  they  have  committed  an  unprecedented  outrage 
on  the  rights  of  the  people.  If  submitted  to  by  the  people,  Liberty  has 
become  but  a  mere  name.  Already  is  the  Constitution  suspended  and 
the  most  sacred  contracts  between  the  State  and  individuals  are  violated 
with  the  most  daring  and  reckless  audacity.  The  tyrants  who  have 
usurped  power,  have  determined  to  oppress  and  plunder  the  people.  It 
is  for  you  to  siy  whether  you  will  be  their  willing  slaves.  If  they  are 
permitted  finally  to  triumph,  you  hold  your  liberty,  your  lives,  your  rep 
utation,  and  your  property  at  their  will  alone. 

"I  had  hoped  that  no  circumstances  would  occur  which  would  render 
it  necessary  for  me  to  be  again  a  candidate  for  your  suffrages.  Both  my 
inclination  and  my  interest  require  me  to  retire  from  public  life.  But  I 
will  not  execute  that  settled  intention,  when  it  will  be  construed  into 
cowardice  or  despondency.  To  refuse  to  be  a  candidate  now  would  be 
seized  upon  by  my  enemies  as  evidence  that  I  distrust  the  people,  and 
am  afraid  to  entrust  to  them  the  redress  of  their  own  wrongs.  I  feel  no 
such  fear — no  such  distrust.  Without  intending  any  invidious  com 
parison,  I  have  always  said  what  I  still  believe,  that  the  people  of  Adams 
County  have  more  intelligence,  and  not  less  honesty,  than  the  people  of 
any  other  county  of  the  State.  To  such  a  people  I  can  have  no  fear  in 
appealing  against  lawless  aggression.  To  them  I  appeal  to  lestore  to  me 
that  which  was  their  free  gift,  and  therefore  my  right,  and  of  which  I 
have  been  robbed  by  those  who  'feel  power  and  forget  right.' 

"  I  present  myself  to  you  as  a  candidate  to  fill  that  vacancy  which  was 
created  to  wound  my  and  your  feelings.  I  do  not  want  to  receive  a  party 
nomination  from  rny  friends.  The  question  now  to  be  decided  is  above 
party  considerations,  and  would  be  disgraced  by  sinking  it  to  the  level  of 
a  party  contest.  Every  freeman  must  be  impelled  to  resist  this  public 
outrage  as  a  personal  wrong  to  himself.  Everything  dear  to  him  in  his 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  63 

country,  his  liberty,  the  liberty  of  his  children  and  the  title  to  his  prop 
erty  admonish  him  to  rise  above  every  paltry  personal  consideration,  and 
rebuke  tyranny  at  that  great  tribunal  of  freemen— the  ballot  box. 

"  While,  however,  you  are  determined,  resolute  and  energetic,  let  me 
implore  you  not  to  imitate  the  example  of  our  oppressors,  but  do  every 
thing  calmly  and  temperately.  This  admonition  is  hardly  necessary  to 
the  orderly  citizens  of  Adams  County,  but  when  oppression  is  so  intolera. 
ble,  as  at  present,  it  is  difficult  for  the  most  peaceable  and  quiet  men  to 
control  their  indignation.  , 

"  With  respect  and  gratitude,  I  am, 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"THADDEUS  STEVENS," 
Harrisburg,  May  25th,  1839.. 

A  number  of  prosecutions  for  riot  were  instituted  against  the 
leading  Democrats  who  participated  in  the  scenes  at  Harrisburg 
during  the  4th  and  5th  of  December,  1838,  and  true  bills  of 
indictment  were  found  by  the  Grand  Jury,  at  the  Dauphin 
County  January  Sessions,  1839,  against  Gen.  Adam  Diller, 
Charles  Pray,  George  "W.  Barton,  and  others.  These  bills  were 
quashed  by  the  Court  at  the  April  Sessions,  for  reasons  presented 
by  the  attorneys  for  the  defendants.  Mr.  Stevens  was  one  of  the 
counsel  for  the  prosecution  in  these  riot  cases. 

When  Mr.  Stevens  retired  from  the  Legislature  in  June,  1839, 
it  was  with  the  determination  that  it  should  be  his  last  service  in 
the  State  Legislature  ;  but  at  the  solicitation  of  friends  he  allowed 
himself  to  be  prevailed  upon  once  more  to  become  a  candidate, 
and  he  was  returned  again  to  the  IJouse  in  1841.  On  the  organ 
ization  of  the  Legislature  he  was  placed  upon  the  Judiciary 
Committee  of  the  House,  a  position  for  which  he  was  known  to 
possess  rare  qualifications.  In  February,  1842,  the  resolutions  of 
Mr.  Rumf  ord,  suspending  executions  between  the  banks  and  their 
debtors  while  the  banks  remained  in  suspension,  came  up  on  third 
reading.  Mr.  Stevens  obtained  the  floor,  and  moved  to  go  into 
Committee  of  the  Whole,  for  the  purpose  of  substituting  in  the 
place  of  the  bill  then  pending,  one  which  he  caused  to  be  read  at 
the  Clerk's  desk.  "  He  supported,"  says  the  reporter,  "  his  motion 
in  a  powerful  speech — such  a  speech  as  only  Thaddeus  Stevens 
can  make — which  cast  into  insignificance  the  attempts  at  oratory 
which  are  daily  made  here.  The  bill  provides  for  an  immediate 
resumption  of  specie  payments,  under  specified  penalties,  amongst 
which  is  that  during  the  time  of  suspension  the  pay  of  all  the 
officers  of  the  institution  shall  be  suspended.  The  matter  was 


64  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

postponed  without  any  action  upon  it,  as  it  was  desirous  to 
get  rid  of  a  troublesome  subject."  . 

During  the  same  session,  Mr.  Stevens  offered  a  resolution  to 
amend  the  Constitution  by  limiting  the  State  debt  to  forty  mil 
lions  of  dollars.  The  resolution  passed  in  the  House  by  a  largo 
majority. 

A  large  number  of  petitions  being  presented  to  the  Legisla 
ture  at  this  session,  asking  for  the  abrogation  of  the  death  penalty 
in  cases  of  murder,  and  these  being  referred  to  the  Judiciary 
Committee,  the  latter  through  their  Chairman,  Mr.  McElwee, 
reported  against  the  requests  of  the  petitioners.  George  Shars- 
wood  and  Thaddeus  Stevens,  two  members  of  this  committee, 
submitted  a  minority  report,  setting  forth  their  reasons  for  favor 
ing  the  abolition  of  the  death  penalty,  and  concluding  as  follows  : 

"  How  imperfectly  then,  does  the  example  of  this  punishment  operate 
to  deter  men  from  the  commission  of  this  crime  (murder\  accompanied 
as  it  is  with  so  many  multiplied  chances  'of  escape.  Indeed,  in  the 
present  constitution  of  society,  we  rapeat,  no  crime  is  so  likely  to  escape 
its  due  and  proportionate  puni-hment  as  tha-t  highest  one,  to  which  our 
law  has  affixe  1  the  severest  penalties. 

"  Let  the  punishment  be  commuted  to  solitary  imprisonment  at  hard 
labor  for  life,  and  these  chances  of  partial  or  entire  immunity  will  no 
longer  exist.  The  terror  of  the  doom,  joined  to  the  moral  certainty  of 
its  infliction,  will  bj  ample  to  deter  offenders.  The  natural  horror  felt 
for  the  crime  will  not  be  lost  in  the  minds  of  prosecutors,  witnesses, 
jurors  and  judges  in  sympathy  for  the  accused.  The  mercy  of  the 
Executive  will  not  be  extended,  except  in  those  cases  in  which  from  after 
discovered  evidence  the  innocence  of  the  convict  has  been  made  appar 
ent,  or  when  after  the  probation  of  years,  his  moral  reformation  and 
repentance  are  placed  beyond  a  reasonable  doubt." 

The  following  review  and  estimate  of  Mr.  Stevens  as  a  member 
of  the  Pennsylvania  Legislature,  from  the  pen  of  one  of  his  own 
partisan  contemporaries,  is  appended  as  the  conclusion  of  his  career 
as  a  State  Legislator.  It  is  from  the  Harrisburg  Telegraph : 

"We  are  aware  that  our  columns  have  been  accused  of  a  blind  devo 
tion  to  Thaddeus  Stevens  ;  and  those  whose  aim  it  has  been  to  detract 
from  his  reputation,  have  sought  to  brand  the  sincere  praises  inspired  by 
his  talents  and  eloquence,  as  the  favoring  sycophancy  of  the  parasite. 
Rut  the  wri  er  of  the  present  article  has  never  had  the  pleasure  before 
this  session  (1°4  )  of  hearing  Mr.  Stevens  in  a  deliberative  body  ;  and  ho 
has  been  too  deeply  impressed  with  the  commanding  influence  of  his 
talents,  the  well  trained  tone  of  his  mind,  and  with  his  blended  graces  of 
the  orator  and  rhetorician,  that  he  is  no  longer  at  a  loss  to  discover  why 
it  is  that  a  1  the  invective  which  partisan  spleen  could  suggest,  all  the 
ribaldry  which  political  malice  could  engender,  all  thescurr  lity  which  a 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  65 

corrupt  press  could  procreate,  and  all  the  venom  which  was  spit  out 
under  the  protection  of  a  'previous  pardon,'  have  been  high  heaped  upon 
him. 

"  So  inveterate  have  been  these  attacks,  so  untiring  the  activity  of  his 
assailants,  that  a  portion  of  the  very  party  with  which  he  acts  polili- 
cally,  has  caught  the  tone  of  their  opponents  denunciations,  and  look  on 
him  with  distrust.  It  would  be  difficult  for  any  who  adopt  this  course  to 
explain  their  reasons.  We  look  in  vain  through  the  public  career  of  Mr. 
Stevens  to  find  in  what  particular  he  has  been  unfaithful  to  the  cause  of 
democracy,  unless  we  are  to  mistake  for  the  pure  fountain  of  truth  the 
pointed  streams  of  partisan  malignity.  Whenever  the  destructive  ten 
dencies  of  his  political  enemies  seek  to  make  inroads  on  our  constitu 
tional  safeguards,  or  batter  the  muniments  of  our  chartered  liberty,  there 
is  he  found  contending  for  the  letter  and  spirit  of  Freedom's  magna 
charta.  When  the  illiberal  policy  of  those  who  would  fetter  the  minds  and 
hold  in  thrall  the  intellects  of  our  rising  generation  exhibits  itself,  then 
is  he  found  exerting  his  giant  powers  in  favor  of  an  universal  spread  of 
education,  which,  like  the  light-giving  sun,  shall  shine  on  all  alike  and 
gild  with  equal  brilliancy,  the  yeoman's  cottage  and  the  demagogue's 
stately  mansion.  If  the  acts  of  those  who  are  recreant  to  the  true  in 
terests  of  the  free  labor  of  the  North,  for  the  purpose  of  strengthening 
their  unwholly  alliance  with  the  slave  drivers  of  the  South,  at  any  time 
aim  a  deadly  blow  at  agriculture  and  manufacturing  prosperity,  he  wiil 
be  found  throwing  himself  into  the  breach,  and  with  fervid  eloquence, 
pointing  to  the  lights  of  the  world's  experience  and  calling  on  all,  to  use 
them  as  beacons  to  avoid  the  rocks  on  which  thousands  have  foundered, 
or  the  quicksands  in  which  they  have  been  engulphed. 

"  To  judge  of  the  varied  powers  of  Thacldeus  Stevens,  it  is  only  necessary 
to  review  his  course  during  the  brief  limit  of  the  present  session.  In  this 
review  would  be  included  his  powerful  argument  on  the  right  of  petition, 
even  from  a  meeting  of  repudiators,  his  cogent  appeals  on  the  necessity  of 
placing  a  constitutional  limit  to  the  State  debt,  and  taking  from  any 
future  legislature  the  power  of  continuing  the  present  system  of  wasteful 
expenditure  without  any  provision  to  meet  liabilities  incurred  thereby  ; 
his  able  and  practical  remarks  on  the  vital  importance  of  the  protective 
policy  to  the  interests  of  our  nation,  showing  how  the  flood  of  commerce 
poured  into  England  under  the  Navigation  Act ;  how  Holland,  once  the 
commercial  carrier  of  the  whole  world,  was  paralyzed  under  the  influence 
of  free-trade  doctrines,  and  how  the  first  principles  of  legislation  demand 
that  home  labor  should  be  fostered  and  protected.  Whoever  has  heard 
Mr.  Stevens,  at  this  session  or  at  any  other,  cannot  hesitate  to  accord  him 
the  most  commanding  abilities  and  sound  constitutional  sentiments. 
Hence  it  is,  standing  as  he  does,  a  giant  among  his  pigmy  opponents,  that 
every  shaft  of  malice  and  invective  is  hurled  at  him  by  every  puny  whip 
ster,  who,  like  the  fool  of  Crete,  exposes  his  waxy  softness  to  the  fervid 
glow  of  his  eloquent  reply. 

"  It  is  not  so  much  our  wish  to  eulogize  Mr.  Stevens  as  to  direct  the 
public  attention  to  the  position  he  has  assumed,  and  so  well  maintains. 
We  want  the  eyes  of  the  Commonwealth  directed  towards  him.  We 


GO  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

want  him  judged  of  by  his  acts,  and  not  through  the  false  medium  of 
political  vituperation.  We  desire  to  see  his  course  scanned  with  impartial 
discrimination,  and  on  its  issue  we  want  our  Commonwealth  to  pronounce 
its  judgment.  If  he  be  found  to  swerve  a  point  from  the  true  cynosure 
of  democracy,  or  if  he  varies  a  line  from  the  most  matured  principles  of 
legislative  economy,  let  that  judgment  be  of  condemnation  ;  but  if  he  pass 
the  trial,  justice  demands  that  the  praises  be  awarded  to  him  which  ars 
the  meed  of  every  public  servant  who  has  labored  long  and  faithfully  for 
the  best  interests  of  the  Commonwealth," 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  67 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  ANTI-SLAVERY  AGITATION. 

The  anti-slavery  struggle  in  America,  in  which  Mr.  Stevens 
bore  a  conspicuous  part,  is  necessary  to  be  somewhat  considered 
in  order  to  have  a  more  perfect  understanding  of  his  character, 
as  an  individual  and  as  a  statesman,  than  otherwise  could  be 
obtained.  Born  and  educated  in  R"ew  England,  where  anti- 
slavery  sentiments  first  developed  themselves  in  the  United 
States,  it  is  not  strange  that  he  should  have  manifested  at  an 
early  period  of  his  life  an  opposition  to  the  southern  institution. 
Besides,  he  belonged  to  the  party  that  had  led  the  resistance  to 
the  admission  of  Missouri  as  a  slave  State  into  the  Union  ;  and 
from  that  period  all  whose  convictions  became  fixed  in  that 
memorable  struggle  remained  unchanged,  and  'were  rather 
strengthened  than  weakened  a?,  time  progressed  and  the  opposi 
tion  to  slavery  as  a  movement  became  more  consolidated- 
Human  slavery  has  been  one  of  the  established  forms  of  the 
social  organization  of  the  ancient,  msedieval  and  modern  world. 
Its  establishment  was  based  upon  the  assumed  inequality  of  men,  as 
indicated  by  the  clearest  proofs  of  experience  and  reason  in  all 
ages  and  nations.  This  manifest  inequality,  as  witnessed  in  all 
creation,  was  sufficient  to  satisfy  the  philosophers  and  legislators 
of  ancient  nations  that  a  system  of  subordination  was  necessary 
to  maintain  that  law  and  order  which  the  constitution  of  society 
and  government  seemed  to  require.  Hence  flowed  those  systems 
of  enslavement,  that  from  the  earliest  periods  of  history  caused 
the'  feelings  of  humanity  to  enter  their  protest,  but  which  in 
modern  times  have  overborne  the  logic  of  reason  and  proclaimed 
a  universal  jubilee  to  all  races  of  mankind  throughout  the  civil 
ized  countries  of  the  earth.  But  in  the  institution  of  slavery  is 
witnessed  simply,  as  it  were,  the  construction  of  all  the  social 
forms  of  existence,  as  they  obtained  from  the  earliest  periods  of 
time,  with  rare  exceptions,  down  to  the  protestant  reformation, 


G3  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

itself  the  first  united  remonstrance  against  mental  and  ecclesias 
tical  domination.  Ancient  policy  was  based  upon  subordination, 
while  the  effort  of  modern  times  is  to  make  speech,  thought  and 
action,  free.  Freedom  was  first  fully  born  when  the  Wittemberg 
monk  attached  his  theses  to  the  castle  gate  of  the  city,  and  it  has 
been  growing  from  that  period  until  the  present,  branching  in  all 
directions.  Every  movement,  religious  or  civil,  from  the  six 
teenth  century,  owe  their  impulse  to  that  which  was  then  set  in 
motion. 

But  the  American  movement  of  anti-slavery  is  that  alone, 
after  having  glanced  at  its  paternity,  which  concerns  our  atten 
tion  at  this  time.  This  protest  of  the  Anglo-American  mind 
against  the  enslavement  of  the  African  race,  had  its  immediate 
birth  in  the  sympathetic  feelings,  which  were  entertained  by  the 
philanthropists  of  the  19th  century  for  a  race  that  they  hoped  to 
elevate,  by  placing  it  in  a  system  of  legal  equality  with  them 
selves.  It  was  about  the  year  1833,  that  the  agitation  first  set 
fully  in,  although  individual  protests  against  the  institution  of 
slavery  had  hitherto  been  numerous.  What,  more  than  all  else, 
gave  an  impulse  to  that  movement  at  this  particular  time,  was 
the  result  of  British  agitation,  which  was  crowned  with  success 
in  August  1833,  by  Parliament  decreeing  the  emancipation  of 
all  the  slaves  on  the  West  India  plantations.  ISTo  event  could 
have  occurred  so  gratifying  to  the  wishes  of  the  abolitionists,  as 
that  enactment  which  proclaimed  freedom  to  the  "West  India 
negroes  and  raised  them  to  the  rank  of  equality  with  the  whites. 
At  this  time,  however,  the  number  of  decided  abolitionists  were 
comparatively  few,  and  such  as  they  were,  persons  of  humble 
condition  and  insignificant  influence.  Many  there  were  whose 
feelings  were  repugnant  to' slavery,  but  they  had  been  taught  to 
believe  that  it  was  legal  and  based  upon  the  words  of  revelation, 
and  hence  they  were  unwilling  to  interfere  with  it.  The  influ 
ence  that  set  the  agitation  on  foot  was  germinated  in  free 
thought  and  promulgated  by  reformers  who  recognized  a  higher 
than  any  written  code.  It  was  that  of  which  universal  humanity 
was  the  recipient,  and  of  which  Yoltaire,  Rousseau  and  Montes 
quieu  were  the  ablest  apostles. 

The  enemies  of  negro  slavery,  about  the  period  of  the  Ameri 
can  Revolution,  were  those  chiefly  who  had  imbibed  the  doctrines 
of  the  French  writers,  who  prepared  the  way  for  the  scenes 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  60 

that  drenched  the  soil  of  France  with  blood  in  the  convulsion  of 
1789  and  '93.  This  species  of  abolitionism  was  quiet  and  sympa 
thetic,  but  entirely  unaggressive  in  its  character,  and  yet  potential 
in  its  effects.  It  made  its  way  through  all  the  States  of  the  ]STorth, 
obliterating  in  each,  one  after  another,  the  traces  of  slavery  that 
existed  in  them.  It  bore  with  it  likewise  the  quickening  influ 
ences  that  helped  to  kindle  the  flame  of  aggressive  anti-slavery 
agitation  which  began  as  above  stated.  Benjamin  Lundy,  Charles 
Osborne,  Elilm  Embree,  humble  yet  sincere  workers  in  the  cause 
of  freedom,  were  early  fanning  the  flame  of  anti-slavery  agitation, 
and  arousing  the  American  mind  to  its  own  consciousness  of  the 
evils  which  the  Southern  blacks  endured.  The  flrst  named  of  these 
bv  1815  had  organized  the  Union  Humane  Societv,  consisting  of 

1 7  O  «/   J  O 

but  five  or  six  persons,  and  in  the  following  year  issued  an  appeal 
to  the  philanthropists  on  the  subject  of  slavery.  Osborne,  not 
long  after  this,  began  the  publication  of  the  Philanthropist,  and 
the  Emancipator  also  started  by  him,  was  afterwards  issued  for  a 
time  near  Jonesville,  Tennesee.  The  first  American  Abolition 
Convention  was  held  in  Philadelphia  in  the  winter  of  1823-4, 
which  was  attended  by  men  prompted  by  the  love  of  humanity. 
William  Lloyd  Garrison  became  a  convert  to  the  cause  of 
abolitionism  in  the  year  1828.  These  various  influences  and 
movements,  like  the  different  branches  of  a  stream,  were  thus 
uniting  themselves,  and  by  1833  a  swollen  stream,  with  an  active 
current  was  visible,  and  one  that  attracted  from  this  point  con 
siderable  attention. 

The  movement  up  to  this  time  had  been  chiefly  philanthropic 
in  its  character,  and  like  the  Colonization  Society,  met  with  sup 
porters  in  both  sections  of  the  Union,  South  as  well  as  North. 
Already,  however,  the  New  England  Anti-Slavery  Society  had 
been  organized,  and  the  year,  1833,  saw  one  instituted  in  New 
York  City,  and  a  National  Anti-Slavery  Convention  asssemble  in 
Philadelphia,  consisting  of  sixty  members,  and  representing  ten 
States  of  the  Union.  Every  newspaper  established  in  the  interest 
of  anti-slavery,  and  every  society  which  was  organized  and  the 
proceedings  of  whose  meetings  were  published  gave,  as  it  were, 
new  impetus  to  the  movement.  But  now  it  was  that  resistance 
began  to  be  encountered  by  the  Abolitionists,  and  from  this 
period  the  agitation  had  a  steady  and  increasing  influence  upon 
the  reorganization  of  the  parties  throughout  the  country.  Up  to 


70  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

1833,  the  Abolitionists  drew  recruits  from  both  of  the  old  politi 
cal  parties  of  the  North  ;  but  it  is  undeniable  that  by  much  the 
larger  proportion  came  from  the  Federal  party,  and  its  successors 
as  comprising  the  majority  of  the  men  of  wealth,  culture  and 
social  position.  The  Democratic  party,  from  its  earliest  organiza 
tion,  had  been  that  to  which  the  bulk  of  the  people  had  been 
attached.  The  reasons  for  this  division  of  parties,  it  concerns  us 
not,  on  the  present  occasion  to  investigate. 

The  character  of  the  earliest  resistance  to  the  anti-slaver}7  agi 
tation,  showed  itself  in  the  mobbing  of  abolition  lecturers  in  the 
North,  the  dispersal  of  assemblages  and  the  burning  of  halls 
erected  for  the  holding  of  liberty  meetings,  and  the  destruction 
of  newspapers  published  in  that  interest.  The  period  of  these 
mobs  and  riots  extended  from  1833  up  to  about  1841,  when  they 
mostly  ceased.  When  these  disturbances  were  first  inaugurated, 
they  were  participated  in  by  men  of  character,  and  belonging  to 
both  political  parties ;  but  the  preponderance  of  participants  in 
these  demonstrations  being  usually  composed  largely  of  the  party 
of  the  people,  and  the  majority  of  the  lovers  of  law  and  order 
belonging  to  the  opposite  one,  it  was  not  long  till  this  division 
itself  arrayed  a  diversity  of  sentiment  on  this  question  amongst 
the  people  of  the  North.  It  was  reasonable  to  expect  that  the 
Democratic  party  should  become  the  staunchest  advocates  of  the 
rights  of  the  southern  people  under  the  constitution.  The  prin 
ciples  of  that  party  were  fixed  and  well  understood  both  North 
arid  South ;  its  creed  founded  upon  the  Virginia  and  Kentucky 
resolutions  of  1798,  had  been  time  and  again  proclaimed  and 
re-affirmed  in  State  and  National  Conventions ;  and  its  organiza 
tion  from  the  days  of  Jefferson  was  complete  and  entrusted  with 
the  management  of  the  General  Government.  The  Federal 
party,  though  originally  comprising  in  its  ranks  the  leading  minds 
of  the  nation,  had  forfeited  the  confidence  of  the  country ;  and 
after  the  late  war  with  Great  Britain,  it  gradually  disappeared  as 
a  national  organization.  Anti-Masonry,  which  in  the  Northern 
States  took  its  place,  never  was  able  to  attain  to  position  in  the 
South,  and  as  a  consequence  soon  expired.  Another  reason  why 
the  Democracy  from  the  first  were  the  attached  defenders  of 
southern  institutions,  was  that  the  party  had  national  leaders  in 
the  South  who  were  slave-holders,  and  it  was  natural  that  the 
party  should  defend  these  and  their  rights  as  their  own, 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  71 

the  anti-slavery  agitation  first  began  fairly,  Gen.  Jackson,  a  slave 
holder,  was  the  President  of  the  United  States,  and  the  most 
honored  man  in  the  Republic.  An  institution  defended  by  him 
and  other  eminent  southern  statesmen,  would  not  be  likely  to  be 
viewed  as  odious  by  the  masses  of  the  people,  and  one  deserving 
of  the  abuse  that  the  Abolitionists  were  in  the  habit  of  applying 
to  it.  On  the  part  of  the  Federalists  and  Anti-Masons  the  same 
attachment  was  not  felt  for  the  President  and  his  policy ;  and 
from  political  antipathy  it  is  easy  to  perceive  how  a  feeling  of 
sympathy  for  the  negro  slaves  could  gradually  ripen  into  intense 
opposition  to  the  southern  institution.  And  thus  it  was  that  the 
Abolition  ranks,  secret  and  avowed,  were  swelled  chiefly  by  enlist 
ments  obtained  amongst  the  opposition  to  the  Democracy. 

From  the  year  1833,  the  varied  evolutions  of  the  contesting 
parties  in  the  interest  of  and  opposed  to  slavery,  would  require 
volumes  to  fully  detail.  Only  the  leading  features,  therefore,  can 
b3  expected  to  be  grouped  in  a  work  of  this  character  ;  and  such 
as  most  fully  illustrate  the  current  of  American  opinion  as  it 
shaped  itself  in  both  sections  of  the  Union.  In  the  mob  resist 
ance  of  the  North,  to  the  spread  of  abolition  sentiments,  is  seen 
simply  an  exhibition  of  the  deep-seated  conviction  of  the  people 
of  the  inferiority  of  the  African  as  compared  with  the  Caucasian 
race  ;  an  inferiority  stamped  by  the  hand  of  creative  power,  and 
which  history  and  experience  had  demonstrated  to  reflecting 
minds  in  all  ages.  But  the  principle  of  the  mob  being  altogether 
adverse  to  the  rules  of  social  order,  could  not  but  sink  to  its 
normal  level,  as  the  work  of  the  lawless  element  of  the  body 
politic.  Its  aim,  though  heartily  approved  by  the  respectable 
and  influential  classes  of  society,  could  not  long  receive  their 
open  and  sanctioning  encouragement ;  and  it  soon,  as  a  conse, 
quence,  became  the  work  of  the  vulgar  and  degraded  in  society. 
Not  that  the  mob  did  not  still  continue  to  be  inspired  by  the 
leading  minds  of  the  different  localities  where  it  showed  itself  in 
resistance  to  anti-slavery  agitation ;  for  it  may  be  accepted  as  a 
truth  that  the  turbulent  members  of  society  in  such  lawless 
advances  as  above  alluded  to,  ever  receive  their  orders,  or  at  least 
their  sanction,  from  higher  authority  than  themselves.  They  are 
in  a  sense,  therefore,  the  expression  of  the  public  opinion  of  their 
localities,  and  are,  as  it  were,  minor  revolutions  for  the  overthrow 
or  removal  of  grievances  that  are  felt  by  society.  The  spirit  of 


73  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

tumultuous  resistance  are  but  premonitions  of  the  diseased  con 
dition  of  existing  society,  wliicli  the  laws  of  social  being  are 
essaying  to  remedy  by  all  possible  efforts  in  order  to  its  preserva 
tion.  The  mobbing  of  Lovejoy,  of  Illinois,  the  seizure  and 
dragging  of  "Wm.  Lloyd  Garrison  through  the  streets  of  Boston, 
and  the  burning  of  Pennsylvania  Hall  in  Philadelphia,  were  but 
manifestations  of  the  antagonism  that  the  northern  people  ex 
hibited  towards  the  new  ideas  of  the  radical  Abolition  school. 
But  the  Abolitionists,  although  in  a  miserable  minority,  had  as 
against  mob  resistance  every  moral  advantage.  They  were  the 
champion^  of  free  speech  and  a  free  press,  cardinal  principles  of 
republicanism ;  and  all  the  elements  of  social  order  must  natu 
rally  cling  to  these  as  the  landmarks  of  freedom.  As  it  was  im 
possible  for  any  to  justify  lawbreaking,  mob  interposition  must 
gradually  retire  into  the  background. 

But  there  was  another  form  of  resistance  to  anti-slavery  agita 
tion,  germinated  by  the  same  influences  that  also  began  about 
1833  ;  and  which,  to  properly  comprehend  the  period,  must  be 
considered.  This  was  the  moral  dislike  that  showed  itself  to  the 
aggressions  of  abolitionism,  and  which  was  exhibited  by  the 
educated  and  refined  part  of  the  northern  people.  The  vastly 
preponderating  weight  of  intelligent  public  opinion  in  the  North, 
from  the  commencement  of  the  anti-slavery  agitation,  was  alto 
gether  in  opposition  to  the  innovating  doctrines  of  the  radical 
reformers ;  and  this  preponderance  was  early  manifest  in  both 
the  secular  and  ecclesiastical  American  northern  press.  In  the 
Literary  and  Theological  Review  for  December,  1835,  published 
in  the  City  of  New  York,  the  position  wTas  boldly  assumed  and 
ably  argued  that  the  Abolitionists  were  "justly  liable  to  the 
highest  civil  penalties  and  ecclesiastical  censures."  This  sentiment 
expressed  the  current  opinion  as  held  by  a  large  number  of  the 
leading  men  in  America  at  that  time,  and,  as  a  consequence,  it 
escaped  all  censure  amongst  the  patrons  of  the  journal,  or  even 
from  the  organs  of  the  rival  theological  party.  In  unison  with 
the  sentiment  as  expressed  in  the  above-named  Review,  a  Grand 
Jury  of  Oneida  County,  N.  Y.,  a  short  time  prior  to  the  Utica  riot 
made  a  presentment,  in  which  they  declared  that  those  who  form 
Abolition  Societies  are  guilty  of  sedition,  that  they  ought  to  be 
punished,  and  that  it  is  the  duty  of  all  citizens,  loyal  to  the  Con 
stitution,  to  destroy  their  publications  wherever  found.  In  the 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  73 

same  year,  the  Hon.  William  Sullivan  issued  a  pamphlet  in 
Boston,  in  which  the  following  desire  was  expressed :  "  It  is  to 
be  hoped  and  expected  that  Massachusetts  will  enact  laws  declar 
ing  the  printing,  publishing  and  circulating  papers  and  pamphlets 
on  slavery,  and  also  the  holding  of  meetings  to  discuss  slavery 
and  abolition,  to  be  public  indictable  offences,  and  provide  for 
the  punishment  thereof  in  such  manner  as  will  more  effectually 
prevent  such  offences." 

The  intense  indignation  that  inflamed  the  Southern  people 
against  the  anti-slavery  agitation  of  the  country  may  in  a  large 
measure  be  considered  as  instrumental  in  producing  the  strong 
conservative  sentiment  in  the  Northern  States,  which  declared 
itself  in  favor  of  the  guarantees  of  the  Federal  Constitution. 
The  people  of  the  South  had  been  most  ardent  advocates  of  con 
stitutional  liberty,  and  had  ever  shown  a  steady  attachment  to 
republican  principles  of  Government.  They  had  declared  them 
selves  as  ready  to  make  any  honorable  sacrifice  that  might  be 
required  of  them,  in  order  to  secure  the  perpetuity  of  the  Union 
and  the  Constitution  as  it  had  been  transmitted  by  its  framers. 
The  institution  of  slavery,  they  claimed  as  one  of  the  vested 
rights  that  they,  as  a  people  possessed,  and  over  which  neither  the 
General  Government  nor  any  branch  thereof  had  any  authority 
to  interfere,  either  for  the  emancipation  of  the  Southern  slaves 
or  the  amelioration  of  their  condition.  All  this,  they  insisted, 
was  a  matter  over  which  the  people  of  the  several  slave  States 
alone  had  jurisdiction.  The  attacks  of  the  Northern  Abolition 
ists  upon  the  institution  of  slavery  had  the  effect  of  deeply 
incensing  the  southern  people,  and  they  loudly  protested  against 
the  unjust  interference,  as  they  denounced  it,  and  demanded  that 
their  rights  should  be  observed  and  their  opinions  respected. 
Public  bodies  and  legislative  assemblies  of  the  South  offered 
rewards  for  the  rendition  of  northern  agitators,  and  southern 
Governors  called  upon  northern  officials  to  supress  the  anti-slavery 
discussion,  as  calculated,  unless  checked,  to  disrupt  in  the  future 
the  American  Union.  The  whole  southern  people  seemed  a  unit 
in  favor  of  this  demand  upon  the  North.  The  clergy  of  that 
section  from  the  first,  with  one  accord,  sanctioned  the  justice  of 
the  request,  and  sought  by  every  means  in  their  power  to  help 
to  stifle  the  rising  fire  that  might  envelope  the  fair  fabric  of  the 
Republic  in  its  flames.  Kev.  Thomas  -S.  Witherspoon,  of  Ala- 


74  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

bama,  thus  wrote  to  the  Emancipator :  "  Let  your  emisaries 
dare  to  cross  the  Potomac,  and  I  cannot  promise  that  your  fate 
will  be  less  than  Hainan's.  Then  beware  how  you  goad  an 
insulted  but  magniminous  people  to  deeds  of  desperation." 

Rev.  William  S.  Plummer,  of  Richmond,  Virginia,  in  1835 
expressed  the  following  sentiments  : "  "Let  them  (the  Abolitionists) 
understand  that  they  will  be  caught  if  they  come  among  us,  and 
they  will  take  good  care  to  keep  out  of  our  way.  If  Abolitionists 
will  set  the  country  in  a  blaze,  it  is  but  fair  that  they  should  re 
ceive  the  iirst  warming  at  the  fire." 

Governor  McDuffie,  of  South  Carolina,  in  December,  1835, 
called  the  attention  of  the  Legislature  to  the  subject  of  abolition 
agitation  at  the  North.  On  the  16th  of  the  same  month,  both 
Houses  of  the  legislature  adopted  the  following : 

"Resolved,  That  the  Legislature  of  South  Carolina,  having  every  confi 
dence  in  the  justice  and  friendship  of  the  non-slave-holding  States, 
announces  her  confident  expectation,  and  she  earnestly  requests  that  the 
Government  of  these  States  will  promptly  and  effectually  suppress  all 
those  associations  within  their  respective  limits  purporting  to  be  abolition 
societies." 

On  December  19th,  1835,  the  General  Assemby  of  North 
Carolina  resolved  as  follows  : 

"Resolved,  That  our  sister  States  are  respectively  requested  to  enact 
penal  laws  prohibiting  the  printing  within  their  respective  limits,  all  such 
publications  as  may  have  a  tendency  to  make  our  slaves  discontented." 

January,  7th,  1836,  the  Alabama  legislature  adopted  the  fol 
lowing  resolve : 

"Resolved,  That  we  call  upon  our  sisLer  States  and  respectfully  request 
them  to  enact  such  penal  laws  as  will  finally  put  an  end  to  the  malignant 
deeds  of  the  Abolitionists." 

February  10th,  1836,  both  Houses  of  the  Virginia  Legislature 
adopted  the  following : 

"  Resolved,  That  the  non-slave-holding  States  of  the  Union  are  respect 
fully  but  earnestly  requested  promptly  'to  adopt  penal  enactments,  or  such 
other  measures  as  will  efficiently  suppress  all  associations  within  their 
respective  limits,  purporting  to  be,  or  having  the  character  of  Abolition 
Societies." 

Resolutions  were  passed  in  the  Georgia  Legislatureof  the  fol 
lowing  import : 

"  Resolved,  That  it  is  deeply  incumbent  on  the  people  of  the  North  to 
crush  the  traitorous  designs  of  the  Abolitionists." 

The  above   resolutions  were  officiary   communicated  to   the 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  73 

Governors   of  the   ^Northern   States,  and   by   them   laid   before 
their  respective  Legislatures.     It  was  quite  apparent  by  this  time 
that  the  leaven  of  abolitionism  was  principally  confined  to  the 
Whig  and  Anti-Masonic  party   of   the   IsTorth,  for  reasons  as 
before  stated.     The  Democratic  Governors  and  Legislatures  were 
ready  to  lend  their  influence  for  the  repression  of  the  agitation  ; 
whereas,  many  influential  members  of  the  Whig  party  were  dif 
ferently  disposed.     George  Wolf,  the  retiring  Democratic  Gov 
ernor  of  Pennsylvania,  in  his  last  Annual  Message  in  December, 
1835,  expressed  his  disapprobation  as  regards  the  movements  of 
the  Abolitionists  in  the  free  States;  and  predicted  the  conse 
quences  unless  checked,  and  a  reign  of  reason  re-inaugurated. 
But  on  the  other  hand,  Joseph  Hitner,  the  Anti-Masonic  suc 
cessor  of   the  last  named  executive,  stigmatized  all   such   sen 
timents  as  had  been  expressed  by  his  predecessor  in  his  Message 
as  a  "  bowing  of  the  knee  to  the  dark  spirit  of  slavery."     It  was 
believed,  from  the  influence  known  to  be  exerted  by  Thadcleus 
Stevens  upon  the  mind  of  the  Anti-^Iasonic  Governor  of  Penn 
sylvania,  that  the  sentiment  thus  expressed  in  his  inaugural  as 
regards  slavery,  was  the   inspiration  of   the  former,  who   was 
already  an  avowed  opponent  of  the  southern  institution.     Whilst 
the  leaven  of  abolitionism  was  confined  in  the  main  to  the  ranks 
of  the  Whig  party,  there  was  nevertheless  a  strong  section  of  it 
that   in   no  wise   so   sympathized.     Edward  Everett,  ths  Whig 
Governor  of  Massachusetts,  in  his  Message  communicating  the 
southern  documents,  held  the  following  language  : 

"  Whatever  by  direct  and  necessary  operation  is  oaiculated  to  excite  an 
insurrection  among  the  States,  has  been  held  by  highly  respectable  and 
legal  authority,  an  offence  against  the  peace  of  the  Commonwealth, 
which  may  be  prosecuted  as  a  misdemeanor  at  Common  law."  , 

William  L.  Marcy,  the  Democratic  Governor  of  E"ew  York,  in 
his  Message  in  January,  1836,  upon  the  same  subject,  spoke  as 
follows : 

"Without  the  power  to  pass  such  laws,  the  States  would  not  possess 
all  the  necessary  means  for  preserving  their  external  relations  of  peace 
among  themselves." 

But  in  1835  the  movement  of  the  anti-slavery  agitation  had 
already  become  of  such  importance  as  to  claim  the  attention  of 
President  Jackson,  who,  in  his  Message  of  December  in  that 
year,  accused  the  Abolitionists  of  "  unconstitutional  and  wicked 


W  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

attempts,"  menacing  the  stability  and  perpetuity  of  the  Federal 
Union,  and  recommending  as  follows  ; 

"  I  would,  therefore,  call  the  special  attention  of  Congress  to  the  sub 
ject,  and  respectfully  suggest  the  propriety  of  passing  such  a  law  as  will 
prohibit,  under  severe  penalties,  the  circulation  in  the  Southern  States, 
through  the  mail,  of  incendiary  publications  intended  to  instigate  the 
slaves  to  insurrection.1" 

The  attention  of  the  President  had  been  called  to  this  subject 
by  the  tumultuous  occurrences  that  had  taken  place,  occasioned 
by  the  transmission  through  the  mails  of  Abolition  documents  to 
citizens  in  the  Southern  States.  On  the  29th  of  July,  1835,  a 
riot,  headed  by  the  influential  citizens  of  Charleston,  had  broken 
open  the  post  office  in  that  city  and  destroyed  the  incendiary  Ab 
olition  matter.  From  this  time,  Southern  postmasters,  and  even 
some  in  the  North,  assumed  the  authority  of  determining  what 
should  not  be  transmitted  through  the  mails.  Samuel  L.  Gou- 
verneur,  the  postmaster  of  New  York,  iirged  upon  the  Anti- 
Slavery  Society  "  voluntarily  to  desist  from  attempting  to  send 
their  publications  into  the  Southern  States  by  the  public  mails." 
Finding  that  his  request  was  not  heeded,  he  addressed  Amos 
Xendal,  Postmaster  General,  for  instructions  on  this  point,  who, 
under  date  of  August  22d,  replied  as  follows : 

' '  I  am  deterred  from  giving  an  order  to  exclude  the  whole  series  of 
Abolition  publications  from  the  Southern  mails,  only  by  a  want  of  legal 
power,  and  if  I  were  situated  as  you  are,  I  would  do  as  you  have  done." 

Gen.  Jackson's  recommendation  for  the  enactment  of  a  law 
for  the  repression  of  incendiary  matter  through  the  mail  was 
referred  by  the  Senate  to  a  Select  Committee,  of  whicji  John  C. 
Calhoun  was  Chairman.  The  report  of  this  committee,  as  sub 
mitted,  expressed  the  convictions  of  the  southern  people,  and 
also  of  the  great  majority  of  those  of  the  North,  as  regards  the 
agitation  of  the  slavery  question.  On  this  point,  the  report 
speaks  as  follows : 

"  The  inevitable  tendency  of  the  means  to  which  the  Abolitionists 
have  resorted  to  effect  their  object,  must,  if  persisted  in,  end  in  com 
pletely  alienating  the  two  great  sections  of  the  Union.  The  incessant 
action  of  hundreds  of  societies,  and  a  vast  printing  establishment  throw 
ing  out  daily,  thousands  of  artful  and  inflammatory  publications,  must 
make,  in  time,  a  deep  impression  on  the  section  of  the  Union  where  they 
freely  circulate,  and  are  mainly  designed  to  have  effect.  The  well  in 
formed  and  thoughtful  may  hold  them  in  contempt,  but  the  young,  the 
inexperienced,  the  ignorant  and  thoughtless^  will  receive  the  poison.  In 
process  'of  time,  when  the  number  of  proselytes  is  sufficiently  multi 
plied,  tke  artful  and  the  profligate,  who  are  ever  on  the  watch  to  seize  on 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  77 

,  any  means,  however  wicked  and  dangerous,  will  unite  with  the  fanatics 
and  make  their  movements  the  basis  of  a  powerful  political  party,  that 
will  seek  advancement  by  diffusing,  as  widely  as  possible,  hatred  against 
the  slave-holding  States.  But  as  hatred  begets  hatred  and  animosity, 
these  feelings  would  become  reciprocal  till  every  vestige  of  attachment 
would  cease  to  exist  between  the  two  sections,  when  the  Union  and  the 
Constitution,  the  offspring  of  mutual  affection  and  confidence,  would 
forever  perish.  Such  is  the  danger  to  which  the  movements  of  the  Abo 
litionists  expose  the  country.  If  the  force  of  the  obligation  is  in  pro 
portion  to  the  magnitude  of  the  danger,  stronger  cannot  be  imposed 
than  is  at  present  on  the  States  within  whose  limits  the  danger  origi 
nates,  to  arrest  its  further  progress — a  duty  they  owe  not  only  to  the 
States  whose  institutions  are  assailed,  but  to  the  Union  and  Constitution, 
as  has  been  shown,  and  it  may  be  added,  to  themselves." 

But  Mr.  CaUioun,  as  a  States  right  Democrat,  clearly  perceived 
that  the  General  Government  had  no  right  to  legislate  upon  a 
subject  of  this  character,  save  by  claiming  authority  not  dele 
gated  in  the  Federal  Constitution.  The  assumption  of  such 
power  would  end  in  that  consolidation  of  the  Government,  which 
he  and  the  other  leaders  of  his  political  school  had  so  persistently 
battled,  from  the  earliest  organization  of  the  Jefferson  Republi 
can  party.  On  this  point,  in  the  same  report,  he  reasoned  as 
follows : 

"  Nothing  is  more  clear  than  that  the  admission  of  the  right  of  Con 
gress  to  determine  what  papers  are  incendiary,  and  as  such,  to  prohibit 
their  circulation  through  the  mail,  necessarily  involves  the  right  to 
determine  what  are  not  incendiary,  and  enforce  their  circulation.  If 
Congress  may  this  year  decide  what  incendiary  publications  are,  they 
may  next  year  decide  what  they  are  not,  and  thus  laden  the  mails  with 
real  or  corrupt  abolitionism.  It  belongs  to  the  States^  &nd  not  to  Con 
gress,  to  determine  what  is  or  what  is  not  calculated  to  disturb  their 
security." 

It  was  thus  proposed  that  it  should  be  within  the  province  of 
each  State,  to  say  for  itself,  what  kind  of  reading  it  would  deem 
incendiary,  and  that  Congress  should  prohibit  the  transmission  of 
such  matter  to  that  State.  A  bill  for  this  purpose  was  submitted 
as  follows : 

"  Be  it  enacted,  etc.,  that  it  shall  not  be  lawful  for  any  deputy  postmaster 
in  any  State,  Territory  or  District  of  the  United  States,  knowingly  to  deliver 
to  any  person  whatsoever,  any  pamphlet,  newspaper,  handbill,  or  other 
printed  paper  or  pictorial  representation  touching  the  subject  of  slavery, 
where,  by  the  laws  of  the  said  State,  Territory  or  District  their  circulation 
is  prohibited  ;  and  any  deputy  postmaster  who  shall  be  guilty  thereof, 
shall  be  forthwith  removed  from  office." 

The  above  bill  was  ordered  to  a  third  reading  in  the  Senate  by 


78  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

the  vote  of  18  yeas  to  18  nays,  Vice-President  Yan  Buren  giving 
the  casting  vote  in  the  affirmative  ;  but  it  failed  on  the  final  vote, 
and,  as  a  consequence,  never  became  a  law.  And  thus  ended  the 
effort  to  exclude  the  abolition  literature  of  the  age  from  passing 
through  the  Federal  mails.  The  moral  victory  thus  gained  by 
the  Abolitionists  was  of  incalculable  advantage  to  them  and  their 
cause  in  all  their  subsequent  movements,  for  they  seemed  to  stand 
forth  before  the  world  as  the  champions  of  free  speech  and  a  free 
press,  which  all  the  power  of  President  Jackson  and  his  follow 
ers  were  unable  to  suppress.  The  eclat  of  the  victory  resounded 
far  and  wide,  and  became  as  it  were  the  watchword  in  other  con 
flicts  of  like  character. 

The  first  great  battle  of  abolitionism  had  been  fought  in  the 
Halls  of  the  National  Congress.  Others  of  equal  importance 
were  soon  to  be  decided,  but  upon  a  less  august  arena ;  but  in  all 
the  same  principles  were  in  dispute.  The  demand  of  the  South 
ern  States  that  discussion  should  be  suppressed  on  the  slavery 
question,  wras  one  altogether  in  seeming  disharmony  with  the 
generally  received  principles  of  republican  liberty.  On  the  2d 
of  February,  1836,  a  bill  was  reported  in  the  Legislature  of 
Rhode  Island  for  the  purpose  of  repressing  slavery  agitation  in 
the  borders  of  the  State.  The  attempt  thus  to  muzzle  free  speech 
appeared  to  liberal-minded  men,  an  effort  as  it  were,  to  turn  back 
the  dial  of  the  age,  and  as  this  was  impossible,  the  Abolitionists 
had,  as  allies,  the  advocates  of  progressive  and  independent  free 
thought.  The  small  State  of  Rhode  Island,  accordingly,  arrayed 
itself  through  the  efforts  of  George  Curtis  and  Thomas  W.  Dorr, 
in  opposition  -to  southern  demands.  In  New  York  a  report  wTas 
adopted  by  the  Legislature  in  May,  1836,  responding  to  the 
sentiments  of  Governor  Marcy's  Message,  already  cited,  and 
pledging  the  faith  of  the  State  to  enact  such  laws  whenever  they 
shall  be  requisite.  But  it  is  doubtful  if  even  then,  or  at  any 
subsequent  time,  such  legislation  could  have  been  secured,  for  the 
belief  in  free  speech  is  one  of  the  cardinal  principles  of  all  who 
believe  in  the  democratic  form  of  government. 

But  of  all  the  Legislative  collisions  between  those  favoring  the 
repression  af  anti-slavery  agitation,  and  the  friends  of  free  speech, 
that  which  took  place  in  Massachusetts  in  1836,  was  the  most 
fiercely  contested,  and  arrayed  in  opposition  to  each  other,  the 
ablest  and  most  eloquent  opponents.  A  joint  committee  of  both 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  79 

Houses  of  the  Legislature  had  been  raised  to  report  upon  the 
Southern  demands,  and  of  this  committee  Senator  Lunt  was  chair 
man.  The  anti-slavery  committee  at  Boston  were  notified  to 
appear  and  make  their  defense  on  March  4th.  A  few  prominent 
men  appeared  on  the  side  of  the  Abolitionists,  and  were  heard  by 
the  committee  in  defense  of  their  principles.  Those  who  spoke 
took  the  ground  that  free  speech  was  one  of  the  unalienable  rights 
of  every  citizen  of  the  old  Commonwealth.  Prof.  Charles  Folen 
in  the  course  of  his  remarks  alluded  to  some  outrages  that  had 
recently  been  perpetrated  against  the  Abolitionists,  and  averred 
that  any  legislative  interposition  of  the  kind  proposed,  would 
simply  invite  a  repetition  of  what  had  occurred.  The  chairman 
of  the  committee  at  this  point  silenced  the  speaker,  as  reflecting 
offensively  upon  the  legislative  body  of  the  State,  and  terminated 
the  interview.  Such  proceeding  could  have  but  one  effect  upon 
minds  conscious  of  rectitude,  of  intention,  and  attached  to  Amer 
ican  freedom.  Much  as  they  might  dread  slavery  agitation  in  its 
effects,  they  could  not  consent  to  see  the  right  of  free  speech 
frustrated.  A  Boston  editor  in  giving  an  account  of  the  pro 
ceedings  contended  that  the  Abolitionists  were  entitled  to  a  fair 
hearing.  During  the  next  two  days  they  issued  their  defense  in 
a  pamphlet  of  over  forty  pages ;  and  a  copy  of  this  was  soon  in  the 
hands  of  every  member  of  the  Legislature,  and  scattered  through 
out  the  whole  country.  The  committee  was  directed  by  the  Leg 
islature  to  allow  the  Abolitionists  to  complete  their  defense  on  the 
8th  of  March.  The  adjacent  country  was  now  aroused,  and  the 
Hall  of  the  House  of  Representatives  where  the  committee  sat 
was  crowded  at  the  hearing.  Prof.  Folen  concluded  his  defense 
and  was  followed  by  William  Lloyd  Garrison  and  others.  Wil 
liam  Goodel,  one  of  the  speakers,  charged  upon  the  Southern 
States  a  conspiracy  against  the  liberty  of  the  free  North.  He 
was  repeatedly  called  to  order ;  but  alluding  to  the  documents 
from  the  South,  lying  on  the  table,  he  styled  them  fetters  and 
remarked  :  "  Mr.  Chairman  !  are  you  prepared  to  attempt  putting 
them  on  ?"  He  was  interrupted  by  the  Chairman  and  ordered  to 
take  his  seat.  He  sat  clown  amidst  the  great  agitation  of  the 
assemblage.  The  bold  words  of  freedom  had  already  produced 
their  effect  upon  the  crowd  of  spectators.  The  dauntless  divine, 
William  E.  Channing,  was  one  of  that  assembly,  and  though  not 
identified  with  the  Abolitionists,  yet  in  the  battle  for  free  speech, 


80  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

lie  could  not  be  ai.  indifferent  spectator.  His  countenance  alone 
served  to  indicate  the  side  he  espoused,  and  his  presence  on  this 
occasion,  more  than  all  else  perhaps,  gave  weight  and  respecta 
bility  to  the  abolition  cause.  After  the  last  named  speaker  had 
been  silenced,  all  was  in  considerable  confusion  for  a  time,  when 
a  couple  of  independent  spectators  rose,  one  after  the  other,  and 
remarked,  that  u  the  freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press  could 
never  oe  surrendered  by  the  sons  of  the  jPilgrims"  The  commit 
tee  then  adjourned,  but  the  victory  was  again  complete  with  the 
Abolitionists.  And  thus  ended  in  Massachusetts  all  attempts  to 
legislate  adverse  to  the  demands  of  freedom. 

One  of  the  methods  pursued  by  the  Abolitionists  to  arouse  the 
attention  of  the  American  people  to  the  enormity  of  slavery, 
was  the  petitioning  of  Congress  for  its  abolition  in  the  District 
of  Columbia,  in  the  Xational  Territories,  and  also  for  the  sup 
pression  of  the  inter-State  slave  trade.  At  an  early  period  in 
the  history  of  the  Government,  it  had  been  solemnly  determined 
that  Congress  had  no  jurisdiction  over  the  question  of  slavery, 
as  it  existed  within  the  States.  But  as  regards  its  existence  in 
the  Federal  District  and  the  Territories,  it  was  believed  by  many 
that  Congress  had  the  right  to  interfere.  The  points  of  attack 
for  the  agitators  were  therefore  limited ;  and  even  as  to  thess 
it  was  a  matter  of  divided  opinion  whether  Congress  had  the 
moral  right  to  interpose  its  authority.  The  main  object,  how 
ever,  of  petitioning  Congress,  was  to  keep  alive  the  agitation  of 
the  slavery  question,  in  order  to  educate  public  opinion  up  to  an 
opposition  to  the  southern  institution,  and  in  that  manner  create 
a  sentiment  that  would  effect  its  overthrow.  For  this  purpose, 
in  1835  and  1836,  Congress  was  flooded  with  petitions  praying 
for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  Federal  District,  in  the  Terri 
tories,  and  also  for  the  suppression  of  the  inter-State  slave  com 
merce.  These,  taken  in  connection  with  the  excitement  that  had 
already  been  aroused  by  the  transmission  of  incendiary  publica 
tions  through  the  national  mails,  were  the  occasion  of  great 
commotion  in  "Washington,  the  seat  of  the  General  Government. 
The  number  of  the  petitioners  and  the  zeal  manifested  by  them 
in  such  a  cause,  had  the  effect  of  alarming  men  both  North  and 
South  as  to  the  safety  of  the  federal  Union.  The  right  of 
petition  for  a  redress  of  grievances,  was  one  which  existed  by 
constitutional  warrant,  and  any  abridgment  of  this  privilege 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  £1 

should  be  cautiously  and  only  after  full  deliberation,  adopted. 
As  the  right  generally  was  viewed,  it  was  one  that  authorized 
the  citizens  to  petition  for  the  removal  of  evils  affecting  them 
selves,  and  their  section  of  country.  In  the  case  of  the  Abo 
litionists,  they  were  asking  for  the  abridgment  of  the  constitu 
tional  and  vested  rights  of  citizens  equally  entitled  to  the 
protection  of  the  Government  as  themselves.  They  were  de 
manding  the  suppression  of  slavery,  where  it  existed  by  virtue  of 
law  and  the  constitution ;  and  in  this  view,  Congress  considered 
that  the  petitioners  had  transcended  their  rights. 

It  became  a  matter  of  long  and  animated  discussion  what  dis 
position  should  be  made  of  these  petitions.  The  presentation  by 
James  Buchanan,  in  1836,  of  the  memorial  of  the  Cain  Quarterly 
Meeting  of  Friends  asking  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia,  brought  the  question  of  these  petitions 
prominently  before  Congress.  As  far  as  can  be  gathered  froni- 
the  debates  in  the  Senate  at  that  period,  no  member  of  this  body 
appears  to  have  favored  the  sentiments  of  the  memorialists. 
The  question,  however  was,  how  to  dispose  of  the  petitions. 
John  C.  Calhoun  expressed  the  southern  view,  upon  this  occasion, 
in  the  following  language  : 

"  We  must  not  permit  those  we  represent  to  be  thus  insulted  on  this 
floor.  He  stood  prepared,  whenever  petitions  like  these  were  presented, 
to  call  for  their  reading,  and  to  demand  that  they  be  not  received. 
His  object  was  to  prevent  a  dangerous  agitation  which  threatened  to 
burst  asunder  the  bond  of  the  Union.  The  only  question  was,  how  was 
agitation  to  be  avoided?  He  held  that  receiving  these  petitions  en 
couraged  agitation,  the  most  effectual  mode  to  destroy  the  peace  and 
harmony  of  the  Union." 

Mr.  Buchanan  held  the  conservative  attitude  on  this  question, 
and  whilst  opposed  to  the  sentiments  of  the  petitioners,  he  denied 
that  Congress  had  the  right  to  refuse  their  reception,  and  insisted 
that  the  true  method  was  to  act  upon  and  reject  them.  His  plan 
was  adopted  in  the  Senate  by  3i  yeas  to  6  nays.  Substantially 
the  same  manner  of  disposing  of  these  petitions  was  pursued  in 
the  House  of  Representatives.  In  1836,  on  motion  of  H.  L. 
Pinckney,  of  South  Carolina,  a  resolution  was  adopted  to  refer 
all  anti-slavery  memorials  now  before  the  House,  or  that  might 
come  before  it,  to  a  Select  Committee,  with  instruction  to  report 
against  the  prayers  of  the  petitioners,  and  the  reasons  for  so 
doing.  On  the  18th  of  May,  1836,  the  committee,  through  Mr. 


S3  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

Pinckney,  its  Chairman,  unanimously  reported  a  series  of  resolu 
tions,  the  last  of  which  was  as  follows : 

"Resolved,  That  all  petitions,  memorials,  resolutions,  propositions  or 
papers,  relating  in  any  way  or  to  any  extent  whatever  to  the  subject  of 
slavery  or  the  abolition  of  slavery,  shall,  without  being  either  printed  or 
referred,  be  laid  upon  the  table,  and  that  no  further  action  whatever 
shall  be  had  thereon." 

The  above  resolution  was  adopted  by  117  yeas  to  68  nays,  the 
latter  being  chiefly  Whigs  from  the  free  States.  Resolutions 
to  control  or  allay  the  abolition  excitement  were  adopted  annually 
by  nearly  similar  votes  to  the  above  until  1840,  when  the  sub 
stance  of  these  was  incorporated  amongst  the  standing  rules  of 
the  House  of  Representatives.  The  rule  known  as  the  twenty- 
first,  which  excluded  the  abolition  petitions  remained  in  force 
until  December,  1845,  when  through  the  persistent  efforts  of 
John  Quincy  Adams  it  was  finally  rescinded. 

The  northern  Whigs,  in  the  main,  had  opposed  these  resolu 
tions  as  too  strongly  violating  the  right  of  petition.  Many  of 
the  Whigs  from  the  free  States  were  hostile  to  the  avowed  prin 
ciples  of  the  Abolitionists  ;  but  they  became  their  allies,  so  far 
as  to  strive  for  their  right  of  petition,  an  invaluable  advantage  to 
them  at  this  stage  of  the  controversy.  The  privilege  became  a 
shield,  under  the  cover  of  which  many  an  unavowed  Abolitionist, 
was  able  to  make  assaults  upon  southern  institutions.  The  divis 
ion  of  parties  upon  this  question  serves  to  show  why  it  was  that 
the  Abolition  element  of  the  North  still  clung  to  the  Whig 
instead  of  the  Democratic  party. 

On  this  question,  Thaddeus  Stevens,  though  not  yet  become  a 
national  legislator,  was  one  of  the  most  ardent  advocates  of  the 

O 

constitutional  right  of  petition  ;  and  that  such  was  his  position 
he  during  these  congressional  contests,  gave  frequent  testimony 
in  his  speeches  in  the  Pennsylvania  Legislature  and  elsewhere. 
Whilst  a  member  of  the  Legislature,  at  Harrisburg,  so  enthusi 
astically  did  he  champion  the  abolitionists  right  of  petition,  and 
their  free  mail  privilege  with  other  citizens,  that  the  contest  on 
these  questions  for  a  time  would  have  seemed  as  if  transferred 
from  the  Halls  of  the  National  Congress  to  those  of  the  Penn 
sylvania  Assembly.  And  in  this  manner  it  was  that  he  had 
much  to  do  in  imparting  tone  to  the  northern  Whig  members  of 
Congress  in  their  resistance  to  the  demands  of  the  South.  Thus 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA. 

the  propriety  of  incorporating,  in  a  work  treating  of  Mr.  Stevens,  a 
view  of  the  anti-slavery  movement,  that  preceded  his  entry  into 
Congress  is  seen,  when  his  influence  as  a  molder  of  public  senti- 
tiineiit  is  'considered.  But  for  such  as  he  there  would  havte  been 
no  movement  to  call  forth  the  action  of  Congress  and  of  State 
Legislatures  as  we  have  observed  took  place.  Mr.  Stevens  could 
with  truth  have  remarked  of  the  great  social  convulsion  and 
gathering  revolution  of  his  country,  " quorum  pars  magnafui" 


81  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  VI. 

REMOVAL  OF  MR.   STEVENS  TO    LANCASTER.       HIS    SUCCESS    AS    A    LAWYER 
AND  HIS  MOVEMENTS  AS  A  POLITICIAN. 

Notwithstanding  Mr.  Stevens,  up  to  1842,  had  mingled  con 
siderably  in  politics,  having  been  repeatedly  elected,  as  we  have 
seen,  to  the  Pennsylvania  House  of  Representatives,  yet  more 
fortunate  than  most  politicians,  he  was  able  to  retain  a  firm 
grasp  upon  his  legal  practice.  Before  his  entry  upon  public  life 
at  Harrisburg,  he  had  laid  the  foundation  of  a  fine  legal  practice, 
and  this  (though  absent  at  the  State  Capitol  during  the  winter 
months)  rather  continued  to  increase  than  diminish.  The  obstacle 
with  many  lawyers,  who  would  willingly  enter  into  politics  is, 
that  doing  so  breaks  up  their  business,  and  having  little  or 
nothing  to  fall  back  upon,  they  choose  rather  to  keep  out  of  the 
entanglements  of  political  life.  Hot  many  American  sjtatesmejgk 
have  ever  been  distinguished  as  la<i£y_ers,  and  this  because  but  few 
possess  the  varied  talents  that  are  adapted  for  these  different 
careers.  A  man  may  be  admirably  suited  for  the  politician,  and 
yet  would  find  himself  unable  to  cope  with  the  weighty  men 
who  try  the  important  causes  in  our  civil  and  criminal  courts. 
And  on  the  contrary,  not  every  successful  lawyer  would  shine 
upon  the  floors  of  Congress,  or  even  in  the  Halls  of  our  State 
Legislatures.  A  peculiar  structure  of  mind  is  needed  for  each  of 
these  pursuits  ;  and  he  whose  qualities  fit  him  for  the  one,  often 
finds  something  lacking  when  he  enters  upon  the  other.  Mr. 
Stevens,  however,  had  qualities  that  enabled  him  to  attain  a 
front  position,  whether  at  the  bar  or  in  the  halls  of  legislation, 
and  yet  it  cannot  be  denied  that  he  most  of  all  towered  at  the 
bar.  It  was  in  this  calling  that  his  best  energies  were  expended ; 
and  here  also  many  of  his  most  intellectual  victories  were  achieved. 

After  the  termination  of  his  services  in  the  Pennsylvania  Leg 
islature,  severa^  motives  contributed  to  induce  him  to  remove  from 
Adams  and  locate  in  Lancaster  County.  His  practice  at  the 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  85 

Gettysburg  bar  could  in  no  probability  ever  become  so  profitable 
as  lie  might  secure  in  a  county  so  wealthy  and  populous  as  Lan 
caster.  Besides  the  fine  field  offered  in  this  latter  place  for  the 
practice  of  his  profession,  it  was  a  county  strongly  of  his  political 
sentiments,  and  this  was  a  consideration  in  his  view  not  to  be 
overlooked.  These,  no  doubt,  were  amongst  the  leading  motives 
that  induced  his  removal  from  Gettysburg  to  Lancaster  City. 
It  was  in  August,  1812,  that  he  reached  this  latter  place,  and  he 
immediately  opened  an  office  and  began  the  practice  of  the  pro 
fession  in  his  new  home.  Some  time  prior  to  his  arrival,  it  had 
become  known  that  he  intended  to  change  his  location,  and  cer 
tain  articles  appeared  in  the  Lancaster  papers,  eulogizing  Mr. 
Stevens  as  a  man  of  towering  abilities,  and  as  a  lawyer  of  rare 
sagacity  and  shrewdness.  His  arrival  soon  became  known 
amongst  the  people  of  Lancaster  County,  and  it  is  related  that 
many  of  them  came  to  the  County-seat  to  obtain  a  sight  of  the 
man  of  whose  fame  they  had  already  heard  so  much.  He  was 
kindly  received  in  his  new  location  by  the  citizens  generally, 
although  in  the  main  bearing  the  reputation  of  being  a  tricky 
and  unscrupulous  politician.  His  extraordinary  talents  were 
upon  all  sides  conceded ;  and  this  reputation  procured  for  him 
kind  and  courteous  treatment  amongst  all  classes.  He  was,  most 
of  all,  viewed  with  suspicion  by  the  members  of  the  bar,  who 
are  never  disposed  to  look  with  favor  upon  new  arrivals  in  the 
profession,  and  such  as  may  divide  business  with  themselves. 
But  in  Mr.  Stevens  they  saw  more  than  an  ordinary  additional 
attorney  who  was  come  to  secure  amongst  them  his  living  at  the 
bar.  In  him  they  recognized  a  man  ready  and  competent  to  cope 
with  the  ablest  of  them  in  litigious  warfare  ;  and  one  who  mio-lit 
even  be  disposed  to  wrest  the  sceptre  of  superiority  from  the  most 
distinguished  of  their  number.  It  is  not  strange,  therefore,  that 
his  arrival  in  Lancaster  was  anything  but  agreeable  to  the  wishes  of 
the  members  of  one  of  the  oldest  and  most  renowned  bars  of  Penn 
sylvania.  But  gifted  as  he  was  with  the  sagacity  needed  in  situa 
tions  such  as  he  was  then  placed,  he  did  not  seem  to  observe  the 
jealousy  of  his  brother  barristers,  but  simply  attended  to  his  own 
business,  as  if  altogether  unconcerned  for  their  opinions  regard 
ing  himself.  The  jealousy  was  most  intense  on  the  part  of  the 
older  lawyers,  those  who  had  taken  the  lead  in  business  prior  to 
his  arrival.  With  the  younger  members  of  the  profession,  he 


86  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

was  rather  an  object  of  esteem ;  for  as  they  did  not  feel  them 
selves  able  to  compete  with  him,  they  were  disposed  to  admire 
him  rather  than  those  who  were  jealous  of  his  superior  ability. 

Samuel  Parke,  Reah  Frazer,  William  B.  Fordney  and  John 
R.  Montgomery  were  amongst  the  leading  Lancaster  lawyers  of 
that  period.  There  were  besides,  many  others  of  considerable 
legal  ability.  The  Lancaster  bar  had  for  years  held  the  rank  of 
one  of  the  first  in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania.  Many  names  of 
wide  repute  had  practiced  in  the  old  inland  city — James  Hop 
kins,  Molton  C.  Rodgers,  Jasper  Slaymaker,  William  Jenkins? 
James  Buchanan,  Amos  Ellmaker  and  George  B.  Porter,  had  all 
gained  their  reputations,  as  practitioners,  at  this  old  bar  of  German 
Pennsylvania.  These  last  named  had  chiefly  retired  from  practice 
when  Mr.  Stevens  made  his  appearance  in  his  new  location. 
Benjamin  Champneys  was  upon  the  bench,  but  shortly  afterwards 
resigned  this  position,  having  been  nominated  by  his  party  for  the 
State  Senate,  to  which  he  was  also  elected.  His  place  was  filled 
shortly  after  his  resignation  by  the  appointment  of  Ellis  Lewis,  a 
lawyer  of  deep  reading,  and  withal,  a  man  of  rare  native  sagacity. 

At  the  August  Sessions,  in  1842,  the  first  at  which  Mr.  Stevens 
made  his  appearance,  he  volunteered  his  services  in  behalf  of  a 
colored  man  from  Columbia  who  was  indicted  for  assault  and 
battery  with  intent  to  kill.  This  was  the  first  case  in  which  he 
appeared  before  a  Lancaster  County  jury,  and  he  handled  it  with 
great  ability,  but  the  evidence  being  too  clear,  his  client  was  con 
victed  and  sentenced  to  an  imprisonment  for  five  years.  His 
fixed  reputation  immediately  brought  him  business,  and  it  was 
not  long  till  he  had  an  opportunity  of  grappling  with  the  leading 
men  of  the  Lancaster  bar.  Their  first  encounters  with  him 
exhibited  most  intense  feeling,  and  their  weapons  not  always 
hurled  with  courtly  grace,  sped  as  if  impelled  with  savage  malig 
nity.  One  of  the  first  who  met  the  new  Achilles  of  the  bar,  in 
an  important  civil  case  was  Benjamin  Champneys,  who,  before 
his  elevation  to  the  bench,  had  ranked  as  one  of  the  ablest  lawyers 
of  the  State.  Those  who  relate  the  circumstances  of  this  trial, 
and  the  fierce  combat  of  words  it  elicited,  have  likened  it  to  th3 
fatal  scene  between  Hector  and  the  conquering  Pelides.  The 
contest  was  warm,  vigorous  and  spirited ;  the  dexterous  combat- 
tan  ts  hurled  and  counter-hurled,  parried  and  counter-parried  the 
weapons,  that  flew  across  the  arena  of  forensic  strife ;  but  ths 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  87 

superior  prowess  of  the  adventurous  knight,  though  in  the  terri 
tory  of  his  antagonist,  soon  convinced  all  observers  that  whilst 
victory  might  not  in  this  encounter  perch  upon  his  banner,  yet 
that  the  claim  of  dominion  would  surely  pass  to  the  invading 
chevalier  of  the  bar.  This  first  encounter  but  gave  assurance 
that  others  to  follow  would  be  with  like  result,  for  one  after 
another,  of  the  old  knights  of  the  Lancaster  bar  were  met  and 
stript  of  the  fame  they  had  long  worn  with  credit,  and  the  exult 
ant  warrior  rode  triumphant  over  the  new  field  of  his  conquests 
and  future  fortune.  In  six  months  after  Mr.  Stevens  arrived  in 
Lancaster,  there  was  no  member  of  that  bar  that  dared  to  dispute 
his  intellectual  and  legal  kingship.  He  was  crowned  by  common 
consent,  and  wore  the  diadem  to  his  grave. 

At  the  first  session  of  the  Supreme  Court,  held  at  Harrisburg 
in  May,  1843,  after  his  location  in  Lancaster,  ho  appeared  in  four 
of  the  six  cases  from  Lancaster  County,  that  were  tried  at  that 
time.  He  was  also  engaged  with  Meredith,  of  Philadelphia,  at 
the  same  term,  in  the  important  case  of  the  Commonwealth  vs. 
the  Pennsylvania  Canal  Commissioners.  A  £ii  j'cess  such  as  this  bas 
scarcely  a  parallel  in  history.  A  new  lawyer  locating  in  a  strange 
county,  without  friends  or  social  influence,  and  taking  the  lead  at 
a  bar  where  there  were  several  able,  experienced  and  accom 
plished  members  of  the  profession,  is  one  of  those  events  of  history 
that  have  rarely  transpired,  and  which  will  be  as  seldom  repeated. 
Such  marvelous  success,  more  than  all  else,  stamps  him  who  has 
accomplished  it  as  one  of  the  prodigies  of  creation.  In  May, 
1844,  at  the  following  session  of  the  Supreme  Court  held  in  the 
same  place,  out  of  eight  cases  from  Lancaster  County  Mr.  Stevens 
appeared  in  six  of  them,  besides  being  employed  in  two  from 
Adams  and  also  one  from  Franklin  County.  His  practice  was 
now  become  very  large  and  lucrative,  and  ranged  for  years  from 
twelve  to  fifteen  thousand  dollars  per  year.  He  was  employed 
in  many  of  the  most  important  suits  tried  in  different  parts  of 
the  State. 

The  custom  of  making  lengthy  speeches  before  the  court  and 
jury,  was  one  of  long  standing  with  the  Lancaster  lawyers, 
before  Mr.  Stevens  located  in  their  midst.  When  a  cause  was  to 
be  tried,  they  were  in  the  habit  of  bringing  into  the  court  room, 
law  books  by  the  wheelbarrow  load  and  piling  them  upon  the 
tables,  and  reading  one  authority  after  another  for  the  support  of 


£3  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

the  plainest  and  most  common  principles  of  the  science.  Some 
times  a  case  would  consume  a  day  or  more  in  the  arguments  of 
legal  points,  that  were  little  illuminated  by  the  long  and  tedious 
discussion.  The  custom  was  an  old  one  and  inherited  from  their 
predecessors ;  and  the  lawyer  who  should  not  have  conformed  to 
it,  would  have  lost,  in  the  opinion  of  his  client,  the  credit  of 
possessing  the  requisite  legal  knowledge  for  the  trial  of  an  im 
portant  case.  It  remained  for  the  new  dictator  cf  the  bar  to 
abolish  the  pernicious  habit  of  speech-making  by  the  day,  and 
long-winded  arguments.  After  Ellis  Lewis  was  appointed  to  the 
bench,  Stevens  having  a  case  for  trial  came  into  court  one  morn 
ing  and  observed  the  tables  stocked  with  law  books,  and  his 
legal  adversary  busily  engaged  in  looking  them  over  and  prepar 
ing  them  for  citation.  Judge  Lewis  was  already  upon  the 
bench,  but  the  court  had  not  yet  been  formally  opened.  Stevens 
remarked,  loud  enough  to  be  distinctly  heard,  "Wliat  are  all 
these  books  for  ?"  Lewis  replied,  that  he  believed  they  were  to 
be  used  on  the  trial  of  the  case  now  before  the  court.  Stevens 
rejoined  that  He  "  did  not  know  who  wanted  to  listen  to  the 
reading  of  all  those  books."  Lewis  then  remarked :  "Mr. 

O 

Stevens,  you  are  something  of  my  opinion ;  that  a  lawyer  should 
carry  the  law  in  his  head  and  not  always  depend  on  his  books." 
The  opposing  counsel  heard  all  this  conversation,  and  its  effect 
was  magical.  It  was  the  last  time  the  tables  were  crowded  with 
law  books  upon  the  trial  of  a  case.  Afterwards  only  such  books 
were  produced  as  contained  authority  directly  applicable  to  the 
points  at  issue  before  the  court  in  the  case  then  being  tried.  Mr. 
Stevens  never  made  lengthy  speeches  before  either  the  court  or 
jury  in  the  trial  of  cases  in  which  he  was  concerned  ;  and  in  this 
he  was  also  imitated  by  the  other  members  of  the  bar.  The 
making  of  long  speeches  soon  disappeared,  and  no  regrets  were 
ever  felt  for  the  departure.  . 

Mr.  Stevens  was  gifted  with  a  remarkable  memory.  In  the 
trial  of  a  cause  he  very  rarely  wrote  down  any  of  the  evidence, 
as  is  customary  with  ordinary  lawyers,  trusting  to  their  memory 
for  the  remembrance  of  all  the  important  facts  required  in  their 
t  arguments  before  the  court  and  jury.  He  possessed  the  rare 
faculty  of  being  able  to  perceive,  as  if  by  intuition,  the  real 
point  of  every  case ;  and  all  his  efforts  in  the  elicitation  of  evi 
dence  was  to  support  this  view  of  it.  Instead  of  wasting  his 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  89 

time  in  drawing  out  of  the  witnesses  all  the  possible  evidence, 
and  exhausting  his  energies  in  writing  down  the  same,  Mr. 
Stevens,  having  a  clear  conception  of  the  point  to  be  supported, 
simply  sought  for  evidence  for  this  purpose.  lie  rarely  or  never 
took  notes  of  the  evidence,  but  often  made  a  few  strokes  to 
induce  the  opposing  counsel  to  suppose  that  he  was  doing  so. 
But  his  memory  was  so  powerful  that  often  when  a  dispute  arose 
among  counsel,  as  to  the  exact  language  used  by  a  witness,  he 
would  appeal  to  the  judge's  notes  ;  and  in  such  instances  he  was 
found  almost  invariably  accurate  in  his  recollection  of  the  evi 
dence.  Had  his  memory  not  been  so  powerful  as  it  was,  he 
should  surely  have  proved  a  failure  as  a  lawyer,  for  he  neither 
wrote  with  rapidity  nor  was  his  chirography  even  to  himself, 
much  less  to  others,  always  legible. 

In  his  legal  argumenfs  he  likewise  confined  his  attention,  in  the 
mainr  to  the  turning  point  of  his  case,  and  brought  it  out  in  all 
the  clearness  which  his  great  ability  was  capable  of  doing  ;  and  to 
this  method  he  was  more  indebted,  perhaps,  for  his  splendid  suc 
cess  in  his  profession  than  to  any  other  reason  that  might  be 
named.  In  this  particular,  his  legal  sagacity  may  in  a  sense  be 
compared  with  the  strategy  of  the  great  Napoleon  who  was  in 
the  habit  of  concentrating  all  the  force  of  his  assaulting  columns 
upon  one  point  of  the  enemy's  lines,  and  this  being  broken,  rout 
and  disorder  followed.  Stevens,  in  like  manner,  as  it  were,  by 
being  able  to  see  the  point  upon  which  a  case  must  turn,  and  by 
so  shaping  the  testimony  as  to  make  it  bear  directly  in  support  of 
that  position,  was  able  to  carry  the  victory  over  an  opponent  less 
dexterous  than  he,  in  the  marshalling  and  argumentation  of  the 
evidence.  Hence,  though  a  remarkably  successful  lawyer,  he 
never  wearied  the  court  with  his  arguments,  nor  the  jury  by  a 
tedious  recapitulation  of  useless  evidence. 

Upon  one  occasion,  on  the  trial  of  a  cause,  one  of  his  witnesses 
had  detailed  important  testimony  consisting  of  a  statement  of 
facts  that  had  transpired  many  years  in  the  past.  This  witness 
was  subjected  to  a  rigid  cross-examination  by  the  opposing  coun 
sel,  with  the  view  of  impairing  his  testimony,  by  showing  his 
deficient  recollection  of  facts  altogether  of  no  consequence,  and 
having  no  bearing  upon  the  trial  of  the  case,  and  only  intended 
to  perplex  the  witness,  and  produce  the  impression  upon  the  jury 
that  his  evidence  was  unreliable.  Mr.  Stevens,  seeing  the  delu- 


90  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 


^  that  was  attempted  to  be  produced,  utterly  discomfited  his 
legal  antagonist  by  simply  propounding  in  his  humorous  tone, 
(itself  revealing  his  design)  the  following  question  :  "  Mr.  -  , 
had  you  a  pin  in  your  coat  collar  that  morning  \  "  The  court 
and  jury  at  once  saw  the  hit,  and  the  effect  was  damaging  to  his 
adversary.  His  ability  to  disconcert  an  opposing  attorney,  in  a 
trial,  by  some  witty  remark,  as  by  asking  a  witness  a  question 
eliciting  laughter,  was  of  incalculable  value  in  his  professional 
career,  Ridicule,  which  is  often  more  potent  than  argument,  he 
had  entirely  at  his  command.  All  these  appliances  of  his  intel 
lectual  ability  gave  him  an  advantage  over  other  men  equally  able 
and.  learned  as  himself,  but  unendowed  with  mental  traits  of  this 
nature. 

As  regards  the  knowledge  of  law  Mr.  Stevens  was  not  BO 
remarkable.  There  were  other  lawyers  in  Lancaster  who  were 
quite  as  well  if  not  better  read  in  their  profession  than  he  ;  his 
great  strength  was  with  the  jury  in  being  able  to  present  the  strong 
points  of  a  case  in  a  more  powerful  manner  than  it  was  the  faculty 
of  most  other  lawyers  to  do.  Before  the  Supreme  Court  of 
Pennsylvania,  he  could  scarcely  be  said  to  be  more  successful  than 
any  other  able  well-read  lawyer.  His  consciousness  of  ability 
gave  him  confidence  in  himself,  and  he  was  ready  to  express  an 
opinion  upon  almost  any  case  without  examination.  Owing  to 
this  disposition  he  allowed  careful  lawyers,  who  examine  their 
cases  before  giving  an  opinion  upon  them,  the  opportunity  of 
entrapping  him  and  carrying  cases  against  him,  often  with  ease. 
There  have  been  instances  where,  having  no  confidence  in  a  case, 
he  allowed  the  whole  management  of  it  in  the  Supreme  Court  to 
a  colleague,  and  the  latter  was  successful  in  opposition  to  his 
opinions.  His  great  power  as  a  lawyer,  consisted  in  his  being  able 
to  influence  ordinary  minds  and  control  them  to  his  advantage. 

Some  of  Mr.  Stevens'  finest  and  most  eloquent  speeches  as  a 
lawyer,  were  those  made  on  trials  in  defense  of  fugitive  slaves. 
Even  before  his  arrival  in  Lancaster,  he  was  widely  known  as  a 
most  violent  opponent  of  southern  institutions  ;  and  from  his 
settlement  in  Lancaster  County,  he  was  almost  uniformly  retained 
in  the  defense  of  the  fugitives.  It  was  not  every  lawyer,  at  that 
period,  that  desired  to  be  employed  in  the  defense  of  a  case  of 
that  character.  The  slave  master  was  fortified  by  legal  enact 
ment  ;  and  the  Constitution  guaranteeing  the  surrender  of  f  ugi- 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  01 

tires  from  service,  public  opinion,  generally  sanctioned  the 
enforcement  of  the  law.  It  was  only  the  extreme  Abolitionists 
who  dared  to  resist  the  claims  of  the  master ;  but  these,  as 
yet,  had  little  influence,  neither'  of  the  great  political  parties  of 
the  country  having  espoused  even  their  moderate  principles  as 
national  organizations.  On  one  occasion,  a  negro  had  been 
brought  before  Judge  Lewis  in  Lancaster,  under  the  Pennsyl 
vania  Act  of  1826,  and  there  being  no  evidence  to  show  that  he 
was  a  slave,  he  was  discharged.  Mr.  Stevens  was  employed  Li 
this  case  by  the  friends  of  the  negro.  After  the  discharge,  the 
claimant  was  advised  to  have  the  negro  re-arrested  under  an  old 
Act  of  Congress,  which  required  no  evidence  except  the  oath  of 
the  owner  of  the  slave.  As  soon,  therefore,  as  he  was  discharged, 
an  officer  took  him  in  custody  upon  a  writ  issued  by  Alderman 
Osterloe.  Stevens,  having  been  informed  of  this,  went  before 
the  magistrate ;  and  his  speech  before  this  officer  is  said  to  have 
been  one  of  the  finest  gems  of  eloquence  ever  delivered  by  him 
in  Lancaster.  The  negro,  however,  was  discharged  by  the  mag 
istrate,  after  official  evidence  of  the  former  trial  before  the  court 
had  been  certified  to  him. 

But  it  is  as  a  politician  that  Mr.  Stevens  is  most  widely  known  ; 
and  of  his  actions  in  this  particular  it  remains  for  us  to  speak, 
since  the  period  of  his  removal  from  Gettysburg  to  Lancaster. 
As  soon  as  he  had  settled  in  his  new  home,  a  circle  of  politicians 
gathered  around  him  and  deferred  to  him  at  once  as  their  coun 
sellor  and  adviser.  Those  who  flocked  to  his  standard  were  poli 
ticians  for  the  most  part  of  the  Anti-Masonic  persuasion,  who 
had  chiefly  lost  position  in  their  party,  and  who  wanted  a  leader 
to  make  head  against  those  who  controlled  the  affairs  of  the 
country.  Anti-Masonry  had  for  years  been  simply  a  name,  the 
great  majority  of  those  who  had  once  rallied  under  its  banner 
were  attached  to  the  Whig  party,  now  risen  to  national  importance 
and  respect,  under  the  leadership  of  Clay  and  Webster.  Stevens 
himself  had  for  years  been  nominally  attached  to  the  "Whig 
party,  and  had,  in  18-iO,  supported  Harrison  for  President. 

"  In  the  great  campaign  of  1840,  Mr.  Stevens  took  a  decided 
stand  in  favor  of  the  '  Hero  of  the  Thames.'  For  months 
before  the  nomination  of  Harrison,  it  was  understood  throughout 
Pennsylvania,  that  Mr.  Stevens  was  to  have  a  seat  in  the  Cabinet. 
That  Harrison  had  selected  him  for  Post-Master  General  is  known 


03  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

with  certainity,  but  through  the  open  opposition  of  Clay  and  the 
wavering  of  Webster,  the  appointment  was  given  to  Granger. 
Stevens  never  forgave  Webster  for  the  part  he  took  in  this 
transaction."* 

But  though  united  to  the  Whig  party,  Mr.  Stevens  found 
himself  powerless  in  this  organization.  Having  showed  himself  an 
ardent  Anti-Mason,  he  encountered  violent  antipathies  amongst 
the  Whigs  on  account  of  old  animosities  aroused  by  his  course 
against  the  ancient  order.  He  was  besides,  viewed  by  the  great 
body  of  the  Whig  leaders  as  too  violent  and  impracticable  a  man 
to  be  entrusted  with  the  management  of  the  party  affairs.  Even 
before  leaving  Adams  County,  this  was  the  opinion  generally 
entertained  of  him  by  the  leading  minds  of  his  own  party.  He 
was  able  to  control  in  a  measure  the  party  organization  in  Adams 
County,  but  he  met  with  strenuous  resistance  amongst  his  political 
friends  as  soon  as  he  attempted  to  influence  beyond  the  bounds 
of  the  county.  But  for  this  resistance  there  is  little  doubt  but 
he  would  have  appeared  in  the  State  Senate  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
also  in  Congress,  whilst  a  citizen  of  Gettysburg.  Ko  sooner, 
therefore,  had  he  appeared  in  Lancaster  than  the  same  Whig 
opposition  met  him,  and  was  potential  in  keeping  him  in  the 
political  background  of  his  party.  By  the  fall  of  184:3  a  suffi 
cient  nucleus  of  strength,  however,  had  gathered  around  him,  as 
to  induce  him  to  believe  that  he  might  inaugurate  the  political 
game  with  his  Whig  friends  for  the  control  of  Lancaster  County. 
He  dared  not  to  stand  idle.  He  must  act  unless  he  chose  to  remain 
a  zero  upon  the  chess-board  of  political  strategy.  Having 
no  strength  in  his  own  party,  his  first  aim  was  to  secure 
such.  Most  of  those  who  operated  with  him  were  equally 
ignored  by  the  Whig  leaders,  and,  therefore,  there  was  nothing 
to  be  lost  in  making  an  effort  to  obtain  that  recognition  which 
they  sought. 

It  was  resolved,  at  the  suggestion  of  Mr.  Stevens,  to  make  an 
effort  to  revive  the  Anti-Masonic  party  in  the  county.  It  cannot 
be  supposed  that  a  man  of  his  sagacious  mind,  could  have  believed 
that  this  was  possible,  at  a  period  when  the  old  organization  had 
years  ago  sunk  into  obscurity,  and  was  already  well  nigh  forgotten. 
But  it  served  in  this  case  as  the  basis  of  a  movement  to  divert 


Biographical  History  of  Lancaster  County,  pp.  582. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  93 

votes  from  the  Whig  party  in  the  county.  The  object  hoped  to 
be  gained  by  this,  was  to  withdraw  sufficient  strength  from  the 
controlling  Whig  party,  so  as  to  permit  the  Democrats  to  carry 
the  victory  in  the  county.  Could  the  Stevens  wing  effect'  this 
they  were  then  in  a  condition  to  dictate  the  terms  of  compromise. 
Accordingly,  a  ticket  was  placed  in  nomination,  but  the  Demo 
crats  of  the  county  having  been  beaten  for  so  long  a  time,  failed 
to  rally  in  their  strength  at  the  October  election  of  1843,  and 
the  Whigs  again  carried  the  victory  by  a  considerable  majority. 
The  new  movement  polled  about  1,4:00  votes,  but  falling  short  of 
securing  a  Democratic  triumph,  the  leaders  were  prostrated 
beneath  the  power  of  their  opponents.  Stevens  was  now  fully 
shorn  of  any  political  strength  he  might  have  had,  and  was  forced 
for  a  time  to  content  himself  to  be  simply  a  voter  of  the  Whig 
party,  if  he  chose  to  remain  in  it,  or  to  make  choice  of  a  new 
organization  with  which  to  act. 

The  Whig  party  of  Lancaster  County  was  almost  a  unit  for 
Henry  Clay  for  President  in  1844.  About  the  time  that  Mr. 
Stevens  and  his  associates  were  planning  the  resuscitation  of 
Anti-Masonry  in  the  county,  a  monster  Whig  meeting  was  held 
in  Lancaster  City,  July  29th,  1843,  for  the  purpose  of  recom 
mending  their  favorite  Clay  as  the  Whig  candidate  for  President  in 
1841.  William  Hiester  presided  over  this  meeting,  and  speeches 
were  made  by  Morton  McMichael,  Abraham  Ilerr  Smith  and 
others ;  but  Mr.  Stevens  had  no  invitation  to  participate  in  this 
movement.  When  Clay  was  made  the  nominee  of  the  party  it 
was  deemed  by  the  leaders  politic  to  have  all  their  partisans  to 
unite  in  support  of  the  candidate  ;  but  Stevens  being  inimical  to 
the  great  orator  of  Kentucky,  ILarmar  Denny  was  entrusted  with 
the  task  of  reconciling  him  with  the  nomination.  Denny  assured 
him  that  he  was  authorized  by  the  Whig  candidate  to  say  that  in 
case  of  his  election,  "  atonement  would  be  made  for  past  wrong." 
It  could  not  be  claimed,  however,  that  Mr.  Stevens  entered  into  the 
support  of  Henry  Clay  with  any  enthusiasm,  although  giving  him 
his  public  endorsement  upon  the  rostrum  and  elsewhere.  Political 
success  was  clearly  his  guiding  star ;  and  it  is  necessary  for  poli 
ticians  to  shape  their  craft  so  as  to  sail  as  much  as  possible  with 
the  breeze,  otherwise  their  hopes  of  fortune  would  soon  end  in 
disappointment  and  despair.  He  made  some  speeches  in  the 
campaign  of  1844,  and  in  these  placed  himself  fairly  upon  the 


94  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

platform  of  the  National  Whig  party.  During  the  campaign  he 
was  invited  with  Webster  and  other  distinguished  leaders  of  the 
party,  to  address  the  great  Whig  meeting  in  Philadelphia ;  and 
the  assemblage  being  very  large,  whilst  Webster  was  speaking  to 
the  people,  another  stand  was  erected  at  some  distance  from  the 
main  platform,  and  Mr.  Stevens  was  invited  thence  to  address  his 
fellow-citizens.  He  mounted  the  newly  erected  rostrum,  and 
being  gifted  with  those  indispensable  qualities  of  the  popular 
OAitor,  wit  and  anecdote,  he  is  said  to  have  been  able  upon  that 
occasion  to  attract  to  his  speaking  most  of  those  who  had  been 
listening  to  the  great  Massachusetts  statesman.  But  ardently  as 
was  Henry  Clay  supported  by  his  party  throughout  the  country, 
the  election  resulted  in  the  choice  of  James  K.  Polk  as  President 
of  the  United  States. 

Although  Stevens  and  his  followers  supported  Clay  for  Presi 
dent  in  1844,  the  division  in  the  party  in  the  county  was  never 
theless  kept  up.  There  are  generally  two  factions  in  each  party 
in  every  county ;  and  that  Mr.  Stevens  was  able  from  the  iirst 
to  become  the  dictator  of  the  one  of  these  in  the  Whig  party,  is 
evidence  of  his  power  as  a  political  manipulator.  Although 
greatly  in  the  minority  at  first,  it  was  the  foundation  of  what 
afterwards  obtained  the  control  of  Lancaster  County,  and  which 
placed  Mr.  Stevens  upon  the  highway  of  his  political  success. 
But  the  weakness  of  his  influence  in  the  county  in  1844,  was 
apparent  in  the  nomination  of  John  Strohm  for  Congress,  in  that 
year.  Mr.  Strohm  had  for  years  ranked  as  one  of  the  principal 
leaders  of  the  Whig  faction  opposed  to  Stevens.  As  Senator 
from  Lancaster  County,  he  was  one  of  those  who  in  December, 
,1838,  failed  to  sympathize  with  Mr.  Stevens  in  his  course  at  Har- 
risburg,  during  the  period  of  the  "  Buckshot  War;"  and  who  also 
voted  for  the  recognition  of  the  Hopkins'  House  of  Representa 
tives.  To  see  one  with  these  opinions  nominated  to  Congress, 
was  galling  to  Mr.  Stevens  in  the  extreme  ;  but  John  Strohm  was 
a  man  of  unimpeachable  reputation  ;  and  whose  high  regard  for 
probity  had  become  proverbial.  His  course  at  Harrisburg  in  the 
winter  of  1838,  had  at  first  subjected  him  to  considerable  censure 
from  liis  political  friends,  even  in  his  own  county  ;  but  a  reaction 
soon  set  in,  as  the  facts  became  better  understood,  and  his 
action  was  at  length  fully  endorsed  by  the  majority  of  the  Whig 
party  of  Lancaster  County.  His  nomination  for  Congress  in 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  05 

1S44,  was  generally,  therefore,  viewed  as  an  attestation  of  that 
fact ;  as  also  an  evidence  of  the  entire  approval  by  his  party  of 
his  whole  previous  career  as  a  public  man. 

Mr.  Stevens,  in  this  condition  of  affairs,  could  do  little  else 
than  attend  to  his  legal  business  and  gradually  strengthen  him 
self  amongst  the  citizens  of  the  county.  His  ability  as  a  lawyer 
gradually  introduced  him  to  a  wide  circle  of  acquaintances  ;  and 
this  had  the  effect  of  enhancing  his  political  power.  An  element 
of  political  strength,  in  favor  of  Mr.  Stevens,  not  to  be  over 
looked,  was  found  in  the  large  number  of  young  men  who 
studied  law  in  his  office  and  under  his  instructions.  A  greater 
number  of  young  men  studied  the  elements  of  the  profession 
under  his  instruction,  than  with  any  other  member  of  the  bar 
who  ever  before  practiced  in  the  inland  City  of  Lancaster. 
Although  not  all  of  these  were  members  of  his  own  political 
party,  yet  the  majority  naturally  being  such,  and  these  being 
greatly  devoted  to  him  and  his  success,  were  ready  upon  any 
occasion  to  buckle  on  their  armor  and  march  to  the  conflict 
when  the  interests  of  their  tutor  were  at  stake.  But  few  men 
have  ever  had  the  faculty  of  securing  more  devoted  and  more 
ardent  followers  than  he.  His  students  were  almost  equally 
attached  to  him,  as  children  to  a  father ;  at  least,  this  was  the 
case  with  a  great  majority  of  them.  This  was  not  altogether 
unnatural.  Young  men  in  the  selection  of  a  legal  preceptor, 
generally  endeavor  to  choose  one  whose  reputation  may  enhance 
their  own  prospect  of  success  by  a  kind  of  radiation  of  fame,  as 
it  might  be  termed.  Although  in  the  main  delusive,  yet  the 
impression  has  its  weight  in  the  choice  of  the  man  with  whom 
the  profession  is,  as  a  rule,  studied.  In  the  case  of  Mr.  Stevens,  the 
rule  a-lso  obtained ;  and  as  advantage  was  anticipated  by  originally 
selecting  him  as  their  instructor,  the  more  they  could  add  to  his  rep 
utation  by  their  efforts,  would  still  extend,  as  they  conceived,  that 
reflection  of  fame  that  might  illumine  themselves.  Of  students 
who  had  studied  with  Mr.  Stevens,  or  who  became  associated  in 
legal  practice  with  him,  and  whose  influence  perhaps  more  aided 
him  in  his  after  political  career  than  any  other  individuals,  were 
Alexander  H.  Hood  and  Oliver  J.  Dickey,  both  men  of  admitted 
native  capacity.  Both  of  these  men  were  ardently  attached  to 
Mr.  Stevens.  The  former,  a  political  editor,  and  also  a  member 
of  the  Legislature,  had  studied  law  with  him,  having  entered  his 


CO  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

office  as  a  student  shortly  after  liis  arrival  in  Lancaster ;  and  tlie 
latter  was  the  son  of  one  of  his  old  political  associates  as  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Board  of  Canal  Commissioners  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
who  as  a  leader  in  the  Anti-Masonic  party,  had  been  strongly 
attached  to  him.  Mr.  Dickey  visited  Lancaster  in  1846  and 
became  associated  with  Mr.  Stevens  in  the  practice  of  the  pro 
fession  ;  and  this  union  proved  the  foundation  of  a  life-long 
attachment  between  them. 

By  1848,  Mr.  Stevens,  having  extended  his  acquaintance  in  all 
parts  of  the  county,  felt  himself  strong  enough  to  aim  at  the 
nomination  for  Congress  in  the  Lancaster  District.  Although  he 
had  many  friends  attached  to  him,  he  nevertheless  had  a  power 
ful  opposition  to  combat.  The  old  Whig  leaders  were  mostly 
opposed  to  his  nomination  for  Congress,  as  were  also  the  principal 
organs  of  the  party,  the  Examiner,  published  by  E.  C.  Darling 
ton,  and  the  Volksfreund,  a  German  newspaper.  But  both 
factions  of  the  Whig  party  in  the  county  had  endorsed  the  nomi 
nation  of  Gen.  Taylor  for  President,  as  the  most  available  can 
didate  that  could  be  presented.  This  endorsement  seemed  for 
the  time  to  indicate  the  complete  union  of  the  Lancaster  County 
"Whigs ;  and  Stevens  was  sufficiently  sagacious  to  see  the  ad 
vantage  to  be  gained  in  this  lull  of  the  storm.  A  large  Whig 
meeting  was  held  in  Lancaster  for  the  purpose  of  endorsing  the 
nomination  of  Zachary  Taylor  for  the  Presidency.  Stevens  and 
his  friends  were  the  strong  advocates  of  the  objects  of  this  meet 
ing.  Emanuel  C.  Reighart,  an  influential  Whig,  a  man  of  high 
social  standing,  and  one  who  had  never  openly  committed  him 
self  to  the  interests  of  Mr.  Stevens,  assumed  at  this  meeting,  in 
the  name  of  the  party,  and  in  view  of  the  subsisting  harmony  of 
all  factions,  to  publicly  nominate  him  as  a  candidate  for  Con 
gress.  This  had  the  effect  of  directing  public  attention  to  him, 
as  an  aspirant  for  Congressional  honors. 

But  the  leaders  of  that  part  of  the  Whig  party  which  hitherto 
opposed  Mr.  Stevens  were  not  ready  to  acquiesce  in  that  kind  of 
nomination  for  a  Congressional  candidate.  It  was  altogether  an 
unusual  manner  of  placing  a  candidate  before  the  party  for  this 
office,  and  besides,  there  were  individuals  in  their  section  of  the 
party  whom  they  preferred  to  see  elected  to  Congress.  It  was 
not  to  be  supposed,  therefore,  that  they  would  tamely  submit 
to  a  nomination  in  which  the  choice  of  the  people  had  not  been 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  97 

consulted ;  and  especially,  where  the  candidate  was  a  stranger  in 
the  county,  and  one  who  a  few  years  before  had  been  engaged  in 
an  effort  to  defeat  the  nominees  of  their  party.  Abraham 
Herr  Smith,  a  young  lawyer  of  promise,  belonging  to  one  of  the 
oldest  and  most  influential  families  of  the  county,  who  had  served 
with  credit  for  two  sessions  in  the  Pennsylvania  House  of  Rep 
resentatives,  and  was  just  closing  a  term  in  the  State  Senate,  was 
induced  to  become  a  candidate  for  the  Congressional  nomination 
in  opposition  to  Mr.  Stevens.  Candidates  at  that  period  were 
generally  nominated  in  conventions  of  their  party,  the  delegates 
to  which  were  elected  by  the  party  votes  in  the  different 
districts.  Primary  elections  were,  therefore,  in  accordance  with 
this  recognized  rule  of  the  party,  held  all  over  the  County  of 
Lancaster,  and  the  respective  friends  of  one  or  the  other  candi 
date  returned  to  the  convention.  In  several  of  the  districts 
special  instructions  had  been  given  to  the  delegates  for  which  one 
of  the  two  candidates  they  should  cast  their  votes.  By  the 
returns  from  the  several  districts,  Mr.  Smith  appeared  as  having 
received  a  clear  majority  of  the  delegates  of  the  county,  and  his 
nomination  before  the  assembling  of  the  convention  was  by  himself 
and  his  friends  regarded  as  quite  certain.  The  balloting  in  the 
convention,  however,  disappointed  the  anticipations  of  all  parties, 
and  Mr.  Stevens  was  nominated  by  one  of  a  majority.  Some  of 
the  delegates  in  the  convention  from  one  or  more  of  the  districts, 
violated  their  instructions  by  voting  for  Mr.  Stevens,  thus  giving 
him  the  Congressional  nomination,  according  to  the  accepted  rules 
of  the  party. 

What  peculiar  agencies  contributed  to  this  first  nomination  of 
Mr.  Stevsns  for  Congress,  it  is  not  within  the  reach  of  history 
definitely  to  determine.  The  trait  of  character,  as  given  by  Al 
exander  H.  Hood  in  his  sketch  of  Mr.  Stevens,  in  the  Biograph 
ical  History  of  Lancaster  County,  may  have  somewhat  contributed 
to  the  result :  "  Beggars  of  all  grades,  high  or  low,  are  very  quick 
in  finding  out  the  weak  points  of  those  on  whom  they  intend  to 
operate ;  and  Mr.  Stevens  was  always,  but  more  particularly  when 
he  was  a  candidate,  most  unmercifully  fleeced.  This  trait  was 
the  cause  of  injury  to  the  politics  of  this  country.  Before  he 
was  nominated  for  Congress,  no  one  here  thought  of  spending 
large  sums  of  money  in  order  to  get  votes.  Now,  no  man,  what 
ever  his  qualifications,  can  be  nominated  for  any  office,  unless 


OS  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

lie  answers  all  demands  made  upon  him,  and  forks  over  a  greater 
amount  than  any  one  else  will,  for  the  same  ofiice.  It  is  a  most 
deplorable  state  of  things,  but  the  fact  is  not  to  be  denied.""* 

Some  reflections,  are  in  this  connection  submitted,  as  explana 
tory  of  conduct  that  has  attached  odium  to  the  character  of  Mr. 
Stevens,  but  which  rather  flowed  from  the  spirit  of  the  times  in 
which  he  lived.  All  truthful  history,  is  but  subsidiary  to  the 
development  of  higher  forms  of  culture,  and  a  more  enlarged 
comprehension  of  the  mysterious  design  of  creative  power.  So  it 
is  believed  a  delineation  of  the  errors  of  men  and  nations  but  lead 
to  a  clearer  apprehension  of  the  truth,  that  all  are  anxiously 
seeking.  Men's  mistakes, whether  wilf  ull  or  otherwise,  demonstrate 
the  necessity  for  settled  rules  of  action.  The  world  and  its  intel 
ligence  are  advancing.  Perfection  in  civilization  is  being  more 
nearly  approximated,  but  perhaps  will  never  be  fully  realized. 
Government  is  the  form  of  social  organism,  that  has  from  the 
earliest  ages,  engaged  much  of  man's  attention.  "Whether  the 
product  of  reason  or  of  divine  dispensation  is  not  determined ; 
neither  of  its  primary  forms,  pure  monarchy,  aristocracy  or  de 
mocracy  seem  to  satisfy  the  advancing  intelligence  of  the  human 
race ;  and  an  eclecticism  of  these  has  in  modern  times  amongst  civ 
ilized  nations  given  the  most  general  satisfaction.  But  that  form 
which  is  most  condusive  to  the  interests  of  a  true  civilization, 
seems  as  yet,  to  be  but  faintly  realized.  The  admirable  system 
of  government  adopted  for  the  United  States,  by  our  republican 
ancestors,  proved  for  a  period  the  noblest  heritage  of  reason  for 
the  management  of  society,  that  perhaps  the  world  has  ever 
seen.  The  Government,  however,  presented  by  our  revolutionary 
forefathers,  was  itself  a  combination  of  the  original  forms,  and  in 
such  proportions  as  was  then  believed  would,  if  properly  observed, 
perpetuate  liberty,  justice  and  equity  to  the  most  distant  posterity. 

But  there  is  less  real  difference  between  the  forms  of  govern 
ment,  as  regards  their  practical  working,  than  is  popularly  sup 
posed.  In  absolute  monarchies,  no  one  man,  though  nominally 
SD,  is  entirely  supreme.  The  influence  of  other  intelligent  men, 
besides  the  monarch,  control  the  government.  In  democratic  or 
republican  forms  of  government,  on  the  contrary,  the  intellectual 
men  of  tho  State  are  those  again  in  whose  hands  the  power 
chiefly  resides.  The  mass  of  the  people  may  or  may  not  bo 

^Biographical  History  of  Lancaster  County,  pp.  589. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  CO 

voters,  and  their  power  in  either  case  is  not  far  from  being 
equally  balanced.  In  the  one  case  they  may  be  made  the  instru 
ments  of  ambitious  men  for  their  own  advancement  and  success, 
and  perhaps  even  to  the  ruin  of  liberty.  As  Aristotle  and  Plato 
taught,  society,  like  the  human  body,  has  its  various  members, 
and  in  both  instances  the  directive  power  centers  in  the  head. 
The  intellectual  men  of  a  nation,  under  whatever  form  of  govern 
ment  that  may  be  adopted,  are  those  who  form  the  head  of  the 
State.  The  great  aim  in  government  is  that  a  people  be  able  to 
obtain  wise  and  virtuous  rulers,  and  the  form  under  which  these 
can  be  secured  is  of  less  consequence. 

After  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  although  uni 
versal  white  suffrage  was  generally  accepted,  yet  an  intellectual 
supremacy  obtained  in  the  selection  of  the  rulers  which  almost 
ignored  the  popular  voice,  save  as  by  way  of  ratification  so  con 
sidered.  High  toned  honor  ruled  this  intellectual  conclave  of 
both  political  parties  of  the  Union,  and  he  who  was  unworthy  of 
initiation  into  this  unorganized  circle,  was  unable  to  secure  the 
objects  of  his  ambition,  and  hence  was  an  outcast  of  the  body 
politic.  The  highest  principles  of  chivalry  formed  the  founda 
tion  stones  upon  which  the  edifice  of  rule  had  been  erected,  and 
a  worthy  applicant  could  scarce  fail  to  receive  that  recognition  to 
which  his  merits  entitled  him.  As  the  nation  grew  and  expanded, 
and  wealth  was  accumulated,  the  people  still  kept  insisting  upon 
greater  privileges  and  power,  and  the  rulers  gradually  yielded  to 
their  demands.  Large  numbers  of  offices,  that  in  the  earlv  history 
of  the  government  had  been  filled  by  appointment,  were  subjected 
to  popular  elections.  All  this  was  more  nearly  meeting  the  pop 
ular  demand,  and  abandoning  the  conservative  attitude  of  the 
framers  of  our  Republic.  Popular  education,  it  was  urged,  by 
those  advocating  the  innovation,  was  the  great  anchor  of  free 
representative  government,  and  that  upon  this  the  safety  of  a 
nation  depended.  But  this  refuge  itself  was  based  upon  the 
assumed  equality  of  men,  which,  however,  all  the  observation 
and  experience  of  ages  had  disproved.  Equality  before  the  law, 
and  equality  in  fact,  are  quite  different  assumptions. 

The  seeming  effort  of  modern  advance,  is  entire  freedom  from 
all  restraint,  save  what  is  self-imposed.  "Whether  the  world  in 
the  future  will  attain  to  this  is  unknown,  but  at  this  time  it  seems 
not  yet  prepared  for  it ;  and  till  such  period  of  perfection  arrives, 


100  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

government  must  be  perpetuated.  For  minds  capable  of  devis 
ing  rules  of  social  order,  they  should,  as  it  would  seem,  be  a  rule 
to  themselves.  The  more,  therefore,  power  is  shifted  from  the 
hands  of  the  natural  rulers  and  given  into  the  possession 
of  those  requiring  a  subjecting  influence,  though  this  be 
but  nominally,  to  such  an  extent,  is  the  order  of  creative 
design  reversed,  and  the  principles  of  corruptive  political  life 
thence  germinate.  Herein,  then,  we  have  the  causes  which  about 
the  period  that  Mr.  Stevens  was  lirst  nominated  to  Congress, 
induced  the  introduction  of  the  elements  of  political  corruption. 
Political  power  was  found  in  the  possession  of  the  people  more 
than  at  any  former  period  of  history.  To  obtain  political  posi 
tion,  it  wras  no  longer  essential  to  secure  the  recognition  of  that 
chivalric  intellectual  body  of  men,  that  had  hitherto  so  largely 
wielded  the  power  of  the  nation.  Other  means  about  this  time 
came  to  be  effective  in  securing  power.  Wealth  had  become  the 
most  influential  agent  in  society.  Honor  only  influences  intel 
lectual  and  reflned  minds  ;  but  that  which  now  proved  the  most 
potential  with  the  mass  of  society,  was  that  which  the  aspirants 
for  official  place  must  employ. 

The  last  years  accordingly,  of  the  history  of  the  American 
Republic,  have  been  submitting  volumes  of  testimony  as  to  the 
capacity  of  man  for  self  government.  The  people  are  being 
surfeited  with  political  power,  but  the  mountains  of  iniquity  and 
corruption  that  are  arising  amidst  the  vast  upheaval  of  ages,  are 
shocking  the  innate  moral  convictions  of  the  race.  But  reason 
and  right,  those  stern  guides  of  the  world,  will  yet  be  called 
upon  to  render  their  verdict  upon  the  last  phases  of  republican 
government,  and  remove  the  obstructions  that  still  impede 
humanity's,  progress,  to  a  higher  and  a  purer  civilization. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  101 


CHAPTER  VII. 

AMERICAN  POLITICAL  PARTIES  AND  THEIR  PRINCIPLES. 

The  Anti-Slavery  movement  in  the  northern  States  has  already 
been  adverted  to,  and  the  excitement  occasioned  thereby,  con 
sidered  in  a  preceding  chapter  at  some  length.  It  was  not  long 
after  the  agitation  began  until  the  Abolitionists  conceived  that  it 
was  necessary  to  unite  the  Anti-Slavery  strength  into  a  distinct 
political  organization,  and  this  was  accomplished  in  the  year 
1S40.  As  early  as  183^,  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  speaking  in 
the  Liberator  of  the  necessities  of  co-operation  for  the  purpose 
of  overthrowing  slavery,  remarked  that,  "a  Christian  party  in 
politics  "  was  most  of  all  things  required.  Prof.  Charles  Folen, 
two  years  afterwards,  suggested  the  utility  of  a  new  political 
party  of  progress,  the  leading  object  of  which  should  be  the 
abolition  of  slavery.  A  distinctive  party  for  the  purpose  of  secur 
ing  the  cherished  objects  of  abolitionism,  was  in  1839  urged  by 
Alvan  Stewart  upon  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  JSTew  York 
State  Anti-Slavery  Society.  All  these  expressions  indicated  what 
was  becoming  a  somewhat  prevalent  opinion  amongst  the  Abo 
litionists,  that  if  they  wished  ever  to  be  successful  in  the  eradica 
tion  of  American  Slavery,  they  must  abandon  all  connection  with 
the  old  parties,  and  organize  a  new  one  of  different  principles. 
As  before  stated,  most  of  those  who  became  avowed  Abolition 
ists,  came  originally  from  the  Whig  party,  or  at  least  that  one 
which  was  in  opposition  to  the  ^National  Democracy. 

All  parties  that  have  as  yet  existed  in  America,  have  belonged  to 
one  or  other  of  two  antagonistic  schools,  the  founders  of  which  were 
Thomas  Jefferson  and  Alexander  Hamilton.  Hamilton  was  a 
member  of  the  convention,  which  in  1787  formed  the  Federal 
Constitution  ;  and  in  that  body  had  the  honesty  and  boldness  to 
propose  a  form  of  government,  copied  after  that  of  Great  Britain, 
which  he  ever  regarded  as  the  most  perfect  model  of  political 
polity  which  the  world  had  discovered.  There  were  several 


102  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

other  able  and  intellectual  members  of  tlie  convention,  who 
entertained  sentiments  similar  to  those  of  Hamilton,  but  who, 
for  prudential  reasons,  chose  not  to  avow  them  too  publicly, 
especially  as  in  the  state  of  public  opinion  that  then  obtained,  it 
was  believed  that  anything  but  a  republican  form  of  government 
was  impossible  to  be  established.  The  great  majority  of  those  who 
sat  in  the  convention,  were  Republicans  in  sentiment  themselves 
and  besides  they  perceived  that  the  demands  of  the  age  would 
not  permit  a  monarchical  constitution  to  be  fixed  upon  the  Ameri 
can  people.  They  permitted  themselves,  therefore,  to  drift  with 
the  current  of  popular  opinion,  and  did  so,  even  in  cases  where 
their  judgment  entered  strong  protests  to  much  that  was  done. 
But  as  in  the  natural,  so  also  in  the  political  world,  there  arc 
only  two  poles  of  aniagonistic  opinion,  those  of  monarchy  and 
democracy ;  aristocracy  being  a  mere  compromise  of  the  ex 
tremes.  Metaphysical  philosophy  teaches  us  that  every  man  is 
either  a  Platonist  or  an  Aristotelian ;  and  of  Americans,  it  can 
with  truth  be  averred,  that  every  citizen  is  either  a  follower  of 
Hamilton  or  of  Jefferson  in  political  opinions.  The  one  strove 
for  the  adoption  of  a  strong,  and  the  other  for  a  liberal  Govern 
ment,  based  purely  upon  human  consent. 

Alexander  Hamilton,  and  those  who  sympathized  politically- 
with  him  in  the  Federal  Convention,  did  not  obtain  that  form  of 
government  which  they  desired,  but  having  secured  what  was 
preferable  to  the  old  articles  of  Confederation,  they  favored  its 
adoption  as  the  best  that  was  then  attainable.  Jefferson  was  in 
France  during  the  sittings  of  the  convention,  and  had  no  imme 
diate  share  in  the  adoption  of  the  instrument  of  Union  that  was 
agreed  upon,  and  which  was  sanctioned  for  the  Confederation  of 
the  States.  His  opinions,  however,  were  well  known,  and  were 
similar  to  those  of  perhaps  a  majority  of  the  members  of  the 
Convention  of  1787.  The  dividing  line  of  party  sentiment 
was  that  which  separated  between  those  favoring  and  those  oppos 
ing  a  monarchical  or  strong  form  of  government.  The  Hainil- 
tonian  party,  in  the  formation  of  the  Constitution,  opposed  every 
liberal  aspect  that  was  given  to  the  instrument,  whilst  the 
Jeffersonians  equally  strenuously  resisted  -the  incorporation  of 
every  thing  of  a  centralizing  character.  When  the  Constitution 
was  at  length  completed  by  its  f ramers,  it  received  the  support 
of  all  the  Hamiltonians,  because  of  the  advantages  secured  in  it 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  103 

over  the  old  form  of  union ;  and  it  also  found  friends  in  the 
Jeffersonian  school,  amongst  those  who  believed  it  the  best  form 

O 

of  government  that  could  be  secured  ;  and  also  on  account  of  the 
generally  received  interpretation  that  (as  was  agreed  upon  all 
sides)  should  be  applied  to  it.  It  cannot  be  denied,  however,  that 
the  leading  opponents  to  the  Constitution  were  members  of  the 
Jeffersonian  school.  Their  animosity  was  aroused  against  it,because 
of  the  concession  of  certain  powers  to  the  Federal  Government, 
which  were  not  possessed  under  the  Articles  of  Confederation  ; 
and  such  as  many  of  them  apprehended  might  undermine  the 
liberty  of  the  States  at  some  future  period.  With  the  original 
reasons  for  the  division  of  the  early  American  parties  borne  in 
mind,  it  will  be  less  difficult  at  any  period  to  discover  the  descend 
ants  of  each,  notwithstanding  slight  intermixtures  may  have 
been  constantly  taking  place.  The  distinguishing  features  of 
each  of  these  early  schools  of  political  opinion  have  from  that 
tune  been  clearly  discernible  in  all  the  different  periods  of  our 
history. 

Those  giving  the  Constitution  their  hearty  support  were  enti 
tled  Federalists,  and  those  opposing  the  same  were  known  as 
Anti-Federalists,  Jefferson  on  account  of  his  duties  abroad,  was 
not  involved  in  the  disputes  which  arose  upon  the  adoption  of  the 
Constitution.  Although  friendly  himself  to  the  instrument,  from 
the  known  views  of  its  framers,  yet  the  large  majority  of  his 
political  followers  exerted  themselves  to  their  utmost  to  defeat 
its  adoption.  But  the  Constitution  was  adopted,  and  as  was 
natural,  those  who  had  championed  it  before  the  people  would 
be  those  who  would  first  be  chosen  to  put  it  into  operation.  Gen, 
Washington  had  been  its  friend  in  the  Convention,  and  also  before 
the  people ;  and  he  was  now  chosen  by  a  unanimous  vote  to  be 
the  first  who  should  pilot  the  new  vessel  upon  the  ocean  of  con 
flicting  American  opinion.  With  that  sagacity  for  which  he  was 
in  a  high  degree  noted,  lie  strove  to  calm  the  antagonistic  senti 
ments  that  he  knew  prevailed  throughout  the  country,  by  forming 
his  cabinet  out  of  the  opposing  political  schools.  Hamilton  and 
Jefferson  were  accordingly  placed  as  the  heads  of  different  de 
partments  of  the  government ;  but  this,  instead  of  allaying  the 
strife,  may  be  viewed  as  rather  having  hastened  the  full  develop 
ment  of  parties,  which  followed  the  first  election  of  Washington 
as  President  of  the  United  States,  It  was  not  long  till  Jefferson 


104  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

and  his  party  friends  discovered,  as  they  believed,  that  the  aim  of 
the  Hamiltonian  leaders  was  to  secure'  by  Constitional  interpreta 
tion  what  they  had  failed  to  obtain  in  the  original  adoption  of 
the  Federal  pact.  Power  was  claimed  for  the  general  govern 
ment  that  had  never  been  granted  to  it,  and  which  had  been 
reserved  alone  to  the  States  and  people,  as  in  the  words  of  the 
charter  itself  was  expressed.  But  the  Federal,  was  the  party  of 
character,  wealth  and  influence,  and  it  required  a  considerable 
period  to  divest  it  of  that  position  of  strength  and  power  which 
it  had  secured  in  the  young  Republic.  At  length,  upon  the 
enactment  of  certain  obnoxious  laws,  Jefferson  and  the  other 
Southern  leaders  who  had  always  sympathized  with  him,  and  who 
were  the  warm  friends  of  liberal  governmental  views,  succeeded 
in  grasping  the  reins  of  the  general  government.  Federalism 
sunk  at  once,  never  again  to  rise  in  its  own  name ;  but  not  so  its 
principles.  These  lived  and  continued  with  modifications  to 
form  the  elements  of  vitality  of  every  organization  that  was  ar 
rayed  against  the  Jeffersoiiian  party  from  that  period. 

So  complete  was  the  overthrow  of  the  Federalists,  that 
many  years  elapsed  before -any  organization  was  able  to  make 
a  stand  against  the  old  party  of  Jefferson,  or  the  National  De 
mocracy.  In  1824,  all  the  candidates  for  President  ran  as 
members  of  the  Democratic  party,  but  the  election  of  John  Q. 
Adams  had  the  effect  of  attracting  together  the  disunited 
elements  of  Ilamiltonianism,  and  laying  the  foundation  for 
that  structure  which  became,  in  a  sense,  the  National  Whig 
party.  This  party  was  somewhat  the  expression  of  that  re- 
sistancer  that  must  of  necessity  manifest  itself  in  opposition 
to  the  ruling  organization ;  but  whose  animating  spirit  was  caught 
from  its  Federal  ancestors.  This  was  true,  rather  as  regarded 
the  Northern  Whigs ;  for  in  the  Southern  States,  the  peciiliar 
Hamiltonian  principles  being  exotic,  never  took  deep  root.  In 
the  South  the  Whig  party  may  be  viewed  as  the  embodiment  of 
the  personal  opposition  that  was  marshalled  by  Clay  and  other 
distinguished  leaders  against  the  administrations  of  President 
/ackson,  Yan  Buren  and  others ;  and  in  which  principles,  though 
loudly  heralded,  were  ever  of  minor  significance.  It  was  owing 
to  this  fact  that  only  a  seeming  harmony  ever  existed  between 
the  northern  and  southern  sections  of  the  Whig  party ;  and  also, 
that  in  South  Carolina  no  organization  of  this  name,,  for  many 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  105 

years  had  any  political  strength  whatever.  Anti-Masonry  y 
another  daughter  of  Federalism,  had  its  home  in  the  North,  and 
in  its  missionizing  tours  in  the  South  met  but  a  cold  reception. 
The  Anti-Slavery  political  party,  which  took  its  rise  iii  the 
Liberty  organization  in  1840,  with  Birney  as  its  Presidential 
standard  bearer,  was  also  the  growth  of  the  centralizing  principles 
and  the  germination  of  Federalism. 

The  leading  feature  of  distinction  which  characterized  the- 
Democratic  party  of  Jefferson,  was  its  advocacy  of  the  doctrine 
of  State  sovereignty,  in  opposition  to  the  principle  of  centraliza 
tion.  The  Democrats  contended  that  the  States  were  the  sov- 
erigns  that  had  framed  the  general  government,  and  that  they 
remained  so,  although  they  had  delegated  specified  powers  to  the 
Federal  head,  but  only  such  as  were  clearly  enumerated.  The  Yir- 
ginia  and  Kentucky  resolutions  of  1798-9,  the  former  drafted 
by  Madison,  and  the  latter  by  Jefferson,  explicitly  set  forth  the 
doctrine  that  the  general  government  wras  one  of  limited  powers, 
and  that  the  States  would  not  be  bound  to  yield  acquiesence  in 
the  enactments  of  the  Federal  authority  in  an  instance  where  the 
power  assumed,  was  clearly  usurped,  and  did  not  come  with 
in  those  delegated  in  the  Constitution.  This  doctrinal  assertion 
of  principles,  from  the  two  leading  statesmen  of  the  old  Repub 
lican  p&rty,  was  made  at  a  time  when  it  was  charged  that  the 
Federal  party  had  violated  the  Constitution  in  the  passage  of 
certain  obnoxious  measures;  and  the  principles  thus  enunciated 
in  those  resolutions  from  that  time  forward  became  the  recognized 
democratic  creed,  which  was  affirmed  and  re-affirmed  in  nearly 
every  State  and  National  Convention  of  that  organization  that 
was  afterwards  held.  The  doctrine  was  boldly  anounced,  as  the 
general  understanding  of  all  parties,  who  had  participated  in  the 
formation  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  and  at  a  period  when  the 
principal  actors  who  had  taken  part  in  its  formation  and  adoption 
were  yet  living,  and  able  to  controvert  any  assertions  thus  made 
had  they  been  false  and  unsupported  by  facts.  But  the  doctrines 
so  set  forth  remained  uncontradicted,  an  incontestible  evidence  in 
itself  that  they  were  sustained  in  historical  verity  ;  and  especially, 
as  all  this  occurred  at  a  time  when  it  was  in  the  power  of  a  party 
whose  principles  the  resolutions  opposed,  to  have  disproved  their 
assertions  had  they  been  able  to  have  done  so. 

The  concession  in  the  Constitution  to  the  general  government 


IOC  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

of  the  power  to  execute  its  own  enactments  upon  tlic  citizens  oi 
the  States,  was  that  feature  of  the  Federative  compact,  which 
rendered  it  so  vastly  superior  to  the  articles  of  Confederation 
that  preceded  it.  This,  in  the  words  of  De  Tocqueville,  was : 
"  A  wholly  novel  theory,  which  may  be  considered  as  a  great 
discovery  in  modern  political  science.  In  all  the  Confederations 
which  preceded  the  American  Constitution  of  1789,  the  allied 
States,  for  a  common  object,  agreed  to  obey  the  injunctions  of  a 
Federal  Government ;  but  they  reserved  to  themselves  the  right 
of  ordaining  and  enforcing  the  execution  of  the  laws  of  the 
Union.  The  American  States,  which  combined  in  1789,  agreed 
that  the  Federal  Government  should  not  only  dictate  but  should 
execute  its  own  enactments.  In  both  cases  the  right  is  the  same 
but  the  exercise  of  the  right  is  different ;  and  this  difference  pro 
duced  the  most  momentous  consequences."*  But,  in  the  clear  and 
express  enumeration  of  these  powers,  over  which  the  general 
government  was  alone  to  exercise  authority,  the  Jeffersonian 
State  right  Republicans  felt  that  their  safety  rested.  They  will 
ingly  conceded  that  within  these  prescribed  limits,  the  Federal 
power  was  supreme  over  the  States,  but  not  beyond  those  bounds. 
The  various  limitations  of  power  had  been  agreed  upon  with 
great  care  and  deliberation ;  and  the  several  boundaries  of  author 
ity,  both  National  and  State,  were  intended  to  be  steadily  and 
scrupulously  observed. . 

The  institution  of  slavery  was  one  over  which  the  general 
government  had  no  authority.  It  wras  altogether  a  matter  for 
State  regulation,  and  was  so  conceded  by  the  early  statesmen  of 
all  political  parties.  The  movement  of  Abolitionism  in  the 
North,  with  the  consequent  rise  of  the  Liberty  party  in  1840, 
al though  engendered  in  humanitarian  motives,  was  nevertheless  a 
direct  avowal  that  all  constitutional  rights  of  the  southern  people 
must  yield  to  the  behests  of  the  new  party,  as  soon  as  it  should  be 
able  to  grasp  the  reins  of  the  Federal  Government.  It  wras  thus  a 
threat  made  against  all  constitutional  government,  in  which  the  dan 
ger  did  not  alone  consist  in  the  determination  to  wrest  from  the 
southern  people  so  much  property  as  was  invested  in  their  negro 
slaves.  If  national  compacts  and  plighted  faith  must  bend  before 
the  will  of  majorities,  then  constitutional  governments  become  a 
failure,  and  a  despotism  of  numbers  is  installed  in  their  stead. 

*X>e  Tocqueville's  Democracy  in  America,  Vol>  I.  pp.  481, 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  107 

A  constitutional  government  is  based  upon  the  will  of  the  people 
at  the  time  of  its  adoption,  and  if  any  alteration  is  at  any  time 
sought  to  be  made  therein,  this  must  be  accomplished  in  accord 
ance  with  the  provisions  of  the  original  charter.  Any  other 
method  of  change  is  revolutionary,  equally  as  if  produced  by 
the  might  of  armies.  The  abolition  movement,  for  the  over 
throw  of  slavery,  was  the  commencement  of  the  revolution  for 
the  obliteration  of  slavery  from  the  United  States.  The  insig 
nificant  vote  of  a  little  less  than  7,000  for  Birney  for  President, 
in  1840,  seemed  to  the  unreflecting  as  unworthy  of  notice ;  it  was 
only  to  the  deep  comprehension  of  John  C.  Calhoun  and  such 
as  he,  that  the  real  danger  was  fully  felt  and  appreciated.  It 
wras  the  means  by  which  the  object  to  be  attained  was  proposed 
to  be  accomplished,  quite  as  much  as  the  result  itself,  that  was 
felt  as  so  threatening  to  the  principles  of  free  government.  It 
was,  in  short,  the  announcement  of  the  right  of  reducing  gov 
ernment  to  chaos,  and  out  of  the  anarchy,  reconstructing  it  in 
accordance  wdth  the  passions  of  the  multitude.  In  principle 
and  essence,  the  avowal  of  the  Abolitionists  was  equally  as 
alarming  in  one  section  of  the  Union  as  in  the  other.  The 

O 

only  difference  was.  tliat  in  the  South,  with  abolition  suc 
cess,  together  with  the  overthrow  of  constitutional  government, 
the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  people  of  that  section  must 
likewise  perish  in  the  flames  of  social  convulsion.  The  Liberty 
party  asserted  the  right  of  the  people  of  the  E"orth  to  interfere 
with  slavery  in  the  southern  States,  a  doctrine  before  unheard  of 
and  in  utter  violation  of  the  compacts  that  had  formed  part  of 
the  Constitution.  The  States  were  separate  independent  Repub 
lics,  that  for  valid  reasons  had  formed  a  central  authority,  entrusted 
with  certain  specified  powers,  the  better  to  promote  the  interests 
of  all  amongst  each  other,  and  with  foreign  nations.  The  peo 
ple  of  the  northern  States,  had  therefore,  no  more  legal  or  con 
stitutional  right  to  intermeddle  with  the  affairs  of  those  of  the 
South  than  in  the  concerns  of  foreign  nations.  They  might 
condemn  slavery  in  the  South  or  elsewhere,  but  when  they 
assumed  to  dictate  to  the  southern  people,  or  to  organize  a  party 
of  aggression  against  the  constitutional  rights  of  any  of  the 
States,  they  became  revolutionists  equally  as  had  they  rose  with 
arms  in  their  hands  to  overthrow  the  existing  constitution.  But 
the  Abolitionists  chose  to  confine  their  warfare  within  the  moral 


103  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

arena ;  and  thus  they  escaped  the  perpetration  of  the  crime  of 
treason,  of  which  an  armed  assault  would  have  made  them  guilty. 

The  whole  Anti-Slavery  movement  in  all  the  various  channels 
in  which  it  flowed,  took  its  rise  in  Ilarniltonian  principles,  which 
demanded  the  subordination  of  all  the  States  to  the  Federal 
Government.  One  supreme  central  authority  was  demanded, 
which  should  dictate  what  institutions  and  laws  should,  and  what 
should  not  exist  in  the  several  States.  That  system  would  inaugu 
rate  a  national  government  of  strength,  one  having  unity  of  pur 
pose  and  efficiency  in  its  administration.  Such  had  'ever  been 
the  fond  hope  of  the  old  Federal  leaders,  ,and  of  all  such  as 
believe  that  the  principles  of  monarchy  are  essential  for  the  gov 
ernment  of  men  and  nations.  But,  besides  the  attitude  and 
action  of  the  pure  Anti-Slavery  party,  which  was  organized  in 
1840  ;  in  order  to  see  the  revolutionary  movement  as  it  progressed, 
it  is  necessary  to  follow,  in  connection  therewith,  the  course  of  the 
Whig  party,  until  its  final  overthrow  as  a  national  organization. 
On  the  question  of  slavery,  the  "Whig  party,  North  and  South 
was  never  harmonious ;  and  it  wras  alone  upon  other  questions, 
that  it  was  able  to  unite  in  opposition  to  the  Democracy,  the 
party  of  unadulterated  States  right  sovereignty.  The  Southern 
Whigs,  from  the  earliest  agitation  of  the  slavery  question,  were 
about  in  sentiment  with  the  National  Democratic  party,  save 
that  as  politicians,  on  unimportant  questions,  they  wrould  at  times 
veer  into  seeming  opposition  to  the  slavery  interests  in  their 
section ;  and  they  did  so  in  order  to  bring  themselves  more  into 
harmony  with  their  northern  brethren,  already  dominated  by  aboli 
tion  sentiment. 

The  annexation  of  Texas  was  one  of  those  questions  that 
severed  the  Whig  party  into  a  sectional  division.  John  Q. 
Adams,  a  Whig  Member  of  Congress,  was  one  of  the  first  to 
sound,  as  early  as  1837,  the  bugle  of  northern  anti-slavery  oppo 
sition  against  the  project  of  annexing  the  new  Republic  of  Texas 
to  the  United  States.  Texas  had  secured  her  independence  in 
the  memorable  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  fought  April  21st,  1836. 
In  March,  1837,  the  United  States  recognized  the  independence 
of  the  new  sister  Republic.  Daniel  Webster,  in  his  speech  of 
March  15th,  1837,  at  Niblo's  Garden,  expressed  his  entire  disap 
probation  to  the  annexation  of  Texas,  basing  his  opposition 
to  it  on  the  ground  that  it  would  be  extending  the  boundaries  of 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  109 

slavery.  Avowed  Abolitionists  had  first  sounded  the  note  of 
opposition  on  the  Texas  question,  and  it  was  taken  up  by  the 
Whig  politicians  of  the  Xorth  for  the  purpose,  mainly,  of  secur 
ing  political  capital  from  northern  sentiment  on  the  slavery  ques 
tion,  as  had  happened  in  the  interests  of  Federalism  during  the 
contest  on  the  admission  of  Missouri  into  the  Union.  The  resist 
ance  thus  early  manifested  in  the  Xorth  against  the  annexation 
of  Texas,  had  the  effect  of  delaying  operations  for  some  years, 
for  the  consummation  of  the  measure.  It  was  only  when  the 
anti-slavery  agitation  had  advanced  to  such  a  stage  as  almost  to 
have  divided  the  country  into  two  sectional  parties,  indicated  by  the 
Mason  and  Dixon  boundary,  that  annexation  began  again  seriously 
to  be  discussed.  That  such  a  division  had  taken  place  between 
the  I^orth  and  South  was  undeniably  true  as  regards  the  Whig 
party,  for  although  Harrison  had  been  elected  President  by  the 
Y»  higs,  yet  this  was  more  owing  to  the  great  personal  popularity 
of  the  candidate,  than  because  of  any  unity  of  sentiment  amongst 
his  partisans. 

It  was  during  the  administration  of  John  Tyler,  the  successor 
of  William  Henry  Harrison,  that  the  incorporation  of  Texas 
into  the  Union  was  fully  resolved  upon  by  southern  statesmen, 
who  saw  in  this  measure  how  they  could  perpetuate  the  balance 
of  power  between  the  northern  and  southern  sections  of  the 
Union.  Leading  members  of  the  Whig  party  in  the  South  were 
equally  ardent  for  the  admission  of  Texas  as  the  Democrats, 
although  well  aware  of  the  antagonism  generally  entertained 
towards  the  measure  on  the  part  of  their  political  brethren  of 
the  JSrorth.  The  question  came  to  be  one  of  importance  in  the 
Presidential  election  of  1S44.  It,  and  the  tariff,  were  the  leading 
questions  of  that  political  struggle.  Aspirants  for  Presidential 
honors  had  a  delicate  task,  therefore,  in  dealing  with  these  national 
questions ;  and  in  this  struggle  the  strength  of  parties  was  so 
equally  balanced  that  the  writing  of  a  letter,  it  is  believed,  turned 
the  scale  of  victory  from  one  side  to  the  other.  Martin  Yan  Buren 
clearly  sealed  his  defeat  as  the  candidate  of  the  Democratic  party 
by  his  letter  written  to  William  H.  Hammet,  of  Mississippi,  in 
which  he  took  grounds  against  Texan  annexation.  The  crafty 
Statesman  of  Lindenwald  thought  to  secure  his  nomination  by 
catering  to  the  northern  sentiment  of  opposition  to  the  spread  of 
slavery ;  but  found  himself  entrapped  by  his  letter,  and  which 


110  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

forever  sealed  his  hopes  of  future  Presidential  promotion.  The 
Democratic  party,  in  its  National  Convention,  which  met  at  Bal 
timore  on  May  27th,  1844,  boldly  announced  its  principles  on 
the  annexation  question  in  the  following  resolution  : 

"  Resolved,  That  our  title  to  the  whole  Territory  of  Oregon  is  clear  and 
unquestionable  ;  that  no  portion  of  the  same  ought  to  be  ceded  to*  Eng 
land,  or  any  other  power  ;  and  that  the  re-occupation  of  Oregon  and  the 
re-annexation  of  Texas,  at  the  earliest  practicable  period,  are  great 
American,  measures  which  the  convention  recommends  to  the  cordial 
support  of  the  Democracy  of  the  Union." 

The  effects  of  anti-slavery  agitation  upon  northern  opinions  by 
1844,  were  conspicuously  visible.  The  body  of  the  public  men 
in  the  North,  of  both  political  parties  would,  as  a  matter  of 
choice,  have  voted  that  no  more  slave  States  be  admitted  into  the 
Union.  They  were  aware  that  the  enlightened  sentiment  of  the 
age,  both  in  Europe  and  America,  was  averse, to  the  institution 
as  it  existed  in  the  Southern  States ;  and  free  from  all  party  tram 
mels  they  would  have  voted  against  its  extension.  There  is  little 
doubt  but  that  this  was  the  prevailing  sentiment  of  the  enlight 
ened  classes  of  both  political  parties.  Unlike  certain  Abolition 
ists,  however,  they  did  riot  regard  slavery  as  a  sin,  but  the  steady 
discussion  of  the  question  for  years  had  at  length  produced  its 
influence,  and  they  in  general  looked  upon  it  as  somewhat  repug 
nant  to  their  moral  convictions.  In  the  Democratic  as  well  as  in 
the  Whig  party,  this  feeling  had  considerable  strength ;  and  the 
above  resolution  of  the  Baltimore  convention,  endorsing  the 
annexation  of  Texas,  met  with  opposition  from  men  who  upon 
no  other  question  had  ever  been  found  unfaithful  to  party 
principles.  Silas  Wright,  a  prominent  Democrat  from  New  York, 
had  conspicuously  opposed  annexation  in  the  United  States  Senate; 
and  knowing  that  the  measure  would  be  endorsed  by  his  party 
in  the  Presidential  campaign  of  1844,  he  declined  the  nomination 
for  Vice-president  on  the  ticket  with  James  K.  Polk.  Mr. 
Wright  nevertheless  became  the  candidate  of  his  party  for  Gov 
ernor  of  New  York  the  same  year,  and  in  a  canvassing  speech  at 
Skaneateles,  he  referred  to  his  opposition  as  unabated,  and  de 
clared  that  he  never  could  consent  to  annexation.  This  sentiment 
was  loudly  applauded  in  a  large  Democratic  convention  held  in 
Herkimer,  in  the  autumn  of  that  year.  Messrs.  George  P. 
Barker,  William  C.  Bryant,  John  W.  Edmonds,  David  Dudley 
Field  and  Theodore  Sedgewick  united  in  a  letter,  urging  their 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  Ill 

fellow-democrats,  while  supporting  Polk  and  Dallas,  to  repudiate 
the  Texan  resolution,  and  to  unite  in  supporting  for  Congress 
Democratic  candidates  hostile  to  annexation.* 

Henry  Clay  was  the  great  Southern  leader  and  idol  of  the 
"Whig  party,  and  had  been  long  pressed  by  his  ardent  admirers 
for  the  Presidency.  But  for  the  division  on  the  slavery  question 
that  had  made  its  way  into  the  Whig  party,  he  would  have  been 
nominated  for  the  highest  office  in  the  Republic  in  December, 
1839.  The  following  extract  from  the  Emancipator  ',  an  abolition 
journal,  explains  the  condition  of  the  "Whig  party  at  that  period  : 


THE    HARKISBrRG   CONVENTION. 

"Well,  the  agony  i:=  over,  atid  Henry  Clay  is  laid  upon  the  shelf  ;  and  no 
man  of  ordinary  intelligence  can  doubt  or  deny  that  it  is  the  anti-slavery 
feeling  of  the  North  which  has  done  it,  in  connection  with  his  own  osten 
tatious  and  infamous  pro-slavery  demonstrations  in  Congress  —  Praise 
to  God  for  an  anti-  slavery  victory  !  A  man  of  high  talents,  of  great 
distinction,  of  long  political  services,  of  boundless  personal  popularity, 
has  been  openly  rejected  for  the  Presidency  of  this  i  epublic  on  account 
of  his  devotion  to  slavery.  Set  up  a  monument  of  progress  there  —  let 
the  winds  tell  the  tale  !  Let  the  slave-holders  hear  the  news.  Let  foreign 
nations  hear  it.  Let  O'Connell  hear  it.  Let  the  slaves  hear  it.  A  slave 
holder  is  incapacitated  for,  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States.  The 
reign  of  slaveocracy  is  hastening  to  a  close.  The  rejection  of  Henry 
Clay  by  the  Whig  Convention,  taken  in  connection  with  all  the  circum 
stances,  is  one  of  the  heaviest  blows  the  monster  slavery  has  ever  received 
in  this  country/' 

The  remarks  of  Garrison  on  the  rejection  of  Clay  by  the  Whig  Con 
vention  are  to  the  same  purport  :  "  All  the  slave  States  went  for  Clay^ 
Had  it  not  been  for  abolitionism,  Henry  Clay  would  undoubtedly  have 
been  nominated." 

In  the  National  Whig  Convention,  held  at  Baltimore  in  ISii, 
the  party  nominated  Henry  Clay  for  President  by  acclamation. 
His  political  letters  on  the  Texas  question,  published.  in  the 
National  Intelligencer  ',  in  which  he  expressed  his  disapprobation 
to  the  admission  of  Texas,  had  the  effect  of  uniting  in  his  sup 
port  the  northern  "Whigs  ;  and  his  real  opinions  known  to  his 
southern  friends,  served  to  retain  them  likewise.  In  his  letter 
intended  for  northern  circulation  he  dextrously  struck  the  key 
note  to  northern  resistance  to  annexation  in  the  following 
language  : 

"  I  do  not  think  Texas  ought  to  be  received  into  the  Union,  as  an  integral 
part  of  it,  in  decided  opposition  to  the  wishes  of  a  considerable  and 
respectable  portion  of  the  Confederacy.  I  think  it  far  more  wise  and  im- 

*Greeley's  Conflict,  Vol.  1,  p.  166 


112  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

portant  to  compose  and  harmonize  the  present  Confederacy  as  it  now 
exists,  than  to  introduce  a  new  element  of  discord  and  destruction  into 
it.  In  my  humble  opinion  it  should  be  the  earnest  and  constant  endeavors 
of  American  statesmen  to  eradicate  prejudices,  to  cultivate  and  foster 
concord,  and  to  produce  general  contentment  among  all  parts  of  our 
Confederacy." 

This  letter  of  Clay  upon  annexation  was  found  not  to  give 
entire  satisfaction  to  all  his  southern  friends,  and  he  was  urged  to 
make  a  further  statement  of  his  views  upon  the  Texas  question. 
Accordingly,  on  the  16th  of  August,  a  letter  appeared  in  the 
North  Alabamian,  which  had  been  written  by  him  to  friends 
in  Alabama.  In  this  letter  occurred  the  following  language : 

"  I  do  not  think  it  right  to  announce  in  advance  what  will  be  the  course 
of  a  future  administration,  in  respect  to  a  question  with  a  foreign  power. 
I  have,  however,  no  hesitation  in  saying,  that  far  from  having  any  per 
sonal  objection  to  the  annexation  of  Texas,  I  should  be  glad  to  see  it, 
•without  dishonor,  without  war,  with  the  common  consent  of  the  Union, 
and  upon  just  and  fair  terms." 

This  last  letter  was  at  once  seized  upon  by  the  Democrats  as 
well  as  the  Abolitionists,  as  an  entire  change  of  base  upon  the 
part  of  Clay,  and  which  had  no  doubt  considerable  influence 
upon  the  result  of  the  election.  Many  have  ever  believed  that 
this  letter  caused  his  defeat  as  President  of  the  United  States. 
James  G.  Birney,  the  Presidential  Abolition  candidate  of  the 
Liberal  party,  in  the  same  canvass  made  a  handle  of  Clay's  Ala 
bama  letter,  to  abstract  from  him  anti-slavery  votes,  and  he  was 
successful  in  polling  upwards  of  60,000.  James  K.  Polk,  the 
Democratic  nominee,  was  elected  President  of  the  United  States, 
and  this  victory  wao  fairly  interpreted  as  the  national  endorse 
ment  of  the  policy  of  Texan  annexation.  Congress,  acting  in 
obedience  to  the  public  sentiment,  as  thus  expressed,  passed  reso 
lutions  for  the  admission  of  Texas,  and  John  Tyler  affixed  thereto 
the  Presidential  signature  March  1st,  1845. 

On  the  3d  day  of  March,  1845,  President  Tyler  despatched  a 
messenger  to  deliver  to  Mr.  Donelson  charge  d'  affaires  of  Texas, 
the  joint  resolutions  of  Congress  for  its  admission  into  the 
Union,  and  instructing  him  to  communicate  the  same  to  the 
Texan  officials.  The  resolutions  admitting  the  Republic  as  a 
member  of  the  Union,  were  submitted  by  the  President  of  Texas 
to  a  convention  of  delegates  called  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a 
State  Constitution,  and  were  assented  to  by  that  body  in  behalf  L 
of  the  people  on  the  4th  of  July,  in  the  same  year ;  and  thus  one 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  113 

more  State  was  added  to  the  number  of  the  existing  sovereignties 
of  the  American  Union.  The  Convention  of  Texas,  thereupon 
requested  the  President  of  the  United  States,  to  occupy  and 
establish  posts  without  delay  upon  the  exposed  frontier  of  the 
Republic,  and  to  despatch  such  forces  as  might  be  deemed  requisite 
for  the  defence  of  the  territory  and  people  of  the  newly-admit 
ted  State.  In  accordance  with  this  request,  an  "army  of  occupa 
tion  "  was  despatched  by  order  of  President  Polk,  under  command 
of  General  Taylor,  and  on  the  26th  day  of  July,  1815,  the 
American  standards  were  unfurled  over  Texan  soil.  This  move 
ment,  with  the  measures  of  annexation  transacted  between  the 
United  States  and  Texas,  were  regarded  by  the  Mexican  govern 
ment  as  acts  of  hostility  towards  the  latter,  and  preparations 
were  made  by  the  Mexican  Republic  f or^  an  appeal  to  arms.  On 
the  5th  of  March,  Gen.  Almonte,  the  Mexican  minister  at  Wash 
ington,  protested  against  the  resolutions  of  the  Federal  Congress 
providing  for  the  annexation  of  Texas,  and  demanded  his  pass 
ports,  which  were  granted  him  ;  and  on  the  3d  of  April  the  Gov 
ernment  of  Mexico  refused  to  hold  further  diplomatic  intercourse 
with  the  United  States,  and  informed  the  American  Minister  that 
such  intercourse  was  irreconcilable  with  Mexican  honor,  in  view 
of  the  annexation  of  Texas.  The  President  of  Mexico,  here 
iipon,  on  the  4th  of  June,  1845,  issued  a  proclamation  declaring 
that  the  annexation  of  Texas  did  not  change  the  relations  of 
Mexico  towards  that  Republic,  and  that  she  was  resolved  to 
maintain  them  by  force  of  arms.  Under  these  circumstances, 
the  diplomatic  relations  were  of  necessity  suspended  between  the 
two  countries,  and  this  state  of  affairs  so  coritimied  until  the 
commencement  of  hostilities  in  1846.  On  the  llth  of  May, 
1846,  the  American  Congress  declared  that  war  existed  between 
the  United  States  and  Mexico,  by  act  of  the  latter — the  Presi 
dent  having  announced  that  the  Mexicans  had  "  at  last  invaded 
our  territory  and  shed  the  blood  of  our  fellow  citizens  on  our 
own  soil." 

Congress,  two  days  after  the  reception  of  this  message  from 
President  Pclk,  responded  by  the  passage  of  an  act  calling  out 
50,000  vounteers,  and  appropriating  ten  millions  of  dollars  for 
the  prosecution  of  the  war  with  Mexico.  The  annexation  of 
Texas  had  thus  resulted  in  what  from  -the  first  had  been  the  re 
peated  prediction  of  the  Whig  party ;  and  although  towards  the 


114  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

prosecution  of  the  war,  the  Whigs  in  Congress,  in  the  main,  voted 
for  men  and  money,  yet  did  so  with  the  greatest  reluctance,  at 
the  same  time,  stigmatising  it  as  an  unjust  invasion  of  Mexican 
rights,  and  an  infringement  of  inter-national  comity.  Congress 
remained  in  session  until  the  10th  of  August.  In  the  meantime, 
the  encounters  between  the  American  and  Mexican  forces,  gave 
assurance  that  the  war  could  not  be  of  long  duration,  as  a  series 
of  victories  had  crowned  the  American  standards  from  the  first 
commencement  of  hostilities.  President  Polk  believed  a  treaty 
of  peace  might  be  negotiated  with  the  Mexican  Government,  and 
that  by  the  payment  of  a  sum  of  money,  not  only  the  boundary 
of  the  Rio  Grande,  but  a  considerable  acquisition  of  territory 
might  be  secured.  lie  accordingly  sent  a  special  message  to 
Congress  on  the  8th  of  August,  two  days  prior  to  the  time  fixed 
for  the  adjournment,  asking  that  an  amount  of  money  be  placed  at 
his  disposal  for  these  purposes.  A  bill  was  immediately  reported 
in  Committee  of  the  "Whole,  making  appropriations  of  $3,000,000 
for  the  expenses  of  the  negotiation,  and  $2,000,000  to  be  used  at 
the  discretion  of  the  President  in  making  such  a  treaty.  The 
bill  seemed  on  the  point  of  passing  through  all  its  various  stages 
without  serious  opposition.  After  a  hasty  consultation  with  some 
friends,  David  Wilmot,  a  democratic  Member  of  Congress  from 
Pennsylvania,  introduced  his  celebrated  proviso,  and  moved  to 
add  it  to  the  first  section  of  the  bill  now  pending,  and  which  was 
to  the  effect  that  no  part  of  the  territory  to  be  acquired  should 
l)e  open  to  the  introduction  of  slavery. 

The  introduction  of  the  above  proviso,  proved  a  new  fire 
brand  cast  into  the  American  Congress,  as  might  have  been 
readily  surmised  by  its  author,  had  he  but  chosen  to  remember 
occurrences  of  no  remote  date.  Equity  demanded  that  the  people 
of  the  South  be  treated  as  equal  members  of  the  Conferation,  the 
same  as  those  of  the  North ;  and  that  no  discrimination  should  be 
adopted  to  exclude  them  from  their  equal  and  constitutional 
rights.  Besides,  the  proviso  was  in  direct  violation,  if  not  of  the 
words,  at  least  of  the  spirit  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  a  compact 
in  harmony  with  justice  and  sectional  equality. 

When  the  proviso  was  first  offered,  it  met  with  the  almost 
universal  favor  of  the  Representatives  from  the  North,  doubtless 
(as  was  likewise  the  case  in  the  commencement  of  the  Missouri 
struggle)  without  any  intention  upon  the  part  of  most  of  those 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA,  115 

from  that  section,  of  violating  the  rights  of  their  southern, 
brethren.  So  much  discussion,  however,  had  at  one  time  and 
another  taken  place  with  reference  to  the  power  of  Congressional 
legislation  over  the  territory  now  possessed,  or  hereafter  to  be 
acquired,  that  it  came  about  this  time  to  be  generally  believed  in 
the  North  that  slavery  in  the  national  domain  was  subject  to  the 
same  control.  Quite  a  different  opinion,  however,  had  ever  pre 
vailed  in  the  South,  as  regards  the  power  of  Congress :  and  in  view 
of  the  intense  feeling  that  had  already  been  engendered  in 
the  minds  of  the  Southern  people  on  account  of  the  known 
intention  of  the  Abolitionists,  the  proviso  was  at  once  seized 
upon  by  them  as  the  greatest  possible  outrage  that  could  be  in 
flicted  upon  them.  The  first  vote  on  the  proviso  in  the  House, 
was  80  ayes  and  61  nays,  only  three  Democrats  from  the  North 
opposing  it.  The  North  and  the  South  had  now  fully  divided  on 
this  question,  the  sectionalizing  of  representatives  having  become 
complete  upon  any  issue  affecting  the  institution  of  slavery. 

The  10th  of  August,  the  time  for  the  adjournment  of  Congress 
arriving,  put  an  end  to  further  discussion,  and  the  appropriation 
sought  by  the  President  was  not  granted.  The  turbulent  scenes 
of  the  two  days,  however,  that  Congress  was  in  session,  after 
the  introduction  of  this  apple  of  discord  by  Mr,  Wilmot,  was  suffi 
cient  to  communicate  the  inflamation  to  the  people  of  all  the 
Southern  States  of  both  political  parties,  and,  in  the  Legislatures 
of  several  of  these,  conditional  disunion  resolutions  were  passed. 
"  Everywhere  in  the  slave  States  the  Wilmot  proviso  became  a 
Gordon's  head — a  chimera  dire — a  watchword  of  party,  and  the 
synonym  of  civil  war  and  the  dissolution  of  the  Union,"  * 

The  application  of  the  Executive  was  renewed  at  the  next 
meeting  of  Congress,  with  this  difference  that  instead  of  two  he 
now  asked  for  three  millions  of  dollars.  A  second  bill  was  now 
prepared  and  introduced  into  the  House,  and  the  proviso  being 
again  incorporated  into  it,  this  passed  by  a  vote  of  115  to  105. 
The  bill  being  now  sent  to  the  Senate,  the  proviso  was  stricken 
out  by  the  vote  of  31  to  20,  and  in  this  shape  was  returned  to 
the  House  of  "Representatives  where,  upon  a  reconsideration,  the 
action  of  the  Senate  was  concurred  in  by  102  yeas  to  t)l  nays. 
Thus,  after  a  violent  contest  in  both  Houses  of  Congress,  the 


*J3enton's  Thirty  Years  View,     Vol.  2,  p.  695, 


116  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

appropriation  was  granted  without  any  anti-slavery  restriction. 
The  excitement  occasioned  by  the  discussion  that  grew  out  of 
the  introduction  of  this  proviso,  was  perhaps  the  most  fiery  and 
intense  that  had  ever  yet  taken  place  in  Congress,  and  served 
more  than  all  else  to  inflame  the  public  mind  in  both  sections  of 
the  Union. 

After  a  series  of  brilliant  victories,  the  conquest  of  Mexico 
was  effected,  and  the  American  standards  waved  over  the  Spanish 
Republic.  The  conquest  of  Mexico  was  speedily  followed  by 
the  flight  of  Santa  Anna,  its  President,  and  peace  between  the 
two  countries  was  concluded  February  2d,  1848,  by  the  treaty  of 
Gaudaloupe  Hidalgo,  by  which  Upper  Calf  ornia  and  New  Mexico 
were  ceded  to  the  United  States.  This  treaty  received  the  ratifi 
cation  of  the  Mexican  Congress  May  29th,  1848.  The  acquisi 
tion  of  this  new  scope  of  country  still  increased  the  national 
domain,  and  served  to  add  additional  complication  to  the  already 
unadjusted  difficulties  between  the  North  and  South,  as  regarded 
the  government  of  the  national  territories.  The  organization  of 
the  territories  from  this  period  became  one  of  the  difficult 
questions  before  Congress,  and  this  because  of  the  division  of 
sentiment  on  the  slavery  question  which  had  sundered  the  two 
sections,  as  it  were,  into  antagonistic  parties. 

But,  although  the  leaven  of  Abolitionism  had  already  caused 
somewhat  of  fermentation  in  the  Democratic  party,  it  yet  re 
mained  thoroughly  national  in  its  principles,  and  decided  in  its 
efforts  to  resist  aggressions  upon  southern  rights,  A  small  wing 
of  the  party  in  the  North  had  allowed  itself  to  be  led  captive  by 
free  soil  principles,  which  were  producing  discord  in  the  old 
Jeffersonian  ranks.  In  the  State  of  New  York,  these  principles 
had  already  produced  a  schism  of  the  party  into  two  factions,  the 
one  of  which  was  styled  Hunkers,  and  the  other  Barn-burners* 
In  the  Democratic  Convention,  which  nominated  Gen.  Lewis 
Cass  and  William  O.  Butler,  for  President  and  Yice-president,  in 
May,  1848,  both  factions  of  the  party  from  New  York,  appeared 
by  their  delegates,  and  claimed  seats  in  that  body ;  and  with  the 
desire  of  harmonizing  the  differences  both  were  admitted  to  scats 
in  the  convention,  each  being  authorized  to  cast  half  the  vote  to 
which  the  State  was  entitled.  This  served  the  Barn-burners  with 
the  excuse  which  they  desired  ;  and  declaring  themselves  unwill 
ing  to  be  bound  by  the  decision  of  the  convention,  retired  there- 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  117 

from.  After  the  Free  Sellers,  Radicals  or  Barn-burners  had 
withdrawn,  the  convention  adopted  a  platform  of  principles, 
national  in  its  character,  and  very  similar  to  those  of  previous 
conventions  of  the  same  party.  But  as  to  the  power  of  Congress 
over  the  question  of  slavery  in  the  territories,  which  had  recently 
come  into  prominence,  the  convention  declined  to  commit  itself. 
On  this  question  William  L.  Yancey,  of  Alabama,  submitted  the 
following  resolution : 

"Resolved,  That  the  doctrine  of  non-interference  with  the  rights  of 
property  of  any  portion  of  the  people  of  this  Confederacy,  be  it  in  the 
States  or  Territories  thereof,  by  any  other  than  the  parties  interested 
therein,  is  the  true  Republican  doctrine  recognized  by  this  body." 

This  resolution  was  rejected — nays  216,  to  yeas  36.  Its  rejec 
tion  was  the  work  of  the  northern  leaders  of  the  party,  although 
not  so  indicated  by  the  vote  in  the  convention.  This  was  the 
first  manifest  wavering  that  the  Democratic  party  had  shown 
before  the  abolition  sentiment  of  the  Korth ;  and  much  as  the 
leaders  of  both  sections  believed  in  the  justice  of  non-interven 
tion,  those  in  the  Northern  States  feared  to  meet  their  constitu 
ents,  should  this  be  endorsed  as  a  cardinal  principle.  It  was  a 
cowardice,  however,  of  which  no  political  party  should  ever  be 
guilty.  If  the  principle  was  right,  the  resolution  should  have 
been  endorsed,  even  at  the  risk  of  party  defeat. 

The  Whig  National  Convention  assembled  at  Philadelphia,  on 
the  8th  of  June,  IS-iS,  and  selected  Zachary  Taylor  and  Mil  lard 
Fillmore  as  its  candidates  for  President  and  Yice-President. 
Gen.  Taylor  was  made  the  nominee  of  his  party  purely  because 
of  his  supposed  availability  as  a  candidate  and  the  great  personal 
popularity  he  had  gained  in  the  Mexican  war.  As  he  was  a 
slaveholder,  he  was  far' from  being -acceptable  to  the  northern 
Whig  leaders,  but  circumstances  compelled  them  to  acquiesce  in 
his  nomination.  The  disintegration  and  dissolution  of  the  Whig 
party  were  already  nearly  complete,  and  but  time  was  wanting 
to  render  it  a  finality.  In  this  convention  the  party  was  unable 
to  agree  upon  a  platform  of  principles.  Repeated  efforts  were 
made  to  endorse  the  principle  of  the  Wilmot  proviso,  but  with 
out  success,  the  motions  made  for  this  purpose  being  successfully 
tabled.  The  ardent  Abolitionists  of  the  party  on  this  account 
took  little  interest  in  the  election,  but  feeling  themselves  power 
less  in  the  party,  they  permitted  themselves  to  drift  with  the 


118  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

political  current.  Several  members  of  the  convention  declared 
their  utter  dissatisfaction  with  the  candidates ;  and  so  great,  in 
deed,  was  the  smothered  opposition  that  the  nominations  could 
not  be  made  unanimous,  according  to  custom.  All  this  opposi 
tion  was  stimulated  by  anti-slavery  zeal.  Mr.  Allen,  a  delegate 
to  the  convention  from  Massachusetts,  said  that  the  Whig  party 
was  that  day  dissolved.  Mr.  Bingham,  of  Ohio,  offered  a  reso 
lution  that  the  nominations  should  be  unanimous  provided  Gen. 
Taylor  would  pledge  himself  to  the  non-extention  of  slavery 
over  free  territory.  Such  a  pledge  was  never  obtained  ;  and  if 
it  had  been,  that  moment  the  Whig  party  would  have  dissolved. 
Gen.  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts,  declared  that  he  would  do  all  in 
his  power  to  defeat  the  nominee  of  the  convention.  "Gen. 
Taylor,  though  an  excellent  soldier,  had  no  experience  as  a  states 
man,  and  his  capacity  for  civil  administration  was  wholly  undem- 
onstrated.  He  had  never  voted ;  had  apparently  paid  little 
attention  to,  and  taken  little  interest  in  politics ;  and  though 
inclined  towards  the  Whig  party,  was  but  slightly  identified  with 
its  ideas  and  its  efforts.  Nobody  could  say  what  were  his  views 
regarding  Protection,  Internal  Improvement,  or  the  Currency. 
On  the  great  question — which  our  last  acquisitions  from  Mexico 
had  suddenly  invested  with  the  greatest  importance — of  excluding 
slavery  from  the  yet  untainted  Federal  Territories,  he  had  in  no 
wise  declared  himself ;  and  the  fact  that  he  was  an  extensive 
slaveholder,  justified  a  presumption  that  he,  like  most  slave 
holders,  deemed  it  right  that  any  settler  in  the  Territories  should 
be  at  liberty  to  take  thither  and  hold  there  as  property,  what 
ever  the  laws  of  his  own  State  recognized  as  property."* 

But  the  strength  of  the  Abolition  sentiment  of  the  North  was 
still  advancing  to  more  prominent  recognition.  The  schism  of 
several  of  the  leading  churches  into  Northern  and  Southern  com 
munions,  beginning  with  the  Methodist  Episcopal  in  1844,  had 
already  given  an  importance  to  the  anti-slavery  movement,  that 
it  had  not  before  possessed.  And  although  the  two  great  parties 
of  the  country  had  their  Presidential  candidates  in  the  field  before 
the  nation,  harmony  no  longer  reigned  in  the  ranks  of  either. 
The  Liberty  party  had  supported  candidates  for  President  and 
Vice  President  in  1840,  and  in  18M3  but  was  able,  to  draw  but  a 
comparatively  feeble  vote. 

*Greeley's  Recollections,  p.  211. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  110 

For  the  purpose  of  showing  the  rise  of  the  Free  Soil  party 
from  Abolition  authority,  the  following  extract  is  submitted : 

"  In  the  midst  of  these  exhortations,  the  National  Convention  of  the 
Liberty  party  assembled  at  Buffalo,  October  20th,  1847.  Gerrit  Smith, 
still  a  member  of  the  Liberty  party,  was  proposed  as  a  candidate  for  the 
Presidency.  His  nomination  would  have  secured  the  co-operation  of  the 
Liberty  Lsague  in  his  support.  But  the  course  marked  out  by  the  lead 
ing  men  in  the  convention  beforehand,  required  the  nomination  of  a 
different  man  from  Gerrit  Smith.  The  Liberty  party  for  the  first  time 
adopted  the  policy  of  going  out  of  its  own  ranks  for  a  Presidential  can 
didate.  After  debating  awhile  the  question  of  nominating  at  all  till 
next  year,  they  nominated  Hon.  John  P.  Hale,  United  States  Senator 
from  New  Hampshire,  an  independent  Democrat,  who  had  certainly  done 
himself  honor  in  refusing  to  do  homage  to  the  slave  power,  and  who  had 
drawn  off  a  portion  of  the  Democracy  of  New  Hampshire  to  his  sup 
port."  »  *  «  "But  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Hale  was  only  a 
temporary  one,  and  answered  its  temporary  purpose.  Gentlemen  active 
in  making  it  united  with  others  of  other  parties  in  calling  another  con 
vention,  which  was  held  at  Buffalo,  August  9th,  1848,  composed  of  the 
opponents  of  slavery  extension,  irrespective  of  parties  and  including  of 
course,  as  was  designed,  large  numbers  who  did  not  intend  to  be  com 
mitted  to  '  the  one  idea '  of  abolishing  slavery.  On  that  occasion  was 
organized  the  Free  Soil  party,  in  which  the  Liberty  party  was  designe'd 
to  be  wholly  absorbed.*'* 

The  Liberty  party  was  thus,  in  1 848,  metamorphosed  into  that 
named  Free  Soil,  through  the  machinations  of  Martin  Van  Buren 
and  his  friends  out  of  revenge  to  General  Cass,  who  had  been  largely 
instrumental  in  1844,  in  causing  the  defeat  of  the  former  before 
the  Democ-ratic  Convention  of  that  year  Although  the  Korth  was 
not  yet  fully  ripe  for  the  organization  of  a  purely  sectional  party, 
yet  the  free  soil  vote  in  1848  indicated  that  the  abolition  move 
ment  would  take  that  direction.  Horace  Greeley,  speaking  of 
the  ^National  Democratic  nominations  in  1848,  says : 

"  This  ticket  was  respectable,  both  as  to  character  and  services,  yet  its 
prospects  were  marred  by  the  fact,  that  that  faction  of  the  New  York 
Democracy,  which  had  been  known  as  Barn-burners  or  Free  Soil  men, 
resenting  the  admission  of  their  competitors  to  seats  in  the  convention 
had  bolted,  and  refused  to  be  governed  by  the  result.  Ultimately,  they 
united  with  the  Abolitionists  and  with  sympathising  Democrats  in  other 
States  in  holding  a  National)-  Convention  at  Buffalo,  which  nominated 
Martin  Van  Buren,  of  New  York,  for  President,  and  Charles  F.  Adams,  of 
Massachusetts,  for  Vice-president.  This  ticket,  though  it  obtained  no 

*Goodel  on  Slavery,  p.  478.  fMr.  Greeley  should  more  properly  have 
said  a  Sectional  rather  than  a  National  Convention,  for  there  were  no 
delegates  in  it  except  from  the  Northern  States,  and  the  most  of  those 
who  figured  in  it  were  secret  Abolitionists,  whom  policy  deterred  from 
the  expression  of  their  honest  sentiments. 


120  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

single  electoral  vote,  blasted  the  hopes  of  General  Cass  and  the  regular 
Democracy."* 

The  distinctive  feature  of  the  platform  of  the  Free  Soil  party 
was  opposition  to  slave  institutions,  and  a  desire  to  abolish  or 
restrain  slavery  wherever  this  could  be  constitutionally  accom 
plished.  These  three  principles  were  laid  down  :  First,  that  it 
was  the  duty  of  the  General  Government  to  abolish  slavery 
wherever  it  could  be  done  in  a  constitutional  manner.  Second, 
that  the  States  within  which  slavery  existed  had  the  sole  right  to 
interfere  with  it ;  and  third,  that  Congress  can  alone  prevent  the 
existence  of  slavery  in  the  Territories.  By  the  first  of  these 
principles,  it  was  -the  duty  of  Congress  to  abolish  slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia ;  second,  to  leave  its  regulation  to  the  States 
where  it  existed,  and  third,  to  abolish  it  in  territory  now  free, 

In  the  sectional  aspect  of  this  party  lay  its  danger.  Thomas 
II.  Benton  speaks  thus  of  the  Buffalo  Convention  that  nomi 
nated  Van  Bureii  and  Adams  : 

"It  was  an  organization  entirely  to  be  regretted — its  aspect  was  sec 
tional — its  foundation  a  single  idea — its  tendency  to  merge  political  prin 
ciples  in  a  slavery  contention.  The  BaTtimore  Democratic  Convention 
had  been  dominated  by  the  slavery  question,  but  on  the  other  side  of 
that  question,  and  not  openly  and  professedly  ;  but  here  was  an  organi 
zation  resting  prominently  on  the  slavery  basis.  And,  deeming  all  such 
organizations,  no  matter  on  which  side  of  the  question,  as  fraught  with 
evil  to  the  Union,  this  writer,  on  the  urgent  request  of  some  of  his  politi 
cal  associates,  went  to  New  York  to  interpose  his  friendly  offices  to  get 
the  Free  Soil  organization  abandoned.  The  visit  was  between  the  two 
conventions,  and  before  the  nominations  and  proceedings  had  become 
final ;  but  all  in  vain.  Mr.  Van  Buren  accepted  the  nomination,  and  in 
so  doing  placed  himself  in  opposition  to  the  general  tenor  of  his  political 
conduct  in  relation  to  slavery,  and  especially  in  what  relates  to  its  exist 
ence  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  I  deemed  this  acceptance  unfortunate 
to  a  degree  far  beyond  its  influence  upon  persons  or  parties.  It  was  to 
impair  confidence  between  the  North  and  the  South,  and  to  narrow  down 
the  basis  of  party  organization  to  a  single  idea  ;  and  that  idea  not  known 
to  our  ancestors  as  an  element  of  political  organizations.  The  Free  Soil 
plea  was  that  the  Baltimore  Democratic  Convention  had  done  the  same  ; 
but  the  answer  to  that  was  that  it  was  a  general  convention  from  all  the 
States,  and  did  not  make  its  slavery  principles  the  open  test  of  the  elec 
tion  ;  while  this  was  a  segment  of  the  party,  and  openly  rested  on  that 
ground."f 

The  election  of  1848  resulted  in  the  choice  of  Gen.  Taylor 
for  President  of  the  United  States,  and  Millard  Filmore  for 


*  Greeley's  Recollections,  p.  213.     fBenton's  View,  Vol.  II,  p.  723. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  121 

Vice-President.  In  the  Congress  that  assembled  in  December, 
1848,  after  the  election,  the  question  on  the  organization  of  the 
Territories  came  up,  and  was  debated  with  great  warmth  and  at 
considerable  length.  A  majority  of  the  House  of  Representa 
tives  were  desirous  of  excluding  slavery  from  Kew  Mexico  and 
California,  but  the  Senate  being  unwilling  that  this  principle 
should  be  incorporated,  no  bill,  as  a  consequence,  for  the  organi 
zation  of  these  Territories  was  passed  at  this  session.  The  terri 
torial  question  was  now  become  the  great  subject  of  dispute 
between  the  Xorth  and  South  ;  and  its  discussion  was  the  cause 
of  increasing  bitterness  and  alienation  between  the  two  sections. 
When  it  became  manifest  that  no  organization  of  these  Terri 
tories  could  take  place  at  this  session,  the  members  of  Congress 
from  the  slave  States  united  in  an  address  to  their  constituents, 
which  was  a  clear  resume  from  the  pen  of  John  C.  Calhoun  of 
what  the  South  regarded  as  their  constitutional  rights.  Thus 
ended  the  administration  of  James  K.  Polk,  and  with  it  ths 
Thirtieth  Congress. 


123  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

COMPROMISE  MEASURES  OF  1850. 

The  31st  Congress  assembled  in  December,  1849.  Thaddeus 
Stevens  made  his  first  appearance  at  the  beginning  of  this  Con 
gress  as  a  Whig  member  of  the  National  House  of  Representa 
tives,  having  been  elected  during  the  campaign  which,  bore  Gen. 
Taylor  into  the  Presidential  chair.  Questions  of  the  greatest 
importance  for  the  harmony  of  the  States  and  for  the  peace  and 
prosperity  of  the  Union,  were  awaiting  the  decision  of  the  new 
Congress ;  and  the  American  people  were  looking  to  it  with  fond 
hopes  for  the  adoption  of  measures  that  might  avert  the  threat 
ened  dissolution  of  the  Confederacy.  The  territorial  contro 
versy  was  that  which,  most  of  all,  was  arousing  the  passions  of 
sectional  hostility  ;  and  which  had  now  raged  with  intensity  for 
a  considerable  period.  Repeated  efforts  had  already  been  made 
to  solve  the  territorial  problem  between  the  North  and  the  South, 
but  all  in  vain.  Tho  30th  Congress  had  adjourned  after  fruitless 
attempts  to  terminate  the  increasing  difficulties. 

California,  New  Mexico  and  Utah  were  awaiting  the  action  of 
the  Federal  Legislature  to  clothe  them  with  their  republican 
regalia,  which  the  exigencies  of  their  several  conditions  required ; 
the  first  already  having  formed  a  State  Constitution,  was  asking 
to  be  received  as  a  member  of  the  Union.  The  great  question 
to  be  determined  was  the  status  that  should  be  given  to  the  new 
Territories  as  regards  the  institution  of  slavery.  For  the  first 
time  in  the  history  of  the  Republic,  a  small  body  of  Representa 
tives  from  the  North,  took  their  seats  in  Congress  upon  the 
platform  of  opposition  to  the  extension .  of  African  Slavery. 
Besides  these,  the  large  majority  of  northern  Representatives, 
whether  Whigs  or  Democrats,  were  likewise  in  sentiment  averse 
to  the  spread  of  the  institution  over  States  and  Territories,  now 
deemed  free.  With  these  latter  Mr.  Stevens  was  identified. 
This  state  of  opinion  being  well  understood  at  the  South,  it  is 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  123 

but  reasonable  to  suppose  that  a  high  degree  of  excitement  would 
prevail  iu  that  section. 

"Never  had  any  Congress  convened  under  so  much  excitement  or 
under  so  great  responsibility  as  did  the  one  on  which  then  devolved  the 
disposition  of  this  (slavery)  question,  under  all  the  circumstances  attend 
ing  it.  The  embarrassments  of  the  period  were  increased  from  the  fact 
that  for  the  first  time  Southern  Senators  and  Members  were  greatly 
divided  as  to  the  proper  course  to  pursue,  in  view  of  the  question  with  all 
its  bearings.  Some  believed  the  time  had  come  for  a  separation  of  the 
States,  and  that  everything  should  'be  done  with  a  view  to  effect  that 
result.  Others  believed  that  the  Union  might  still  be  preserved  upon 
constitutional  principles,  and  that  the  object  was  worth  the  most  earnest 
and  patriotic  efforts.  This  class  believed,  however,  that  the  time  had 
come  for  a  total  abandonment  of  all  old  party  associations,  and  that  the 
united  South  should  act  in  party  organization  with  those  of  the  North 
only,  who  would  maintain  the  system  as  it  was  established  by  the  Con 
stitution."* 

The  storm  that  had  almost  driven  the  Ship  of  State  upon  the 
shoals  of  disunion  and  civil  convulsion  was  still  raging,  and 
showed  no  signs  of  abating.  It  was  the  ^Eolus  of  abolitionism  that 
had  let  fly  the  winds  of  strife,  and  all  was  in  commotion.  Many 
of  the  ]S"othern  States  were  arrayed  in  bitter  antagonism  to  their 
Southern  sisters,  and  through  their  Legislatures  assailed  the 
institution  of  slavery  in  the  most  harsh  and  offensive  terms. 
Vermont,  Connecticut  and  other  Eastern  States  had  passed  reso 
lutions  declaring  that  "  the  existence  of  slavery  andj  the  slave 
trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia  is  a  national  disgrace,  &c.;" 
and  that  their  Senators  and  Representatives  in  Congress  "  are 
hereby  strictly  instructed"  to  vote  in  every  possible  case  for 
what  is  called  the  AYilmot  proviso ;  and  "  to  vote  always, 
and  in  every  state  of  the  question,  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in 
the  District  of  Columbia,  and  against  the  admission  of  another 
slave  holding  State  into  the  Federal  Union."  These  resolutions 
and  others  of  like  character,  were  sent  to  the  Governors  of  the 
different  States  and  to  their  representatives  in  Congress.  As 
giving  the  tendency  of  such  resolutions  and  their  transmission  to 
the  Southern  States,  the  following  extract  from  the  National 
Intelligencer,  the  leading  organ  of  the  Whig  party  is  inserted : 

"  In  the  substance  of  these  resolutions,  as  in  that  of  the  Vermont  re-o- 
lutions  on"  kindred  subjects  at  an  earlier  period  of  the  session,  we  find  the 
fruitful  cause  of  much  of  the  excitement  that  within  the  last  few  months 

*  Stephens'  War  between  the  States.    Vol.  2,  p.  177. 


12  i  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

manifested  itself  in  the  Legislatures  of  the  Southern  States  ;  the  exempli 
fication  of  a  practice  reprehensible  in  itself,  inconsistent  with  friendly 
intercourse  and  justly  offensive  to  those  who  are  the  objects  of  it.  It  is 
an  idle  pretence,  that  it  is  from  any  motive  of  courtesy  that  copies  of 
such  resolutions,  as  these  are  forwarded  to  the  Governors  of  the  States 
whose  feelings,  more  than  their  interests,  they  are  calculated  deeply  to 
wound  ;  they  can  be  so  addressed  \v.th  no  other  intention  than  to  incense 
and  irritate  those  whose  known  opinions  and  convictions  they  wilfully 
assail.  The  practice  is  at  best  an  invidious  and  ungenerous  one,  and 
ought  to  be  reformed  altogether.  The  States  are  in  all  matters  of  opinion 
at  least  sovereign  and  independent  of  each  other,  and  no  one  of  them  has 
a  right  to  invade  (so  to  speak)  the  domesticity  of  another.  What  does 
the  reader  suppose  would  be  the  consequence  were  one  of  the  govern 
ments  of  Europe  to  address  such  a  missive  to  another  wTith  respect  to  its 
peculiar  institutions  ?  Suppose,  for  example,  the  Government  of  France 
were  to  send  its  compliments  to  the  Government  of  Russia,  with  a  mes 
sage  that  the  Emperor's  holding  of  Serfs,  or  permitting  them  to  be  held 
in  his  dominion,  was  (in  the  language  of  the  Vermont  resolutions)  a  crime 
against  humanity — a  national  disgrace,  and  demanding  the  abolition  of 
that  feature  of  government.  True  or  false,  what  answer  could  Russia 
be  expected  to  make  to  such  a  proposition,  but  a  declaration  of  war,  or 
war  without  a  declaration  ?  And  in  matters  of  internal  government, 
what  more  right  has  one  of  our  States  to  address  such  language  to  another 
in  a  matter  of  constitutional  right,  than  one  European  Government  would 
have  to  do  it  to  another  government  on  the  same  continent,  and  not  more 
remote  or  distinct  from  it  than  the  Government  of  Vermont  is  from  half 
of  the  States  on  this  continent."* 

But  another  grievance  much  complained  of  by  the  South,  was 
the  disposition  of  the  people  of  the  North  to  interpose  obstructions 
to  the  surrendering  to  their  masters  of  fugitives  from  labor.  This 
change  of  sentiment  from  what  it  was  formerly,  had  been 
the  result  of  the  Anti-Slavery  agitation  that  had  almost  severed 
the  nation  into  two  hostile  parties.  In  the  early  history  of  the 
Republic,  such  a  spirit  of  comity  reigned  between  the  North  and 
South,  that  laws  were  enacted  in  near  all  of  the  Northern  States 
which  permitted  citizens  from  the  Southern  States  to  sojourn  in 
their  midst  with  their  slaves,  and  return  home  without  loosing 
the  right  to  their  services.  In  the  year  1826,  Pennsylvania,  at 
the  request  of  the  people  of  Maryland,  passed  a  liberal  law  to  aid 
in  the  recovery  of  fugitive  slaves,  entitled,  "An  Act  to  give 
effect  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  in  reclaiming  fugi 
tives  from  justice."  Other  Northern  States  acted  in  a  disposition 
of  like  liberality.  However,  after  Anti-Slavery  ideas  rose  to 
power  in  the  North,  all  this  friendly  legislation  in  behalf  of 

*Editorial  in  National  Intelligencer,  February  23,  1850. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  125 

Southern  rights  underwent  a  change.  In  the  case  of  Prigg  vs.' 
the  Commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania,  decided  in  1842,  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States  affirmed  the  constitutionality  of  the 
fugitive  slave  act  of  1793.  This  act  of  Congress  had  imposed 
upon  the  State  magistrates  the  duty  of  arresting  the  fugitives 
from  labor  and  returning  them  to  their  owners.  This  duty  the 
Supreme  Court  in  the  above  decision,  declared  not  to  be  binding 
upon  the  State  magistrates,  and  whether  they  would  aid  Southern 
masters  in  the  recapture  of  their  slaves,  was  left  entirely  to  their 
own  discretion.  Under  this  decision  of  the  highest  tribunal,  it 
became  competent  for  the  State  Legislatures  to  prohibit  their  own 
functionaries  from  aiding  in  the  execution  of  the  Fugitive  Slave 
Act. 

"  Then  commenced  a  furious  agitation  against  the  execution  of  this 
so  called  'sinful  and  inhuman '  law.  State  magistrates  were  prevailed 
upon  by  the  Abolitionists,  to  refuse  their  agency  in  carrying  it  into  effect. 
The  Legislatures  of  several  States,  in  conformity  with  this  decision, 
passed  laws  prohibiting  these  magistrates  and  other  State  officials  from 
assisting  in  its  execution.  The  use  of  the  State  Jails  was  denied  for  the 
safe  keeping  of  the  fugitives.  Personal  Liberty  Bills  were  passed,  inter* 
posing  insurmountable  obstacles  to  the  recover}-  of  slaves.  Every  means 
which  ingenuity  could  devise  was  put  in  operation  to  render  the  law  a 
dead  letter.  Indeed,  the  excitement  against  it  arose  so  high  that  the  life 
and  liberty  of  the  master  who  pursued  his  fugitive  slave  into  a  free  Sta.e 
were  placed  in  imminent  peril.  For  this  he  was  often  imprisoned  and  in 
some  instances  murdered.  '* 

Even  the  conservative  State  of  Pennsylvania,  by  her  Act  of 
March  3d,  184:7,  repealed  her  Sojourning  Act  of  1780,  and 
also  the  Act  of  1826,  and  therein  forbade  her  judicial  authori 
ties  to  take  cognizance  of  fugitive  cases  ;  granted  a  habeas  cor 
pus  remedy  to  any  fugitive  arrested,  and  denied  the  use  of  her 
jails  for  their  confinement.  Thomas  H.  Benton  thus  speaks  of 
the  Pennsylvania  Act  of  184:7  : 

i;  Such  had  been  the  just  and  generous  conduct  of  Pennsylvania  towards 
the  slave  States,  until  up  to  the  time  of  passing  the  harsh  Act  of  1847, 
Her  legal  right  to  pass  that  Act  is  admitted  ;  her  magistrates  were  not 
bound  to  act  under  the  Federal  law  ;  her  jails  were  not  liable  to  be  used 
for  Federal  purposes.  The  Sojourning  Law  of  1780  was  her  own,  and  she 
had  a  right  to  repeal  it.  But  the  whole  Act  of  1847  was  the  exercise  of 
a  mere  right  against  the  comity,  which  is  due  to  States  united  under  a 
common  Jiead,  against  moral  and  social  duty,  against  high  national 
policy,  against  the  spirit,  in  which  the  constitution  was  made,  against 
her  own  previous  conduct  for  sixty  years  ;  and  injurious  and  irritating 

*Bu_-hanan's  Administration  on  the  Eve  of  the  Rebellion,  p.  17. 


120  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

to  the  people  of  the  slave  States,  and  parts  of  it  unconstitutional,  The 
denial  of  the  intervention  of  her  judicial  officers  and  the  use  of  her 
prisons,  though  an  inconvenience,  was  not  insurmountable,  and  might 
be  remedied  by  Congress  ;  the  repeal  of  the  Act  of  1780  was  the  radical 
injury,  and  for  which  there  \vas  no  remedy  in  the  Federal  legislation,"* 

Testimony  might  be  indefinitely  amplified  as  regards  the  injus 
tice  done  the  southern  people  by  northern  legislation,  and  the 
unwillingness  of  the  citizens  of  the  North  to  acquiesce  in  the 
requirements  of  the  Constitution,  but  unwilling  to  overburden 
with  extracts,  the  following  from  Webster  and  Clay  are  alone 
added : 

'But  I  will  state  these  complaints,  especially  one  complaint  of 
the  South,  which  has,  in  my  opiiiitm,  just  foundation,  and  that  is  that 
there  has  been  found  at  the  North,  among  individuals  and  among  the 
Legislatures  of  the  North,  a  disinclination  to  perform  fully  their  constitu 
tional  duties  in  regard  to  the  return  of  persons  bound  to  service  who 
have  escaped  into  the  free  States.  In  that  respect  it  is  my  judgment 
that  the  South  is  right  and  the  North  is  wrong.  Every  member  of  every 
Northern  Legislature  is  bound  by  oath  to  support  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  and  this  Article  of  the  Constitution  which' says  to  these 
States  they  shall  deliver  up  fugitives  from  service,  is  as  binding  in  honor 
and  conscience  as  any  other  Article.  No  man  fulfills  his  duty  in  any 
Legislature  who  sets  himself  to  find  excuses,  evasions,  anfl  escapes 
from  their  constitutional  duty,  I  have  always  thought  that  the  Con 
stitution  addressed  itself  to  the  Legislatures  of  the  States,  or  the  States 
themselves.  It  says  that  those  persons  escaping  to  other  free  States  shall 
be  delivered  up,  and  I  confess  I  have  always  been  of  opinion  that  it  was 
an  injunction  upon  the  States  themselves.  When  it  is  said  that  a  person 
escaping  into  another,  and  becoming  therefore  within  the  jurisdiction  of 
that  State  shall  be  delivered  up,  it  seems  to  me  the  import  of  the  passage 
as,  that  the  State  itself,  in  obedience  to  the  Constitution,  shall  cause  him 
to  be  delivered  up.  That  is  my  judgment,  I  have  always  entertained, 
and  I  entertain  it  now,"f 

"  MR.  PRESIDENT. — I  do  think  that  that  whole  class  of  legislation, 
oeginning  in  the  Northern  States,  and  extending  to  some  of  the  South 
ern  States,  by  which  obstructions  and  impediments  have  been  thrown  in 
the  way  of  the  recovery  of  fugitive  slaves  is  unconstitutional,  and  has 
originated  in  a  spirit  which  I  trust  will  correct  itself,  when  those  States 
come  calmly  to  consider  the  nature  and  extent  of  their  federal  obliga 
tions,  *  *  *  *  I  know  full  well,  and  so  does  the  honorable  Senator 
from  Ohio  know,  that  it  is  at  the  utmost  hazard  and  insecurity  to  life 
itself,  that  a  Kentuckian  can  cross  the  river  and  go  into  the  interior  to 
take  back  his  fugitive  slave  to  the  place  from  whence  he  fled.  Recently 
an  example  occurred,  even  in  the  City  of  Cincinnati,  in  respect  to  one  of 
our  most  respectable  citizens.  Not  having  visited  Ohio  at  all,  but  Cov- 

*Benton's  View,  Vol.  II,  p.  775. 

|  Webster's  7th  of  March  Speech,  1850,  in  National  Intelligencer. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  127 

ington,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  a  little  slave  of  his  escaped  over 
to  Cincinnatti,  He  pursued  it ;  he  found  it  in  the  house  in  which  it  was 
concealed,  and  it  was  rescued  by  the  violence  and  force  of  a  negro  mob 
from  his  possession,  the  police  of  the  city  standing  by,  and  either  unwill 
ing  or  unable  to  afford  the  assistance  which  was  requisite  to  enable  him 
to  recover  his  property."* 

During  the  last  days  of  Mr.  Folk's  administration,  the  veteran 
statesman  of  South  Carolina,  John  C.  Calhoun,  became  more 
than  ever  convinced  that  a  crisis  was  approaching  in  the  affairs 
of  America,  that  would,  unless  checked,  prostrate  the  South  and 
her  institutions,  and  with  them  the  liberty  of  self-government. 
With  this  foreboding,  he  urged  more  thorough  union  amongst 
the  Southern  States,  and  in  accordance  with  this  advice,  a  large 
number  of  Senators  and  Representatives  from  that  section  united 
in  an  address  to  the  people  of  the  South,  setting  forth  a  state 
ment  of  wrongs  on  the  part  of  the  North  that  demanded  redress. 
This  address  was  responded  to  by  a  convention  of  delegates  of 
the  people  of  Mississippi,  chosen  without  distinction  of  party, 
which  assembled  in  October,  1849,  and  recommended  that  "  a 
convention  of  slave  holding  States  should  be  held  at  Nashville, 
Tennessee,  on  the  first  Monday  of  June,  1850,  to  devise  and 
adopt  some  mode  of  resistance  to  the  aggression  of  the  non- 
slave  holding  States."  Several  Southern  States  appointed  dele 
gates  to  the  Nashville  Convention,  but  the  movement  was  not 
popular  with  those  who  believed  that  a  compromise  of  the  pend 
ing  difficulties  between  the  two  sections  was  still  possible.  The 
convention,  nevertheless,  met  in  June,  but  was  not  largely 
attended.  It  issued  an  address  enumerating  a  statement  of 
southern  complaints. 

Notwithstanding  the  grievances  alleged  by  the  South  against 
the  North  were  manifold,  that  which  more  than  all  else  caused 
the  present  excitement,  was  induced  by  the  opposition  that  ex 
isted  to  permitting  the  extension  of  slavery  into  the  Territories 
or  States  hereafter  to  be  admitted  into  the  TJnion.  The  Northern 
Representatives  had  shown  their  unwillingness  to  either  permit 
the  application  of  the  Missouri  compromise  to  the  new  Territory, 
acquired  from  Mexico,  or  to  acquiesce  in  any  settlement  which 
would  permit  slavery  to  enter  it.  This  was  claiming  the  lion's 
share,  surely.  If  the  principle  of  the  Missouri  compromise  was 
to  be  only  valid,  as  regards  one  section  of  the  Union,  the  com- 

*  Clay's  6th  of  March  Speech,  1850,  in  National  Intelligencer. 


128  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

pact  had  become  a  nullity.  And  such  was  the  veritable  fact,  as 
the  votes  in  Congress  for  some  years  had  shown.  Whenever  its 
application  served  the  interests  of  anti-slavery  proscription,  the 
compromise  was  made  use  of;. but  when  the  reverse  was  the 
case,  other  means  were  then  resorted  to  without  scruple. 

Such  was  the  attitude  of  affairs  when  the  31st  Congress  assem 
bled.  The  iirst  significant  movement  at  the  opening  of  this 
body  that  arrested  the  attention  of  the  country,  was  made  by 
those  known  as  Southern  Whigs. 

"  They  set  the  ball  in  motion  by  refusing  to  act  further  with 
the  Whig  organization,  as  it  was  then  constituted,  when  the  party 
met  in  caucus  to  nominate  a  Speaker  of  the  House.  A  resolu 
tion  previously  prepared  was  submitted  to  this  meeting,  which  in 
substance  was,  that  Congress  ought  not  to  put  any  restriction 
upon  any  State  institution,  in  the  Territories,  and  ought  not  to 
abolish  slavery,  as  it  then  existed,  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 
Upon  the  refusal  even  to  entertain  this  proposition,  this  class 
retired  from  the  meeting,  and  would  not  act  with  the  Whigs  in 
the  organization  of  the  House."  *  Ilowell  Cobb,  of  Georgia, 
was  the  Democratic  candidate  for  the  Speaker's  Chair,  and  Robert 
C.  Winthrop,  of  Massachusetts,  was  placed  in  nomination  for  the 
same  position  by  the  Whigs.  Fourteen  independent  Free  Soilers, 
composed  of  Whigs  and  Democrats,  refused  to  support  either  of 
these  nominees.  Thaddeus  Stevens  and  many  other  extreme 
anti-slavery  men  acted  with  the  regular  Whigs,  and  supported 
Mr.  Winthrop  for  Speaker.  But  neither  of  the  two  great  parties, 
as  matters  then  stood,  having  a  majority  in  the  House,  the  elec 
tion  for  Speaker  was  a  long  and  fierce  contest,  and  attracted  the 
attention  of  the  country  as  one  that  boded  no  future  good. 
Nearly  a  month  was  consumed  before  a  Speaker  was  elected,  an 
event  then  unprecedented  in  the  history  of  American  legislation. 
As  parties  were  divided,  no  election  would  have  been  possible, 
under  the  rules,  but  for  the  passage  of  a  resolution  declaring 
that  a  bare  plurality  of  votes  cast  for  any  one  candidate,  instead 
of  a  majority  of  the  whole,  should  constitute  an  election. 

In  the  midst  of  the  election  for  Speaker,  Robert  Toombs,  one 
of  the  leaders  of  the  Southern  Whigs,  made  a  speech  in  the 


*  Stephens'  War.    Vol.  2,  p.  178. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  120 

midst  of  great  excitement,  in  which  the  following  language 
occurs  : 

"The  difficulties  in  the  way  of  the  organization  of  the  House  aro 
apparent  and  well  understood  here,  and  shou  d  be  understood  by  the 
country.  A  great  sectional  question  lies  at  the  foundation  of  all  these 
troubles.  *  *  *  *  I  do  not,  then,  hesitate  to  avow  before  this  House 
and  the  country,  and  in  the  presence  of  the  living  God,  that  if  by  your 
legislation  you  seek  to  drive  us  from  the  Territories  of  California  and 
New  Mexico,  purchased  by  the  common  blood  and  treasure  of  the  whole 
people,  and  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District,  thereby  attempting  to  fix  a 
national  degradation  upon  half  of  the  States  of  this  Confederacy,  I  ani 
for  disunion  ;  and  if  my  physical  courage  be  equal  to  the  maintenance 
of  my  convictions  of  right  and  duty,  I  will  devote  all  I  am,  and  all  I 
have  on  earth  to  its  consummation."  * 

That  the  sentiments  of  the  Southern  people  at  this  period  were 
equally  as  intense  as  those  of  their  leaders  in  Congress,  the  follow 
ing  extract  from  a  conservative  Southern  journal  is  evidence  : 

"  The  two  great  political  parties  of  the  country  have  ceased  to  exist  in 
the  southern  States,  so  far  as  the  present  issue  is  concerned.  United  they 
will  prepare,  consult  and  combine  for  prompt  and  decisive  action.  With 
united  voices  (we  are  compelled  to  make  a  few  exceptions,  but  they  will, 
we  hope,  soon  cease  to  be  so)  contend — with  united  voices  they  proclaim 
in  the  language  of  the  Virginia  resolutions,  passed  a  few  days  since, 
the  preservation  of  the  Union  if  we  can,  the  preservation  of  our  rights  if 
we  cannot.  This  is  the  temper  of  the  South  ;  and  this  is  the  temper 
becoming  the  inheritors  of  rights  acquired  for  freemen  by  the  blood  of 
freemen.  Thus  far  shalt  thou  come  and  no  further — or  else  the  proud 
waves  of  northern  aggression  shall  float  the  wreck  of  the  Constitution. 

"We  only  love  a  Confederacy  of  equals  ;  for  as  equals  we  entered  the 
Union,  and  we  will  remain  in  it  upon  no  other  condition.  This  is  the 
deliberate  conclusion  of  the  Southern  people.  There  is  no  hesitancy,  no 
reservation,  no  escape.  The  Southern  man  should  die  who  would  accept 
for  his  State  any  other  condition."! 

The  period  was  altogether  alarming.  The  threatening  clouds 
of  disunion  were  gathering  thick  and  fast  along  the  Southern 
horizon ;  and  everything  betokened  a  collision  of  the  elements 
as  rapidly  approaching.  The  dashing  waves  of  abolition  fury 
indicated  that  the  storm  was  almost  equally  terrific  in  the  northern 
as  in  the  southern  sections.  The  Vessel  of  State  was  in  danger 
of  being  borne  upon  the  billows  of  the  uniting  tempest,  and 
sunk  beneath  its  blasts.  The  exigency  called  for  one  who  was 
able  to  say  to  the  troubled  waters,  "  Peace,  be  still !"  He  came 
in  the  person  of  the  Sage  of  Ashland,  the  great  Pacificator  of 

*  Congressional  Globe,  31st  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  27. 
fRichmond  Inquirer,  Feb.  12th,  1850. 


180  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

his  country,  Henry  Clay,  of  Kentucky,  who  on  former  occasions 
had  guided  the  rocking  bark  of  the  Union,  as  between  the  roar 
ings  of  Scylla  and  Charybdis,  and  moored  her  in  the  harbor  of 
safety  and  peace.  But  now,  silvered  with  the  locks  of  honored 
wisdom,  gained  in  a  long  and  faithful  public  service,  he  returned 
to  the  United  States  Senate,  to  do  the  last  service  for  his  country 
in  clutching  her  from  the  grasp  of  fratricidal  convulsion,  which 
the  condition  of  her  nature  had  been  long  preparing.  Coming 
back  thus  in  the  far  spent  evening  of  a  useful  life,  he  was  the 
admired  of  all  the  patriotic  lovers  of  the  constitution,  who  be 
lieved  in  the  cardinal  principles  of  republican  government,  that 
all  just  authority  rests  upon  the  consent  of  the  governed.  His 
watchword  of  safety  for  his  countrymen  was  that  which  had  laid 
the  foundation,  cemented,  and  for  upwards  of  sixty  years  pre 
served  the  Republic.  It  was  the  watchword  of  freemen,  compro 
mise.  All  petty  partisan  malignity  retired  before  the  honored 
chief ;  and  his  advise  is  anxiously  sought  as  the  Nestor  of  his 
age  and  country.  His  illustrious  compeers  of  other  days,  Web 
ster  and  Galhoun,  were  still  in  the  Senate,  anxious  to  aid  in 
saving  the  nation  from  the  dangers  that  were  surrounding  it. 
The  above  intellectual  trio  were  surrounded  by  Cass,  Benton, 
Berrien,  King,  Bell,  Mangum,  Douglas  and  other  gifted  states 
men,  all  glowing  with  zeal  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union 
from  impending  disaster  and  dissolution. 

On  the  29th  of  January,  1850,  Henry  Clay  introduced  his 
celebrated  resolutions  which  were  intended  to  embrace  all  the 
questions  involved  in  the  sectional  controversy.  It  having  been 
announced  that  Clay  would  address  the  Senate  on  this  occasion, 
it  was  iilled  with  a  dense  mass  of  spectators,  attracted  to  catch 
the  words  of  wisdom  and  peace  as  they  flowed  from  the  golden 
mouthed  orator  of  America.  But  thousands,  anxious  to  hear  the 
words  of  pacification  that  might  calm  the  ocean  of  strife,  wrere 
necessitated  to  retire  in  disappointment,  being  unable  to  penetrate 
within  the  hearing  of  the  speaker.  This,  of  all  the  scenes,  that 
American  history  has  yet  unfolded,  wras  most  worthy  the  powers 
of  a  Raphael  or  Michael  Angelo.  It  was  America's  greatest 
orator,  prompted  by  the  noblest  motives  of  his  nature,  speaking 
before  the  most  august  and  intellectual  body  of  the  world,  in 
behalf  of  the  grandest  object  of  human  conception,  the  preserva 
tion  of  the  most  complete  system  of  free  government  that  the 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  1C1 

wisdom  of  man  had  yet  devised,  and  urging  for  that  purposo 
those  measures  by  which  alone  it  could  be  perpetuated,  concilia 
tion  and  compromise. 

Mr.  Clay's  compromise  proposed  the  admission  of  California 
under  the  Constitution  she  had  adopted,  although  irregularly 
framed ;  the  adjustment  of  the  boundary  between  New  Mexico 
and  Texas  by  negotiation  with  the  latter ;  the  organization  of 
Utah  and  New  Mexico  without  any  restriction  as  to  slavery ;  the 
enactment  of  an  efficient  fugitive  slave  law,  and  the  abolition  of 
the  slave  trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  This  plan,  as  a 
whole,  satisiiecl  very  few  members,  either  in  the  House  or  Senate, 
The  great  majority  from  the  North  desired  the  exclusion  of 
slavery  from  the  Territories,  and  many  of  the  same  number  were 
equally  unwilling  to  permit  the  enactment  of  a  fugitive  slave 
law.  With  this  latter  division  Mr,  Stevens  may  be  numbered. 
He,  and  those  of  intense  anti-slavery  notions,  were  likewise  dis 
inclined  to  accept  alone  the  suppression  of  the  slave  trade  in  the 
District,  but  insisted  upon  its  entire  abolition.  On  the  southern 
side,  an  overwhelming  majority  resisted  the  admission  of  Cali 
fornia,  because  of  the  irregularity  that  had  obtained  in  the  adop 
tion  of  the  Constitution  without  an  Act  of  Congress  warranting 
it.  Those  styled  Southern  Whigs  were  ready  to  waive  this 
irregularity,  but  demanded  that  in  the  organization  of  Utah  and 
New  Mexico,  no  exclusion  of  slavery  should  be  allowed,  but  that 
the  people  of  all  the  States  should  be  at  liberty  to  emigrate 
thither  with  their  property  of  every  kind ;  that  the  citizens  of 
the  said  Territories  should  be  permitted  to  form  such  State  Con 
stitutions  as  they  chose ;  and  that  they  should  be  admitted  into 
the  Union,  when  making  applications  therefor,  whether  their 
Constitutions  established  slavery  or  otherwise.  Thus  was  Con 
gress  divided  upon  these  perplexing  questions. 

On  the  18th  of  February,  a  resolution  was  offered  in  the 
House  by  James  D.  Doty,  of  Wisconsin,  which  had  for  its  object 
the  admission  of  California,  without  any  settlement  of  the  other 
questions.  A  large  majority  of  the  House  was  in  favor  of  its 
admission,  but  of  this  number  the  Southern  Whigs  desired  as  a 
preliminary,  the  settlement  of  the  territorial  question.  By  a  con 
certed  arrangement,  these  with  others  thwarted  action  on  Mr. 
Doty's  resolution  by  means  of  dilatory  motions. 

In  the  Senate  the  intellectual  giants3  one  after  another,  exerted 


132  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

themselves  in  efforts  to  effect  some  form  of  compromise  that 
would  allay  the  sectional  passions  and  the  excitement  then  raging. 
The  veteran  statesman  of  South  Carolina,  too  feeble  to  mingle 
in  the  strife  as  once  he  had  done,  submitted  his  last  views  on  the 
crisis  in  a  speech  read  for  him  on  the  4th  of  March,  in  which  he 
warned  his  countrymen  of  the  danger  that  was  menacing  free 
government,  lie  was  followed  on  the  7th  of  March  by  Webster, 
who  took  decided  grounds-  against  Congressional  restriction  in 
the  Territories.  "  This  speech  made  a  prof  ounder  sensation  upon 
the  public  mind  throughout  the  Union  than  any  one  delivered 
by  him  before.  The  friends  of  the  Union  under  the  Constitu 
tion  were  strengthened  in  their  hopes  and  inspired  with  renewed 
energies  by  its-  high  and  lofty  sentiments."  *  On  the  18th  of 
April,  a  resolution  submitted  by  Henry  S.  Foote,  of  Mississippi, 
an  ardent  friend  of  compromise,  wa&  passed  in  the  Senate  to  raise 
a  Select  Committee  of  Thirteen,  to  whom  the  resolutions  of  Mr. 
Clay  were  to  be  referred.  The  selection  of  this  committee  was 
made  by  ballot,  and  the  Chairmanship  of  it  was-  by  almost  unani 
mous  consent  awarded  to  Mr.  Clay.  On  the  8th  of  the  following 
month,  the  Chairman  of  this  Committee  reported  to  the  Senate 
what  was  afterwards  known  as  the  "  Omnibus  Bill"  covering 
all  the  matters  contained  in  his  resolutions  heretofore  submitted. 
An  amendment  added  by  the  majority  (without  Clay's  appro- 
bation,  as  he  stated)  seemed  to  southern  members  generally,  to 
imply  a  positive  Congressional  exclusion  of  the  South  from  the 
Territories. 

On  the  llth  of  June,  Mr.  Dotyrs  bill  for  the  admission  of 
California,  came  up  in  the  IIousey  it  having  been  referred  to  the 
Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  27th  of  the  preceding  February. 
His  iirst  resolution,  instructing  the  Committee  on  Territories 
to  report  the  bill,  had  miscarried,  Mr.  Green,  of  Missouri, 
now  rose  and  moved  as  an  amendment  the  recognition  of  the 
Missouri  line  through  all  the  newly  acquired  territory.  This  was 
rejected  by  a  large  majority.  Mr.  Stanton,  of  Tennessee,  on  the 
13th  of  June,  offered  the  following  amendment : 

"  Provided,  However,  that  it  shall  be  no  objection  to  the  admission 
into  the  Union  of  any  State  which  may  bs  hereafter  formed  out  of  the 
territory  lying  south  of  the  parallel  of  latitude  of  36°,  30',  that  the  Con 
stitution  of  said  State  may  authorize  African  slavery  therein/* 

•Stephens'  War,  Vol.  II,  p.  211, 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  133 

This  proposition  was  rejected,  78  yeas  to  89  nays,  fhe  vote 
being  almost  a  sectional  one.  After  this  vote  had  been  taken, 
Robert  Toombs  spoke  as  follows : 

"  We  do  not  oppose  California  on  account  of  the  anti-slavery  clause  in 
her  Constitution.  It  was  her  right,  and  I  am  not  prepared  to  say  that 
she  acted  unwisely  in  its  exercise  ;  that  is  her  business  ;  but  I  stand  upon 
the  great  principle  that  the  South  has  the  right  to  an  equal  participation 
in  the  Territories  of  the  United  States.  I  claim  the  right  to  enter  them 
all  with  her  property  and  securely  to  enjoy  it.  She  will  divide  with  you 
if  you  wish  it  ;*  but  the  right  to  enter  all,  or  divide,  I  shall  never  sur 
render.  In  my  judgment,  this  right  involving  as  it  does  political  equality, 
is  •worth  a  thousand  such  Unions  as  we  have,  even  if  they  each  \vere  a 
thousand  times  more  valuable  than  this.  *  *  *  Give  us  our  just 
rights  and  we  are  ready  "as  ever  heretofore  to  stand  by  the  Union,  every 
part  of  it  and  every  interest.  Refuse  it,  and  for  one  I  will  strike  for 
independence. vf 

"  This  speech  of  Mr.  Toombs  delivered  on  the  15th  of  June, 
produced  the  greatest  sensation,"  says  Alexander  II.  Stephens, 
"  in  the  House  that  I  ever  witnessed  by  any  speech  in  that  body 
during  my  congressional  course.  It  created  a  perfect  commotion. 
Several  Southern  Whigs  who  had  not  before  sympathized  with 
the  class  above  alluded  to,^:  now  openly  took  sides  with  them. 
The  House  adjourned  without  coming  to  any  further  vote.  The 
excitement  in  the  House  increased  that  in  the  Senate.  It  ex 
tended  to  the  city,  and  the  subjects  discussed  in  the  House, 
become  the  topics  of  heated  conversations  011  the  streets  and  at 
the  hotels.  This  was  Saturday.  Monday,  Mr.  Doty  made  another 
effort  to  get  a  resolution  passed  requiring  the  Committee  of  the 
Whole  to  report  his  bill.  The  effort  failed."§ 

In  the  Senate  the  excitement  was  equally  as  intense  as  in  the 
House.  At  this  stage  of  the  proceedings,  Mr.  Soule,  of  Louisiana, 
arose  and  offered  the  following  amendment  to  the  first  section  of 
Mr.  Clay's  compromise,  which  related  to  the  Territorial  Govern 
ment  of  Utah : 


*By  this  remark  Mr.  Toombs  expressed  his  willingness  to  abide  by  the 
Missouri  compromise,  provide  i  its  principle  would  be  applied  to  all  th-3 
new  Territories,  but  as  just  seen  that  had  been  rejected  in  the  vote  last 
taken  in  the  House.  His  proposition  must  ever  be  considered  as  equit 
able,  and  embodied  that  principle  by  which  alone  equals  can  at  all  nego 
tiate. 

i Congressional  Globe.  31st  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  1216. 

£He  means  those  Southern  Wnigs  who  refused  to  co-operate  with  the 
remaining  Whigs  in  the  election  of  a  Speaker  and  otherwise,  after  the 
resolution  v resented  by  them  to  the  Whig  caucus  had  been  rejected. 

^Stephens'  War,  Vol.  II,  p,  217. 


134  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

"  And  when  the  said  Territory,  or  any  portion  of  the  same,  shall  be  ad 
mitted  as  a  State,  it  shall  be  received  into  the  Union,  with  or  without 
slavery,  as  their  constitution  may  prescribe  at  the  time  of  their  admission." 

This  amendment  presented  the  issue  squarely  between  the 
North  and  the  South,  and  become  thenceforth  "  the  turning  point  > 
upon  whose  adoption  every  thing  depended,  so  far  as  concerned 
Mr.  Clay's  compromise."*  Many  a  Inart  beat  with  anxiety  as  to 
the  result  of  the  vote  upon  this  question  in  the  Senate.  Its  re 
jection  in  this  august  body  of  the  nation,  would  have  terminated 
all  hope  of  a  satisfactory  adjustment  of  the  slavery  question  be 
tween  the  two  sections.  The  interest  was  greatly  enhanced  from 
the  uncertainty  and  doubt  which  existed  as  to  the  attitude  of 
several  Northern  Senators.  Prior  to  this  time,  the  "Wilmot  pro 
viso  had  received  the  support  of  several  of  these,  who  had  given 
no  indication  as  to  how  they  would  vote  upon  the  question  of 
leaving  to  the  people  of  the  Territories  the  determination  of  this 
question  when  framing  their  State  Constitutions.  Of  this  number 
was  the  great  Senator  from  Massachusetts.  Just  before  the  ques 
tion  was  put,  and  when  anxiety  had  risen  to  its  highest  pitch, 
this  renowned  statesman  of  New  England  arose  to  address  the 
Senate.  The  momentuous  occasion  aroused  the  dormant  virtues 
of  the  powerful  defender  of  the  Republic,  and  forgetful  of  self 
or  sectional  interests,  he  proclaimed  himself  the  advocate  of  the 
rights  of  all  under  the  Constitution.  The  amendment  he  de 
clared  should  receive  his  support.  lie  concluded  his  masterly 
effort  in  the  following  language : 

"  Sir,  my  object  is  peace — my  object  is  reconciliation.  My  purpose  is 
not  to  make  a  case  for  the  North,  or  to  make  a  case  -for  the  South.  My 
object  is  not  to  continue  useless  and  irritating  controversies.  I  am 
against  agitators,  North  and  South  ;  I  am  against  local  ideas,  North  or 
South,  and  against  all  narrow  and  local  contests.  I  am  an  American 
and  I  know  no  locality  in  America.  That  is  my  country.  My  heart,  my 
SQntiments,  my  judgment,  demand  of  me  that  I  should  pursue  such  a 
course  as  shall  promote  the  good,  the  harmony,  and  the  union  of  the 
whole  country.  This  I  shall  do,  God  willing,  to  the  end  of  the  chapter." 

"  Daniel  Webster  resumed  his  seat,"  says  the  reporter,  "  amidst 
the  general  applause  of  the  gallery."  The  anxiety  seemed  im 
mediately  to  subside.  The  great  statesman  of  the  North  had 
thrown  his  weight  in  the  scale  of  the  amendment.  "  The  friends 
of  the  measure  felt  .that  it  was  safe.  The  vote  was  taken— the 


-Stephens'  War,  Vol.  II,  p.  218. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  135 

amendment  was  adopted.     The  result  was  soon  communicated 

from  the  galleries,  and  finding  its  way  through  every  passage 
and  outlet  to  the  rotunda,  was  received  with  exultation  by  the 
crowd  there  ;  and  in  less  than  five  minutes,  perhaps,  the  electric 
wires  were  trembling  with  the  gladsome  news  to  the  remotest 
parts  of  the  country.  It  was  well  calculated  to  make  a  nation 
leap  with  joy,  as  it  did,  because  it  was  the  first  decisive  step 
taken  towards  the  establishment  of  that  great  principle  upon 
which  this  territorial  question  was  disposed  of,  adjusted  and  set 
tled  in  1850."* 

Mr.  Clay's  bill  continued  the  subject  of  discussion  in  the  Sen 
ate  until  the  31st  of  July,  when  it  was  so  mutilated  and  altered 
as  to  leave  nothing  but  that  portion  providing  for  a  government 
for  the  Territory  of  Utah,  with  the  Soule  amendment  incorpor 
ated  in  it,  as  stated.  In  this  shape  it  passed  the  Senate  and  was 
then  sent  to  the  House.  In  this  way,  Clay's  "  Omnibus  Bill" 
went  to  pieces.  The  Senate,  however,  immediately  took  up  the 
parts,  embodied  them  in  separate  bills,  which,  after  being  passed, 
were  transmitted  to  the  House  for  concurrence. 

But  the  anti-compromise  party  of  the  Thirty-first  Congress, 
was  far  from  being  one  of  insignificance,  either  numerically  or 
intellectually.  Being  the  result  of  the  long  anti-slavery  agitation, 
it  comprised  in  its  ranks  men  of  large  scholastic  attainment,  and 
guch  as  were  imbued  with  pure  humanitarian  impulses,  but  whose 
minds  partaking  too  largely  of  the  reformatory  bent,  are  never 
safe  counsellors  in  legislative  capacities.  For  the  establishment 
and  perpetuation  of  government,  men  of  logical  minds  and 
philosophical  comprehensions  are  needed,  rather  than  those  de 
voted  to  assumed  conceptions  which  no  rational  considerations 
could  induce  them  to  modify  or  abandon.  The  legislator  and 
the  reformer  f  are  widely  variant  characters,  whose  spheres  of 

-Stephens'  War,  Vol.  II,  pp,  219  and  220. 

t  The  reformer  is  the  enthusiastic  advocate  of  moral,  social  or  religious 
change  as  he  conceives  ;  for  the  alteration  he  aims  to  effect  may  be  a  dire 
calamity  to  mankind.  He  is  the  honest  innovator  upon  the  past  "who  is 
guided  by  his  feelings  more  than  by  his  judgment.  His  aspirations  are 
too  intense  to  allow  reason  to  enter,  and  hence  he  gives  way  to  the  most 
extravagant  excesses  that  prostrate  law  and  social  order.  Peter  Munzer 
and  John  of  Leyden,  were  quite  as  sincere  reformers  as  Martin  Luther 
and  John  Calvin  ;  and  so  as  social  reformers,  Robespierre,  Danton  and 
Mirabeau  were  as  sincere  and  enthusiastic  champions  of  human  equality 
as  the  world  ever  saw.  But  intolerance,  proscription  and  zealous  hate 
more  frequently  accompany  the  character  of  the  reformer  than  that 
Pauline  charity  which  even  nature  instills.  That  such  should  be  the  case 


133  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

duty  dare  never  be  intermingled,  save  at  the  risk  of  constant 
t  irmoil  and  governmental  disquietude.  The  sentiments  of  this 
reformatory  party  on  the  subject  of  compromise  between  the 
North  and  South  were  expressed  in  the  following  extract  of  a 
speech  made  by  Thaddeus  Stevens  on  May  20th,  1850 : 

"  It  is  proper,  then,  to  inquire  whether  the  thing  (slavery]  sought  to  be 
.forced  upon  the  Territories,  at  the  risk  of  treason  and  rebellion,  be  a 
good  or  an  evil.  I  think  it  is  a  great  evil  which  ought  to  be  interdicted  ; 
and  that  we  should  oppose  it  as  statesmen,  as  philanthropists,  and  as 
moralists,  notwithstanding  the  extraordinary  position  taken  by  the  gen 
tleman  from  Alabama  (Mr.  Hilliard)  to  the  contrary. 

"While  I  thus  announce  my  unchangeable  hostility  to  slavery,  in 
every  form  and  in  every,  place,  I  also  avow  my  determination  to  stand 
by  all  the  compromises  of  the  Constitution  and  to  carry  them  into  faith 
ful  effect.  Some  of  these  compromises  I  greatly  dislike  ;  and  were  they 
now  open  for  consideration,  they  should  never  receive  my  assent.*  But 
I  find  them  in  a  Cor-stitution  formed  in  difficult  times,  and  I  would  not 
disturb  them. 

"By  those  compromises,  Congress  has  no  power  over  slavery  in  the 
States.  I  greatly  regret  that  it  is  so  ;  for  if  it  were  within  our  legitimate 
control,  I  would  go  regardless  of  all  threats,  for  some  just,  safe  and  cer 
tain  means  for  its  final  extinction.  But  I  know  of  no  one  who  claims 
the  right,  or  desires  to  toujh  it  within  the  States.  But  when  we  come  to 
form  governments  for  Territories  acquired  long  since  the  formation  of 
the  Constitution  and  to  admit  new  States,  whose  only  claim  for  admis 
sion  depends  on  the  will  of  Congress,  we  are  bound  to  so  discharge  that 

arises  from  the  nature  of  his  character ;  for  as  he  conceives  hi  nself  aid 
those  agreeing  in  opinion  with  him.  as  the  only  divinely  illumine. I  beings 
on  earth,  he  desires  that  all  others  shall  either  be  converted  to  his  views 
or  exterminated,  so  as  to  prevent  their  errors  from  proving  the  destruc 
tion  of  themselves  and  others.  The  fires  of  Smithfield,  the  Inquisitc  rial 
flames  of  Spain  and  the  Italian  peninsula,  and  the  blazes  in  whicii 
Servetus  expired,  were  all  kindled  by  the  excessive  zeal  of  the  reforma 
tory  spirit. 

*As  regards  the  principle  of  compromise,  we  think  Mr.  Stevens  was 
radically  wrong,  assu  ning  that  he  was  a  believer  in  the  principles  of 
republican  government.  No  general  government  for  the  States  could 
ever  have  been  formed  in  America  but  for  this  principle.  It  lies  at  the 
basis  of  all  democratic  government,  and  so  soon  as  it  is  repudiated  tho 
monarchical  principle  takes  its  place.  In  accordance  with  this  principle, 
the  Confederated  American  Republic  was  formed  and  perpetuated  until 
the  breaking  out  of  the  war  between  the  Northern  and  Southern  States. 
As  evidence  of  what  is  thus  affirmed  as  regards  the  principle  of  com 
promise,  the  Supreme  Court  in  the  case  of  Pr  g?  vs.  the  Commonwealth, 
speaking  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Clause  in  the  Constitution,  say  :  "  His- 
.torically,  it  is  well  known  that  the  object  of  this  clause  (the  above  clause 
of  the  Constitution)  was  to  secure  for  the  citizens  of  the  slaveholdiiig 
States,  the  complete  right  and  title  of  ownership  in  their  slaves  as  prop 
erty,  in  every  State  of  the  Union  into  which  they  might  escape  from  the 
State  where  they  were  held  in  servitude.  The  full  recognition  of  this 
right  and  title  was  indispensable  to  the  security  of  this  species  of  property 
in  all  the  slaveholdiiig  States  ;  and  indeed  was  so  vital  to  the  preserva 
tion  of  their  domestic  institutions,  that  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  it  con- 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  187 

duty  as  shall  best  contribute  to  the  prosperity,  the  power,  the  permanency 
and  the  glory  of  this  nation."* 

In  the  House  the  great  sectional  contest  was  fought  on  the 
Soule  amendment  offered  by  Mr.  Boyd,  of  Kentucky,  to  the 
bill  establishing  the  Territory  of  Xew  Mexico.  During  this  con 
test,  which  lasted  from  the  2Sth  of  August  until  the  6th  of 
September,  the  discussions  were  of  the  most  animated  character, 
and  partisan  tactics  were  made  use  of  with  the  greatest  skill  and 
adroitness.  In  this  fierce  strife  of  the  sections,  the  debates  seemed 
to  open  on  every  succeeding  day  with  renewed  intensity,  and 
in  the  war  of  sentiments  destiny  seemed  as  but  arousing  the 
combatants,  and  preparing  them  for  the  trials  that  awaited  them 
in  the  future.  In  this  and  similar  encounters,  unless  the  verdict 
of  universal  history  be  reversed,  the  American  Republic  received 
her  first  fatal  stabs ;  and  it  is  for  time  to  determine  whether  she 
can  outlive  those  already  received,  and  those  which,  from  the 
nature  of  her  being,  the  enemies  of  her  own  household  in  future 
as  in  past  collisions,  will  have  it  in  their  power  to  inflict.  On 
the  last  direct  vote,  on  the  Boyd  amendment,  the  bill  passed  by 
108  ayes  to  98  nays.  The  anti-restrictionists  had  won  the  day  at 
last.  The  hall  was  in  a  general  uproar.  This  was  the  kernel  of 
the  compromise  of  1850.  The  other  associated  measures  de 
pended  upon  this  one,  and  with  it  formed  the  compact  of  settle 
ment  between  the  Xorth  and  South,  After  the  passage  of  this 
first  bill,  the  others  came  up  in  order,  and  were  likewise  passed. 
The  fugitive  slave  bill,  like  that  embracing  the  Territorial  com 
promise,  met  with  a  stubborn  resistance  from  the  Northern  Anti- 
Slavery  men  with  whom  Mr.  Stevens  acted. 

The  compromise  measures  were  heartily  accepted  by  the  masses 
North  and  South,  as  a  settlement  of  the  difficulties  between  the 
two  sections.  It  had  received  the  support  of  the  distinguished 
leaders  of  the  Whig  and  Democratic  parties  ;  and  the  people  are 
ever  ready  to  abide  by  the  words  of  those  possessing  their  confi 
dence.  Although  the  Anti-Slavery  men  in  the  Xorth,  and  the 
Southern  extremists  had  opposed  the  compromise,  this  was 

stituted  a  fundamental  article,  without  which  the  Union  could  not  have 
been  formed.  Its  true  design  was  to  guard  against  the  doctrines  and 
principles  prevalent  in  the  non-slaveholding  States,  by  preventing  them 
from  intermeddling  with,  or  obstructing  or  abolishing  the  rights  of  own 
ers  of  slaves." 
*  Appendix  to  Congressional  Globe,  31st  Congress,  Part  1st,  p.  1-11. 


1C8  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

not  considered  at  the  time  as  alarming.  It  was  clear  to  all 
observing  men,  however,  that  the  dissolution  of  the  Whig  party 
W£S  near  at  hand,  as  it  was  within  the  ranks  of  this  organization 
that  most  of  the  Free  Soil  snd  Abolition  element  of  the  country 
found  itself.  But  it  was  also  evident  that  the  Democratic  party 
of  the  North  was  not,  by  any  means  free  from  the  same  element, 
and  the  Southern  leaders  began  to  consider  the  propriety  of  a  re 
organization  of  parties.  It  was  this  which  induced  Henry  Clay, 
Ilowell  Cobb,  and  many  other  Southern  leaders,  at  the  close  of 
the  compromise  session,  to  unite  in  a  manifesto  to  the  country 
declaring  that  they  in  future  would  support  no  man  for  office 
either  State  or  Federal,  who  would  not  agree  to  stand  by  and 
support  the  principles  established  by  these  measures.  But  in  the 
Southern  States  efforts  were  made  to  succeed  under  party  ban 
ners  opposed  to  the  compromise,  all  of  which,  however,  proved 
f  lilures  ;  and  the  same  was  true  where  it  was  tried  in  the  North. 

Mr.  Stevens  was  nominated  for  Congress  in  the  year  1850, 
while  the  compromise  measures  were  yet  pending,  and  his  party 
having  an  immense  majority  in  Lancaster  County,  he  was  elected. 
But  his  action  in  Congress  as  regarded  the  compromise  arrayed 
in  1852  a  powerful  opposition  against  him  in  Lancaster  County, 
and  he  failed  to  receive  the  nomination  of  the  party  in  that  year. 
Isaac  E.  Hiester,  a  young  and  rising  lawyer,  was  selected  as  the 
Congressional  standard-bearer  in  his  stead.  No  other  opposition 
was  urged  against  his  nomination,  except  that  of  his  having  op 
posed  the  compromise  of  1850.  His  intellectual  superiority  over 
all  other  aspirants  in  the  county  was  generally  conceded ;  but  he 
was  then  regarded  by  the  majority  of  his  party  (as  he  ever  was  by 
the  Democrats)  as  partaking  too  much  of  the  character  of  the 
agitator,  one  dangerous  to  the  perpetuity  of  free  institutions. 

The  great  unanimity  with  which  the  Northern  Whigs  in  Con 
gress  had  opposed  the  compromise,  made  it  a  matter  of  uncer 
tainty,  whether  the  party  would  be  able  to  unite  as  a  National 
organization  in  the  Presidential  election  of  1852.  The  Whigs  in 
some  sections  of  the  North,  fought  the  compromise  with  straight- 
f  >rward  boldness,  and  arrayed  themselves  under  banners  inscribed 
with  'ti  condemnation.  In  1851,  the  Whig  State  Convention  of 
Ohio  passed  resolutions  repudiating  the  compromise  as  a  measure 
of  their  party,  and  nominated  Samuel  F.  Yinton  for  Governor, 
who,  while  in  Congress,  had  opposed  it.  The  New  York  State 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  139 

Convention  of  the  Whig  party,  shortly  after  Millard  FiHmore 
assumed  the  Presidential  chair,  refused  to  endorse  his  policy,  be 
cause  he  had  sanctioned  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law.  For  the  pur 
pose,  therefore,  of  testing  Northern  sentiment  on  the  Slavery 
question,  hefore  the  assembling  of  the  party  conventions  for  the 
nomination  of  candidates  for  the  Presidency,  Mr.  Jackson,  of 
Georgia,  on  the  5th  of  April,  1852,  submitted  in  the  National 
House  of  Representatives  the  following  resolution : 

"Resolved,  That  we  recognize  the  binding  efficacy  of  the  compromises 
of  the  Constitution,  and  believe  it  to  be  the  intention  of  tAie  people  gen 
erally,  as  we  freely  declare  it  to  be  ours,  individually,  to  abide  by  such, 
and  to  sustain  the  laws  necessary  to  carry  them  out — the  provisions  for 
the  delivery  of  fugitive  slaves,  and  the  act  of  the  last  Congress,  for  that 
purpose  included  ;  and  that  we  deprecate  all  further  agitation  of  questions 
growing  out  of  that  provision  of  the  questions  embraced  in  the  acts  of 
the  last  Congress,  known  as  the  compromise,  and  of  questions  generally 
connected  with  the  institution  of  slavery,  as  unnecessary,  useless  and 
dangerous." 

This  resolution  was  opposed  by  all  the  Northern  Whigs  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  except  seven.  The  Whig  Congress 
ional  caucus  met  on  the  20th  of  April,  1852,  in  the  Senate 
Chamber,  to  consider  matters  of  political  interest  to  the  Whig 
party,  at  which  Mr.  Marshall,  of  Kentucky,  submitted  the  fol 
lowing  resolution : 

"  That  they  regard  the  series  of  Acts  known  as  the  Compromise  Meas 
ures,  as  forming  in  their  mutual  dependence  and  connection,  a  system  of 
Compromise,  the  most  conciliatory  and  the  best  for  the  whole  country, 
that  could  be  obtained  from  conflicting  sectional  interests  and  opinions  ; 
and  thert  fore  they  ought  to  be  observed  and  carried  into  faithful  execu 
tion,  as  a  final  settlement  in  principle  and  substance  of  the  dangerous 
and  exciting  subjects  which  they  embrace." 

This  resolution  was  ruled  to  be  out  of  order,  and  the  decision 
of  the  Chair  was  sustained  by  a  vote  of  46  to  21.  The  members 
who  voted  to  sustain  the  decision  of  the  Chair  were  from  the 
North,  and  in  principle  opposed  to  the  compromise.  Thereupon 
a  number,  of  Whigs  from  the  Southern  States  seceded  from  the 
car.CLis  and  published  an  address  to  the  party  throughout  the 
United  States. 

The  Whig  National  Convention  assembled  at  Baltimore  June 
16th,  1852,  and  exhibited  a  division  in  its  ranks  without  precedent 
in  party  annals.  The  Northern  Whigs,  who  had  opposed  the 
passage  of  the  compromise  measures  in  Congress,  and  had  never 


110  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

since  acquiesced  in  their  justice,  (especially  the  fugitive  slave 
law)  presented  as  their  candidate  for  the  Presidency  General 
Winfield  Scott,  who  was  believed  to  be  opposed  to  the  institution 
of  Southern  slavery ;  and  on  the  other  hand,  the  Southern  Whigs 
were  favorable  to  the  nomination  of  Fillmore,  who  had  approved 
the  compromise  measures  of  1850.  A  few  delegates  from  the 
Northern  States  were  desirous  that  Daniel  Webster  should  be 
made  the  party  nominee.  The  Southern  and  the  Northern  anti- 
slavery  wing  of  the  party  held  their  respective  conclaves  in  a 
spirit  of  the  most  bitter  hostility  towards  each  other.  Section 
alism  had  severed  the  Whig  party.  All  that  remained  of  it  was 
the  form ;  and  yet  it  was  hoped  that  a  Presidential  campaign 
might  be  made  with  a  popular  nominee,  and  that  thus  the  lifeless 
trunk  might  be  galvanized  into  a  brief  vitality.  A  platform  cf 
principles  for  the  party  had  been  agreed  upon  by  the  Southern 
delegates  and  the  Northern  friends  of  Webster  prior  to  the  meet 
ing  of  the  convention,  which  endorsed  the  compromise  of  1850 
as  a  measure  of  Whig  policy.  It  was  clsarly  understood,  that 
miles?  the  party  in  convention  affirmed  this  measure  as  a  final 
settlement  between  the  North  and  South,  the  Southern  delegates 
would  take  no  part  in  the  proceedings.  The  Southern  delegates, 
with  the  Webster  wing  from  the  North,  formed  a  majority  of 
the  convention,  and  the  compromise  was  endorsed  by  164  ayes  to 
117  nayes.  The  resolution  affirming  the  measure,  as  a  principle 
of  the  party,  was  in  these  words  : 

"  The  series  of  acts  of  the  Thirty-first  Congress,  commonly  known  as 
the  Compromise,  or  the  adjustment,  (the  act  for  the  recovery  of  fugitives 
from  labor  included)  are  received  and  acquiesced  in  by  the  Whig  party  of 
the  United  States  as  a  final  settlement  in  principle  and  substance  of  the 
dangerous  and  exciting  questions  which  they  embrace  ;  and  so  far  as 
these  acts  are  concerned,  we  will  maintain  them  and  insist  upon  their 
strict  enforcement  until  time  and  experience  shall  demonstrate  the 
necessity  of  further  legislation  to  guard  against  the  evasion  of  the  laws 
on  the  one  hand,  and  the  abuse  of  their  power  on  the  other  ;  not  impair 
ing  their  present  efficiency  to  carry  out  the  requirements  of  the  Consti 
tution  ;  and  we  deprecate  all  further  agitation  of  the  questions  thus 
settled  as  dangerous  to  our  peace  ;  and  we  will  discountenance  all  efforts 
to  continue  or  renew  such  agitation  whenever,  wherever,  or  however 
made  ;  and  we  will  maintain  this  settlement  as  essential  to  the  nationality 
of  the  Whig  party  and  the  integrity  of  the  Union." 

General  Winfield  Scott  and  William  A.  Graham  were  nomi 
nated  for  President  and  Vice-president  of  the  United  States. 

After  the  enactment  of  the  compromise,  i  i  1S503  the  Demo- 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  141 

cratic  party  manifested  its  approval  of  this  series  of  measures, 
and  its  determination  to  abide  by  the  same.  In  the  year  1851, 
the  convention  of  this  party  for  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  met 
at  Reading  and  adopted  resolutions  condemning  the  Act  of  ISl 7, 
passed  by  the  State  Legislature,  which  denied  the  use  of  her 
jails  for  the  detention  of  fugitive  slaves,  and  also  approving  of 
the  compromise  measures  of  1850.  The  State  Convention  of 
Ohio  nominated  Reuben  Wood  for  Governor  in  1851,  and  after 
his  election,  in  his  inaugural  address,  speaking  of  the  compromise, 
he  said : 

"Under  all  the  circumstances  which  surround  us,  it  (the  compromise) 
should  remain  undisturbed,  and  this  fruitful  source  of  agitation  and 
excitement  be  forever  closed." 

The  Democratic  National  Convention  assembled  on  the  1st  of 
June,  1852,  and  adopted  a  platform  of  principles  which  was 
strictly  national,  and  reaffirmed  its  ancient  position  on  the  slavery 
question.  As  regards  the  compromise  of  1850,  the  convention 
declared  its  purpose  to  "  adhere  to  a  faithful  execution  of  the 
acts  known  as  the  compromise  measures,  settled  by  the  last  Con 
gress — the  act  for  reclaiming  fugitives  from  service  or  labor 
included  ;  which  act,  being  designed  to  carry  out  an  express  pro 
vision  of  the  Constitution,  cannot  with  fidelity  thereto  be  repealed 
or  so  changed  as  to  impair  its  efficiency."  "  The  Democratic 
party  will  resist  all  attempts  at  renewing,  in  Congress  or  out  of 
it,  the  agitation  of  the  slavery  question,  under  whatever  shape  or 
color  the  attempt  may  be  made,"  The  nominees  of  this  conven 
tion  were  Gen,  Franklin  Pierce  and  William  R.  King,  of  Ala 
bama. 

The  Free  Soil  party,  which  had  supported  Yan  Buren  and 
Adams  in  1818,  assembled  again  in  1852,  and  nominated  for 
President  John  P.  Hale,  of  Xew  Hampshire,  and  for  Yico 
President  George  W.  Julian,  of  Indiana,  It  was  then,  as  now, 
styled  the  "  Free  Soil  Democracy,"  The  platform  of  this  party 
is  quite  elaborate  in  words,  and  yet  it  narrows  itself  down  sub 
stantially  to  a  denunciation  of  the  institution  of  slavery.  It 
declares  slavery  a  sin  against  God  and  man ;  pronounces  the  Fu 
gitive  Slave  Law  repugnant  to  the  Constitution  of  the  Un'tid 
States ;  advocates  the  policy  of  recognizing  the  Independence  of 
Hayti,  and  says  that  "  The  Free  Democratic  party  is  not  organ 
ized  to  aid  either  the  \Yhig  or  Democratic  wing  of  the  great 


143  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

slave-compromise  party  of  the  nation,  but  to  defeat  them  both." 
This  party  received  the  support  of  the  radical  abolitionists  of  the 
Northern  States.  The  number  of  votes  polled  by  this  partv  was 
not  so  large  in  1852  as  it  polled  in  1848. 

The  Democratic  party  obtained  a  triumphant  victory  in  the 
campaign  of  1852,  utterly  routing  their  Whig  opponents  in  every 
State  of  the  Union,  save  four.  After  his  inauguration,  Franklin 
Pierce  as  President  of  the  United  States,  took  occasion  in  his 
first  annual  message  to  the  33d  Congress  to  announce  his  deter 
mination  to  conform  to  the  pledges  given  in  his  behalf  by  those 
who  had  elected  him  to  the  Presidency,  He  said : 

"It  is  no  part  of  my  purpose  to  give  prominence  to  any  subject  which 
may  be  properly  regarded  as  set  at  rest  by  the  deliberate  judgment  of 
the  people,  but  whilst  the  present  is  bright  with  promise,  and  the  future 
full  of  demand  and  inducement  for  the  exercise  of  active  intelligence, 
the  past  can  never  be  without  useful  lessons  of  admonition  and  instruc 
tion.  If  its  dangers  serve  not  as  beacons,  they  will  evidently  fail  to  ful 
fill  the  objects  of  a  wise  design.  "When  the  grave  shall  have  closed  over 
all  who  are  now  endeavoring  to  meet  the  obligations  of  duty,  the  year 
1850  will  be  recurred  to  as  a  period  filled  with  anxious  apprehension.  A 
successful  war  had  just  terminated.  Peace  brought  with  it  a  vast  aug 
mentation  of  territory.  Disturbing  questions  arose,  bearing  upon  the 
domestic  institutions  of  one  portion  of  the  Confederacy,  and  involving 
the  constitutional  rights  of  the  States.  But,  notwithstanding  differences 
of  opinion  and  sentiment  which  then  existed  in  relation  to  the  details  of 
specific  divisions,  the  acquiescence  of  distinguished  citizens,  whose 
devotion  can  never  be  doubted,  had  given  renewed  vigor  to  our  institu 
tions  and  restored  a  sense  of  repose  and  security  to  the  public  mind 
throughout  the  Confederacy,  That  this  resposo  is  to  suffer  no  shock 
during  my  official  term  if  I  have  the  power  to  avert  it,  those  who  placed 
me  here  may  be  assurrcd." 

The  career  of  the  "Whig  party  was  now  terminated.  The 
Presidential  canvass  of  1852  was  the  closing  contest  in  which  it 
participated.  Clay  and  Webster,  its  renowned  leaders,  had  de 
scended  to  their  graves  and  their  party  speedily  followed  them. 
The  last  cohesive  elements  that  had  still  united  it,  dissolved  in 
the  demise  of  these  patriotic  and  intellectual  men,  the  noblest 
productions  of  the  American  Republic.  With  these  great  states 
men,  broad,  liberal,  National  ideas  were  cherished ;  but  with  those 
who  rose  to  take  their  places,  sectional  views  were  fostered  as  of 
paramount  importance  to  confederated  integrity.  Only  an  op 
portunity  was  now  wanting  to  develop,  to  evident  observation, 
the  existing  schism  that  had  rent  the  Whig  party  into  sectional 
extremes. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  143 


CHAPTER  IX. 

RESISTANCE  TO  THE  FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LAW.      CHRISTIANA  RIOT,   &C. 

The  disinclination  of  the  Northern  people  to  surrender  fugi 
tive  slaves  to  their  masters,  when  they  had  made  their  escape 
amongst  them,  originated  in  that  humanitarian  feeling  which 
recognizes  all  men  as  equals  and  brethren  of  the  same  great 
family.  The  equality  of  mankind,  from  its  popular  announce 
ment  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  its  constant  repeti 
tion  in  the  newspaper  press  and  elsewhere,  had  become  in  the 
estimation  of  most  Americans  an  accepted  opinion,  even  amongst 
the  intelligent  classes;  and  one  that  reason  has  difficulty  to 
contradict.  Its  repetition  and  belief  was  agreeable  to  the  feel 
ings  of  the  masses,  and  proved  in  the  possession  of  demagogues, 
an  admirable  charm  by  which  to  seduce  the  unreflecting  into  the 
support  of  their  selfish  interests  and  schemes.  In  its  earliest 
promulgation,  it  was  thrown  out  simply  as  a  declaration  that 
seemed  to  comport  with  Democratic  theories,  rather  than  as 
expressing  existing  truth.  In  the  estimation  of  the  thinking 
world,  it  could  never  have  imported  what  it  expressed ;  for 
inequality  is  clearly  stamped  upon  the  whole  face  of  creation. 
The  proposition  that  "  all  men  are  born  equal,"  is  a  sheer 
absurdity.  "  All  men  are  born  unequal.  Their  education  is  un 
equal.  Their  associations  are  unequal.  Their  opportunities  are 
unequal.  And  their  freedom  is  as  unequal  as  their  equality. 
The  poor  are  compelled  to  serve  the  rich,  and  the  rich  are  com 
pelled  to  serve  the  poor  by  paying  for  their  services.  The  politi 
cal  party  is  compelled  to  serve  the  leaders,  and  the  leaders  are 
compelled  to  scheme  and  toil  in  order  to  serve  the  party.  The 
multitude  are  dependent  upon  the  few  who  are  endowed  with 
talents  to  govern.  And  the  few  are  dependent  on  the  multitude 
for  the  power,  without  which  all  government  is  impossible. 
From  the  top  to  the  bottom  of  the  social  fabric  the  whole  is  thus 
Been  to  be  inequality  and  mutual  dependence.  And  hence,  all 


144  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

mankind,  from  the  hightest  to  the  lowest  are  subject  to  that 
imperative  necessity,  the  slavery  of  circumstances,"  * 

But  even  truth  itself,  is  for  a  time  impotent  to  resist  the  se 
ductive  insinuations  of  the  feelings,  as  the  demonstrations  of  history 
and  experience  abundantly  prove.  The  opposition  to  the  sur 
render  of  Southern  fugitives  to  their  masters,  which  for  years 
had  been  increasing  in  intensity  in  the  North,  was  germinated 
amongst  the  masses  in  both  social  and  ecclesiastical  views.  In  the 
latter  aspect  the  position  taken  by  the  Northern  Methodist,  Bap 
tist  and  other  protestant  churches,  had  largely  contributed  to 
increase  in  the  minds  of  innocent  and  pious  Christians  their 
dislike  of  Southern  slavery  and  their  detestation  to  the  rendition 
of  human  chattels.  Overlooking  the  fact  that  slavery  opposition 
had  taken  its  rise  in  the  schools  of  free  thought,  and  in  the  ra 
tionalistic  churches  of  England  and  America,  the  zealous  of  the 
other  sects,  marched  blindly  to  the  advocacy  of  principles  that 
have  done  more  to  subvert  biblical  Christianity  and  ecclesiastical 
truth,  than  any  other  that  could  have  been  adopted.  The  daring 
assumption  of  infidel  teaching,  that  law  and  social  order  must 
yield  to  private  opinion  as  the  most  holy  and  sacred  conservator 
of  truth,  was  loudly  re-echoed  by  the  Northern  churches ;  and 
the  doctrines  avowed  with  unbl  ushing  eft' ontry,  that  no  enactment 
of  Congress  could  impose  it  as  a  duty,  to  aid  the  Southern  master 
in  the  reclamation  of  his  escaped  property.  The  angel's  mandate 
to  Ilagar,  and  St.  Paul's  conduct  towards  Onesimus,  together  with 
the  action  of  the  Christian  church  in  all  anterior  ages,  were  entirely 
forgotten.  The  modern  churches  had  so  far  exchanged  the  prin 
ciples  of  the  bible  for  the  infidel  moral  codes  of  latter  ages ;  and 
blindly  permitted  their  new  teachers  to  exercise  the  chief  influ 
ence  in  their  synagogues,  and  consecrate  those  filling  the  highest 
seats  in  the  nation. 

In  the  case  of  those  entertaining  views  as  thus  stated,  it  would 
be  resonable  to  suppose  that  the  fugitive  slave  law  could  impart 
no  obligation  to  yield  acquiescence  in  its  provisions.  No  sooner 
was  it,  therefore,  enacted  in  1850,  as  part  of  the  great  compro 
mise  between  the  States  of  the  Union,  than  meetings  were  held 
in  various  sections,  and  resolutions  adopted  by  the  rationalistic 
high  priests  of  the  Northern  sanctuaries  and  their  neophite 
church  followers,  denouncing  the  act  as  \vicked  and  inhuman. 

^Hopkins'  Bible  View  of  Slavery,  p.  23  and  24. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.       /  1-15V 

Of  the  rationalistic  American  churches,  none  had  shown  so 
early  and  determined  an  opposition  to  the  institution  of  slavery 
as  the  Quakers ;  and  this,  because  of  the  character  of  its  mem 
bership  and  remarkable  freedom  from  all  faith  domination.  In 
its  organization,  as  an  ecclesiastical  body,  it  had  divested  itself  of 
every  conceivable  appendage  of  biblical  belief,  for  which  reason 
was  unable  to  interpose  a  solution  ;  and  therefore  it  was  not 
difficult  for' it,  in  addition  to  all  this,  to  accept  as  Christian  teach 
ing,  what  had  been  conceived  in  the  schools  of  French  and 
British  free  thought.  The  Quakers,  as  a  people,  originally  be 
longed,  in  the  main,  to  the  humble  and  unpretentious  classes: 
and  a  simplicity  marked  their  conduct  and  character,  even  to  the 
eschewing  of  the  higher  grades  of  intellectual  culture  and  ad 
vanced  education.  A  plain,  unadorned  and  unobtrusive  manner 
pervaded  the  every-day  life  of  Quaker  society,  which  seemed  to 
present  a  cognate  affinity  with  the  ascetic  orders  of  history.  It 
is  not  strange,  therefore,  that  that  church  should  be  the  first  to 
denounce  slavery  as  unchristian,  which  was  able  to  set  aside  all 
the  historical  verity  of  the  world's  existence  ;  and  conceive  that 
society,  with  its  attained  development  could  subsist  without  the 
resistant  power  ;  and  that  national  life  could  endure  without  that 
highest  coercive  of  humanity,  legalized  warfare. 

"  Upon  the  organization  of  the  anti-slavery  societies  through 
out  the  Northern  States,  it  was  to  be  expected  that  the  Quakers 
should  figure  prominently  in  these  efforts  to  abolish  slavery.  All 
that  the  Quakers  and  the  other  anti-slavery  organizations  could 
effect  was  to  keep  up  an  agitation  of  the  slavery  question,  and 
thus  endeavor  to  educate  the  public  conscience  up  to  their  prin 
ciples.  In  this,  they  were  to  a  very  great  degree  successful. 
Their  opinions  entered  others  of  the  American  churches,  and 
divisions  of  the  same  followed,  marked  by  the  Mason  and  Dixon 
boundary.  The  American  Union,  in  the  eyes  of  many  of  the 
leading  statesmen  of  the  nation,  was  again  rocking  in  the  throes 
of  disunion  or  civil  convulsion  ;  and  another  compromise,  headed 
by  Clay  and  Webster,  was  sanctioned  by  the  National  Congress 
in  1850,  which  made  it  the  duty  of  the  Northern  States  to  sur 
render  fugitive  slaves  to  their  masters,  where. the  proper  legal 
demand  was  made  for  them.  Against  the  compromise  of  1850, 
and  especially  against  the  fugitive  slave  law,  the  Northern  con 
science  at  length  fully  revolted.  Slavery  being  regarded  as  a  sin 


146  ;  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

by  a  large  portion  of  the  intelligent  citizens  of  the  North ;  that 
they  should  be  compelled  to  render  aid  in  capturing  the  fleeing 
fugitive  from  labor,  was  altogether  incompatible  with  their  sense 
of  duty.  In  their  view  they  would  rather  bear  the  penalty  of 
the  law  as  aid  in  its  execution.  'No  law  could  justly,  as  they 
believed,  compel  them  to  violate  conscience." 

"  In  no  section  of  the  whole  North  was  there  a  more  deter 
mined  feeling  of  opposition  or  disinclination  to  the  execution  of 
the  fugitive  slave  law  than  in  the  eastern  part  of  Lancaster 
County,  where  the  citizens  were  mostly  either  Quakers  or  their 
descendants.  For  years  fugitive  slaves  had  found  among 
the  people  of  Sadsburg  and  Salisbury  townships  kind  treatment, 
and  quite  a  colony  of  them  had  been  congregated  and  settled  in 
the  vicinity  of^Cliristiana.  It  was  natural  to  suppose  that  the 
fleeing  fugitive  would  direct  his  steps  to  a  retreat  amongst  the 
friends  of  his  liberty,  rather  than  amongst  those  who  were  ready 
to  surrender  hiiir  for  pelf,  or  out  of  hatred  to  his  race."  * 

Some  of  the  slaves  of  Edward  Gorsuch,  a  highly  respectable 
citizen  of  Maryland,  had  made  their  escape  into  the  eastern  part 
of  Lancaster  County,  and  were  living  amongst  others  of  their 
race  in  that  section.  Mr.  Gorsuch,  having  ascertained  the  locality 
of  his  slaves,  set  out  for  Pennsylvania  in  search  of  the  absconded 
property.  He  called  upon  and  made  the  requisite  affidavits 
before  Edwaad  D.  Ingrahara,  Commissioner  of  the  United  States, 
appointed  under  the  fugitive  slave  law  of  1850.  That  officer 
issued  four  warrants  dated  September  9th,  1851,  directed  to 
Henry  II.  Kline,  as  Deputy  Marshall,  by  virtue  of  which  he  was 
authorized  to  arrest  Joshua  Hammond,  George  Hammond,  Nelson 
Ford  and  Noah  Buley,  four  fugitive  slaves,  believed  to  be  living 
in  Lancaster  County.  The  facts  of  the  issuing  of  the  writs  be 
came  known  to  a  colored  tavern  keeper  in  Philadelphia  by  the 
name  of  Samuel  Williams,  who  with  another  colored  man  pre 
ceded  the  official  party  to  the  neighborhood  where  the  slaves 
resided,  and  where  the  arrests  were  to  have  been  made,  and  gave 
notice  to  the  negroes  of  the  vicinage  that  officers  would  shortly 
visit  them  for  the  purpose  of  capture.  Word  was  at  once  circu 
lated  amongst  the  negroes  of  the  colony,  and  such  white  persons 
as  were  known  to  sympathize  with  them,  and  it  was  resolved  that 


^Harris'  Biographical  History  of  Lancaster  County,  pp.  148  and  149. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  147 

united  resistance  should  be  made  to  all  attempts  to  recapture  the 
fugitive  slaves.  The  negroes  were  emboldened  to  this  resolution 
by  the  known  views  of  a  large  number  of  the  influential  citi 
zens  of  the  neighborhood,  who  in  their  hearing  had  frequently 
expressed  their  disapprobation  of  slavery  and  the  fugitive  slave 
law.  Meetings  of  the  citizens  in  that  locality  even  had  been 
held  after  the  enactment  of  that  law,  condemning  it  as  wicked 
and  unjust ;  and  that  the  Northern  people  owed  no  obligation  to 
aid  in  its  execution.  Besides,  there  is  little  doubt  but  the  negroes 
had  the  quiet  approbation  of  some  of  their  influential  neighbors, 
by  whom,  perhaps,  in  all  probability,  the  first  suggestion  of 
resistance  to  capture  may  have  been  made* 

As  soon  as  the  warrants  for  the  arrest  of  the  fugitives  were 
placed  in  the  hands  of  Deputy  Marshal  Kline,  arrangements 
were  made  for  executing  the  writs  as  speedily  as  possible,  Edward 
Gorsuch  was  accompanied  by  Dickinson,  his  son,  Dr,  Thomas 
Pearce,  a  nephew,  and  Joshua  Gorsuch ;  besides  two  neighbors, 
who  had  come  to  assist  in  making  capture  of  the  fugitives. 
Deputy  Marshal  Kline  and  the  Maryland  capturing  party  set  out 
for  Lancaster  County,  taking  different  modes  of  conveyance,  and 
arrived  at  Christiana  early  on  the  morning  of  September  llth.  "• 
Having  secured  the  service  of  one  acquainted  with  the  locality, 
they  started  on  hunt  of  the  fugitives ;  and  when  they  had  neared 
a  tavern  kept  by  a  negro  named  Parker,  about  two  miles  from 
Christiana,  they  espied  one  of  the  slaves  coming  down  the  lane 
from  Parker's  house ,  As  soon  as  the  slave  saw  them,  he  returned 
and  fled  to  1&e  house,  pursued  by  the  party ;  but  he  succeeded  in 
eluding  their  grasp.  He  made  his  way  up  stairs,  and  the  party 
in  search  of  him  immediately  surrounded  the  house  so  as  to  pre 
vent  escape, 

But  it  was  soon  apparent  that  resistance  to  the  execution  of 
the  writs  was  determined  upon,,  for  as  the  party  was  approaching 
the  house,  a  horn  was  distinctly  heard,  which  proved  to  be  a  sig 
nal  for  the  collecting  of  their  friends,  Edward  Gorsuch,  the 
owner,  and  the  Deputy  Marshal,  now  entered  the  house  and,  dis 
covering  that  several  blacks  were  up  stairs,  they  demanded  of 
them  that  they  surrender,  which  they  promptly  refused  and 
began  loading  their  guns,  showing  the  utmost  determination  of 
resistance,  Mr.  Gorsuch,  addressing  his  slave  by  name,  said : 
"  Come  down,  ^Nelson,  I  know  your  voice ;  I  know  you,"  and 


1-18  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

after  a  pause  added :  "  If  you  come  down  and  go  home  with  me, 
without  any  trouble,  we  will  overlook  the  past."  One  of  the 
negroes  answered,  "  If  you  take  one  of  us  you  must  do  so  over 
our  dead  bodies !"  The  Marshal  now  read  his  warrant  aloud, 
and  assurred  the  negroes  that  he  was  clothed  with  the  legal 
authority  to  make  the  arrest.  Mr.  Gorsucli  now  called  upon  the 
Deputy  Marshal  to  ascend  the  stairs  and  arrest  the  fugitive  ;  and 
in  attempting  to  do  so  he  was  struck  at  with  a  sharp  instrument 
and  compelled  to  desist.  Mr.  Gorsucli,  in  the  meantime,  stepped 
outside  and  called  to  his  slave  and  endeavored  to  persuade  him 
to  surrender  himself  peaceably  to  his  authority ;  and  while  doing 
so  was  shot  at  by  one  of  the  negroes  from  a  window,  but  the 
shot  failed  to  take  effect.  The  Marshal  again  read  his  warrant, 
and  advised  the  negroes  of  the  peril  of  resisting  the  authority  of 
the  Government ;  and  added,  that  if  it  became  necessary,  he 
would  call  upon  additional  assistance  to  aid  him  in  making  the 
arrest.  lie  told  Parker,  the  keeper  of  the  house,  that  he  would 
hold  him  responsible  unless  he  surrendered  the  negroes,  as  the 
law  required.  Parker  replied  that  he  was  a  Pennsylvania!!,  and 
did  not  care  for  the  law,  but  asked  for  a  few  moments  for  reflec 
tion,  that  they  might  determine  what  course  to  pursue. 

During  this  period,  two  white  men  named  Castner  Hanway 
and  Elijah  Lewis,  the  former  on  horseback  and  the  latter  on 
foot,  suddenly  appeared  upon  the  ground.  This  was  seen  to  have 
the  effect  of  inspiring  enthusiasm  into  the  negroes  in  the  house, 
who  immediately  set  up  a  cheering.  Whether  any  previous  secret 
understanding  had  existed  between  these  whites  and  the  negroes, 
may  perhaps  never  be  fully  ascertained ;  but  the  cheering  raised 
upon  their  appearance  had  a  very  suspicious  aspect.  Edward  Gor 
sucli  requested  the  Marshal,  to  ask  these  white  men  to  assist  in 
making  the  arrest.  lie  approached  the  one  on  horseback,  Han- 
way,  and  politely  addressed  him,  without  receiving  any'  recogni 
tion  of  his  salutation.  He  then  asked  him  if  he  belonged  to 
that  neighborhood,  and  received  as  the  reply,  "  it  is  none  of  your 
business."  He  next  inquired  of  him  his  name,  and  was  told, 
"  you  will  have  to  find  it  out."  The  Marshal  next  informed  him 
!  who  he  was,  and  of  his  authority  for  making  the  arrest,  at  the 
same  time  handing  him  his  warrant.  Hanway  read  the  warrant,  and 
returned  it  to  the  officer.  He  also  handed  it  to  Lewis,  the  other 
white  man,  who  read  it  in  like  manner,  and  afterwards  returned 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  149 

it.  The  Marshal  now  called  upon  them,  by  virtue  of  his 
authority,  to  assist  him  in  executing  his  writ.  Han  way  replied, 
that  "  he  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  it ;  he  would  not  assist 
at  all ;  the  negroes  had  a  right  to  defend  themselves."  By  this 
time  a  considerable  number  of  negroes  had  made  their  appearance 
near  the  lane  armed  with  double-barrelled  guns,  pistols,  corii- 
cutters,  scythes  and  clubs.  The  organization  had  been  complete ; 
and  soon  as  the  horn  was  sounded,  as  above  indicated,  the  negroes 
began  to  assemble  from  all  directions.  Lewis  told  the  Marshal 
that  he  had  better  desist  from  attempting  to  make  the  arrest, 
otherwise  blood  would  be  shed.  All  this  time  the  negroes  were 
gathering,  and  evinced  by  their  manner  a  spirit  of  the  most 
determined  resistance,  and  some  of  them  were  already  standing 
with  their  guns  cocked,  and  near  enough  to  hear  the  conversation 
of  the  officer  with  Hanway  and  Lewis.  The  Marshal,  seeing 
the  number  of  the  negroes  and  the  threatening  demonstrations 
made  by  them,  asked  Lewis  to  influence  the  negroes  not  to  lire 
upon  them,  and  he  would  withdraw  his  party,  but  was  told  by 
him  that  "  the  negroes  might  defend  themselves."  The  blacks 
in  the  house,  seeing  their  friends  gathered  in  such  abundance, 
came  out  and  mingled  with  them.  "Hanway  walked  his  horse 
up  to  where  the  crowd  of  negroes  were,  and  he  spoke  something- 
low  to  them,  and  they  gave  one  shout ;  he  walked  his  horse  about 
twenty  or  thirty  yards,  and  looked  towards  them,  and  they  tired 
up  where  Mr.  Gorsuch  was."  * 

Edward  Gorsuch  immediately  fell,  and  his  son  Dickinson,  run 
ning  to  his  assistance,  was  also  shot  in  the  breast  and  lungs,  and 
fell  to  the  ground.  Dr.  Pearce  was  likewise  shot  in  several 
places,  but  succeeded  in  making  his  escape.  Deputy  Marshal 
Kline,  Joshua  Gorsuch,  and  the  other  two  individuals,  kelson 
and  Hut  chins,  who  formed  part  of  the  capturing  party,  all  speed 
ily  made  their  escape  as  best-they  could.  Edward  Gorsuch  was 
mutilated  by  the  negroes,  his  pockets  rifled  of  about  $300,  and 
left  lying  dead  where  he  fell.  His  son  Dickinson  was  i  esaued 
from  death  through  the  interposition  of  an  old  colored  man,  who 
begged  of  the  murderers  to  spare  his  life,  and  he  was  shortly 
afterwards  removed  by  some  white  persons  who  visited  the  scene, 
to  the  house  of  Levi  Pownall,  where  he  lay  a  considerable  time 
before  he  could  be  removed. 


*  Evidence  of  Marshal  Kline  in  Report  of  Christiana  Tragedy,  p.  7. 


150  A  REVIEW  OF  TUB 

As  soon  as  the  news  of  this  ocrurrence  reached  Lancaster, 
John  L.  Thompson,  the  District  Attorney,  and  J.  Franklin  Rei- 
gart,  an  Alderman,  accompanied  by  some  of  the  most  resolute 
citizens,  repaired  at  once  to  Christiana,  and  after  taking  certain 
legal  steps,  proceeded  to  arrest  the  suspected  parties.  Nine  were 
taken  in  less  than  two  hours.  Castner  Hanway  and  Elijah  Lewis, 
hearing  of  the  warrants,  surrendered  themselves  without  resist 
ance.  All  were  committed  by  Alderman  Reigart,  and  conveyed 
to  the  Lancaster  Jail  for  a  preliminary  hearing.  The  United  States 
Marshal,  the  United  States  District  Attorney  and  the  Commis 
sioner,  with  a  strong  force  of  Marines  and'  a  detachment  of 
Philadelphia  police,  arrived  shortly  afterwards  at  Christiana,  and 
lent  their  aid  in  making  arrests  of  those  supposed  to  be  impli 
cated  in  the  transaction.  Both  parties  proceeded  to  make  arrests, 
and  in  a  short  time  every  section  of  country  was  pretty  well 
scoured.  A  large  number  of  additional  prisoners  were  brought 
in,  and  among  them  two  whites,  one  named  Scarlet,  and  the  other 
Hood. 

It  became  a  question  of  considerable  dispute  between  the  State 
and  national  authorities,  as  to  the  disposition  of  the  prisoners. 
District  Attorney  Thompson  contended,  that  the  prisoners  had 
been  guilty  of  the  highest  crime  known  to  the  law  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  wilfull  and  deliberate  murder,  and  that  as  this  had  occurred 
in  Lancaster  County,  the  prisoners  should  be  taken  to  Lancaster 
for  trial.  John  W.  Ashmead,  the  United  States  District  Attorney, 
on  the  contrary,  insisted  that  the  prisoners  had  been  guilty  of 
the  crime  of  treason,  in  levying  war  against  the  United  States 
authorities.  In  this  he  was  sustained  by  the  Commissioner,  E. 
D.  Ingraham,  and  finally  a  compromise  was  effected,  by  which 
each  party  was  allowred  to  dispose  of  its  own  arrests.  A  prelimi 
nary  hearing  of  the  prisoners  was  held  before  Alderman  Reigart, 
at  which  several  witnesses  were  examined.  At  this  hearing,  J. 
"W.  Ashmead,  Robert  J.  Brent  and  William  B.  Fordney,  ap 
peared  for  the  prosecution,  and  Thaddeus  Stevens  for  the  prison 
ers.  Castner  Hanway,  Elijah  Lewis,  John  Morgan,  Henry  Sims 
and  Jacob  Moore,  were  committed  to  answer  the  charge  of 
treason,  and  delivered  into  the  custody  of  A.  E.  Roberts,  United 
States  Marshal  for  the  Eastern  District  of  Pennsylvania. 

~No  event,  scarcely,  could  have  occurred  that  would  have 
aroused  a  more  profound  excitement  throughout  the  country 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  151 

tlian  was  occasioned  by  this  riot  at  Christiana.  Political  -rancor 
was  in  this  occurrence  fanned  to  its  highest  pitch.  The  news 
papers  gave  full  scope  to  the  rehearsal  of  the  facts  as  they  were 
reported ;  and  these  in  many  'cases  grossly  exaggerated,  as  has 
become  usual  with  the  modern  newspaper  press.  The  deed  was 
as  variantly  viewed  as  were  the  creeds  of  the  different  parties. 
Even  in  Pennsylvania,  partisans  condemned  or  exculpated  the 
act  of  the  rioters  as  their  political  proclivities  dictated.  Shrewd 
observers  fully  comprehended  the  nature  of  the  transaction,  and 
where  the  fault  originated ;  but  this  did  not  appear  upon  the 
surface;  and  hence  the  widely  different  reports  that  were  circulated. 
Blame  was  sought  to  be  attached  to  the  Whig  Governor  of  Penn 
sylvania,  because  of  believed  indifference  shown  by  him  in  taking 
steps  to  aid  in  arresting  the  rioters.  It  was  not  till  the  fourth  day 
after  the  riot  that  he  issued  his  proclamation,  offering  a  reward  for 
the  capture  of  the  murderers  of  Mr.  Gorsuch.  And  even  this  was 
delayed  until  a  letter,  signed  by  John  Cadwallader,  C.  Ingcrsoll, 
John  W.  Forney,  and  others,  had  demanded  of  him  that  he  take 
measures  to  "  vindicate  the  outraged  laws  of  the  .Commonwealth." 
The  division  in  sentiment  in  Pennsylvania  that  chiefly  obtained 
as  regards  the  riot,  was  seen  to  be  marked  very  considerably  by 
party  lines.  It  was  not  forgotten  that  the  fugitive  slave  law  had 
met  with  almost  universal  opposition  from  the  Northern  Whigs 
in  Congress  ;  and  the  condemnation  of  the  act  of  the  rioters  was 
not  believed  to  be  sincere  upon  the  part  of  many  of  that  party, 
who  were  loud  in  its  denunciation.  But  with  manv  Whigs  it 

«/  o 

was  so  ;  for,  as  before  seen,  by  no  means  all  of  this  party  had 
become  tainted  with  abolition  principles.  Being  a  Whig  at  that 
time,  however,  subjected  an  individual  even  in  Pennsylvania  to 
suspicion,  and  something  was  needed  to  remove  it.  But  it  was 
in  the  South  that  this  negro  riot  created  the  greatest  commotion. 
In  this  section  it  was  viewed  as  an  illustration  of  the  Northern 
resistance  to  the  compromise  of  1850,  which  might  still  be 
expected  to  display  itself  in  one  form  or  other ;  and  which  would 
thus  render  it  a  dead  letter  upon  the  statute  books.  A  lingering 
faith,  however,  that  the  majority  of  the  people  of  Pennsylvania 
and  of  the  North,  were  still  friends  of  the  Federal  Constitution 
and  the  laws  made  thereunder,  induced  the  South  to  hope  that 
the  insulted  authority  of  the  nation  would  yet  vindicate  itself  in 
the  Northern  tribunals  of  justice. 


152  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

On  Monday,  November  24th,  1851,  the  trial  of  Castner  Han- 
way,  for  treason,  was  commenced  in  the  United  States  Circuit. 
Court  before  Judges  Grier  and  Kane.  The  counsel  who  appeared 
for  the  United  States  were,  John  "W.  Ashmead,  James  R.  Lud- 
low  and  George  W.  Ashmead ;  also,  James  Cooper  and  Robert 
"W.  Brent  for  Maryland.  The  counsel  for  Castner  Hanway  were 
John  M.  Reed,  Thaddeus  Stevens,  Joseph  J.  Lewis  and  Theodore 
Cuyier.  The  trial  lasted  fifteen  days,  and  was  handled  on  both 
sides  with  masterly  ability.  Although,  without  doubt,  Mr. 
Stevens  was  the  brain  of  the  defense  in  this  trial,  yet  because  of 
his  known  anti-slavery  sentiments,  it  was  deemed  prudential  that 
to  John  M.  Read  should  be  entrusted  its  principal  management. 
After  the  arguments  of  counsel  on  both  sides  had  been  made 
and  the  Court  had  submitted  their  views  of  the  law,  the  Jury 
upon  retiring  from  the  box,  returned  after  an  absence  of  ten 
minutes  and  reported  a  verdict  of  "  ISrot  guilty."  Castner  Han 
way  and  Elijah  Lewis  were  then  brought  to  Lancaster  to  answer 
any  charge  that  might  be  preferred  against  them.  An  indict 
ment  was  laid  before  the  Grand  Jury  for  murder,  but  the  Jury 
ignored  the  bill,  and  thus  ended  the  Christiana  Riot  Case. 

This  trial,  in  a  measure,  illustrated  the  inutility  of  attempting, 
under  our  form  of  government,  to  convict  an  offender  when  a 
respectable  and  influential  party  openly  espouses  his  cause. 
Members  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Society  were  present  in  court  dur 
ing  the  time  of  this  trial,  openly  manifesting  their  sympathy 
for  the  accused ;  also  for  the  other  prisoners,  black  and  white, 
that  were  implicated  with  him  in  the  transaction.  When  "  Har 
vey  Scott,  a  free  negro,  who  had  thrice  testified — once  at  Chris 
tiana,  once  at  Lancaster,  and  once  at  Philadelphia — to  the  fact  of 
being  an  eye  witness  to  the  murder  of  Mr.  Gorsuch ;  and  now 
on  this  trial,  influenced  by  bribes,  or  some  other  corrupt  con 
sideration,  when  placed  on  the  stand  by  the  United  States,  openly 
confessed  that  he  had  thrice  committed  perjury,  and  then  swore 
on  this  trial  that  he  was  not  present  and  knew  nothing  about  the 
affair;  this  perjury  was  received  with  open  applause  in  the 
court  room.  Again,  the  counsel  for  the  defense  applied  to  the 
Court  for  an  order  to  bring  out  some  twenty-four  of  the  negroes 
in  prison  to  see  which  of  them  could  be  identified  as  participants 
in  the  treason,  by  Henry  H.  Kline  (the  Deputy  Marshal),  a 
material  witness  for  the  prosecution.  At  the  opening  of  the 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  153 

court,  on  the  next  day,  these  negroes  were  seen  sitting  in  a  row, 
supported  on  each  side  by  white  females,  who,  to  the  disgust  of 
ail  respectable  citizens,  gave  them  open  sympathy  and  counte 
nance  ;  each  of  the  negroes  appeared  with  new  comforts  around 
their  necks — their  hair  carefully  parted  and  their  clothing  in 
every  respect,  so  as  to  present  one  uniform  appearance  to  the 
eye  as  far  as  possible — all  done  doubtless  for  the  double  purpose 
of  giving  "  aid  and  comfort "  to  the  accused  murderers  of  a  white 
man,  and  of  confusing  so  important  a  witness  as  Kline,  in  respect 
to  their  identity.  And  this  was  manifestly  done  with  the  privity, 
sufferance  and  consent  of  the  officers  having  charge  of  the 
prisoners,  and  passed  unrebuked."*  Sucli  a  degree  of  sympathy 
did  the  members  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Society  manifest  for  those 
accused  of  participation  in  the  Christiana  riot,  that  on  Thanks 
giving  Day  they  caused  a  banquet  dinner  to  be  prepared  for  the 
prisoners,  and  A.  E.  Roberts,  the  United  States  Marshal,  con 
fessed  in  open  court  "  that  he  had  not  only  assisted  at  the  dinner 
but  had  sat  down  and  partaken  sparingly."f 

The  decisive  points  ruled  by  Judge  Grier,  and  which  proved 
fatal  to  the  prosecution,  were  in  the  following  words : 

"Without  desiring  to  invade  the  perogatives  of  the  jury,  in  judging 
of  the  facts  of  this  cas3,  the  Court  feel  bound  to  say,  that  they  do  not 
think  the  transaction  with  which  the  prisoner  is  charged  with  being  con 
nected  rises  to  the  dignity  of  treason,  or  a  levying  of  war — not  because 
the  number  or  force  was  insufficient,  but  first — for  want  of  any  proof  of 
a  previous  conspiracy  to  make  a  general  and  public  resistance  to  any  law 
of  the  United  States  ;  second — there  is  no  evidence  that  any  person  con 
nected  in  the  transaction  knew  that  there  were  any  such  Acts  of  Congress, 
as  they  were  charged  with  conspiracy  to  resist  by  force  and  arms,  or 
had  any  other  intention  than  to  protect  one  another  from  what  they 
termed  kidnappers — by  which  slang  term,  they  included  not  only  actual 
kidnappers,  but  all  masters  and  owners  seeking  to  recapture  their  slaves, 
and  the  officers  and  agents  assisting  them."  \ 

Southern  hopes,  in  the  above  trial,  were  once  more  disap 
pointed.  The  tempting  cup  of  promise  which  had  been  carried 
to  the  lips  in  the  compromise  of  1850,  was  thus  again  rudely 
dashed  to  the  earth  ;  and  nothing  save  chagrin  and  mortification 
were  left  to  console  those  south  of  the  Mason  and  Dixon  parallel. 
The  South  was  an  integral  portion  of  the  Confederacy,  the  Con- 

*Report  of  Robert  J.  Brent  on  the  Christiana  Treason  Trial  to  the  Gov 
ernor  of  Maryland,  p,  5. 
fReport  of  R.  J.  Brent,  p.  4. 
t  Report  of  R.  J.  Brent,  p.  7. 


154  A  EEVIEW  OF  THE 

stitution  recognized  their  rights  of  property,  and  the  National 
Congress,  in  clearly  defined  terms,  had  guaranteed  them  these; 
and  yet  all  as  they  felt  to  no  purpose.  Their  citizens  were  treated 
as  culprits  and  assassins  when  going  ]Srorth  to  lay  claim  to  their 
escaped  property ;  yea,  even  in  the  event  which  had  but  just 
occurred,  the  soil  of  Pennsylvania  (without  any  redress  being  ac 
corded)  had  drunk  the  blood  of  a  most  respectable  citizen  of  Mary 
land,  who  had  dared  to  cross  the  threshold  of  his  State  to  seek 
his  fugitive  slaves.  Another  bond  of  confidence  between  the 
North  and  South  was  again  snapped  asunder,  and  still  more  feeble 
became  those  yet  remaining.  The  fugitive  slave  law  became 
virtually  a  dead  letter  in  most  of  the  Northern  States,  and  the 
feelings  of  each  section  grew  more  and  more  estranged  towards 
the  other.  And  all  this  was  but  leading  the  North  and  South  up 
to  that  pinnacle ^of  mutual  hate,  frcfin  which  both  to  free  them 
selves,  voluntarily  plunged  into  the  gulf  of  revolution  and  civil 
convulsion,  which  a  near  future  had  in  store  for  them. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMEEICA.  155 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE  KANSAS-NEBRASKA  BILL,   WITH    THE    REPEAL    OF    THE    MISSOURI    COM 
PROMISE.      ORIGIN,   RAMIFICATION  AND  ASPECTS  OF  THE 
REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

The  33d  Congress  assembled  in  December,  1853.  Mr.  Stevens 
not  being  a  member  of  this  Congress,  again  devoted  his  attention 
to  the  practice  of  his  profession,  a  career  in  which  he  was  always 
remarkably  successful.  After  the  close  of  his  second  Congress 
ional  term,  he  found  his  legal  business  by  no  means  diminished  ; 
and  for  the  next  six  years  he  was  little  heard  of  outside  of  Lan 
caster  County,  as  mingling  in  political  strife.  These  years  were 
for  him  a  period  of  great  professional  activity ;  and  in  many  of 
the  most  important  suits  tried  in  the  courts  of  Pennsylvania,  he 
was  during  this  period  the  leading  counsel.  He  nevertheless 
remained  no  indifferent  spectator  of  public  events,  as  they  were 
then  transpiring.  And  all  this  time  he  held  himself  in  readiness 
to  act  his  part  when  public  sentiment  might  warrant  his  partici 
pation. 

Upon  the  opening  of  Congress  in  December,  1853,  it  was 
found  that  certain  portions  of  the  public  domain,  embraced  in  the 
Louisiana  cession,  were  already  sufficiently  populated  to  require 
local  governments.  Two  delegates  had  been  chosen  by  the  people 
of  this  Territory  who  were  awaiting  admission  into  the  .National 
Legislature,  and  seeking  local  organizations  for  their  constituents. 

O  '  O  O 

On  the  4th  of  December,  1853,  Mr.  Dodge,  of  Iowa,  introduced 
a  bill  into  the  Senate  for  the  organization  of  a  Territorial  Gov 
ernment  for  Nebraska,  which  was  referred  to  the  committee  on 
Territories,  of  which  Stephen  A.  Douglas;  was  chairman.  On 
the  4th  of  the  following  January,  Mr.  Douglas  reported  back 
this  bill,  with  amendments  so  changing  its  language,  as  to  make 
it  accord  with  the  language  of  the  Utah  and  New  Mexico  Bill  of 
1850,  on  the  question  of  slavery.  This  Bill  was  accompanied 
with  an  elaborate  report,  stating  fully  the  reasons  that  had  in- 


156-..-X/1  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

cluced  the  Committee  to  change  its  phraseolgy  in  these  particulars. 
The  principle  aimed  at  by  the  Committee  was  expressed  in  the 
following  words : 

"  In  the  judgment  of  your  Committee,  those  measures  (compromise  of 
1850)  were  intended  to  have  a  far  more  comprehensive  and  enduring 
effect  than  the  mere  adjustment  of  the  difficulties  arising  out  of  the 
recent  acquisitions  of  Mexican  territory.  They  were  designed  to  estab 
lish  certain  great  principles,  which  would  not  only  furnish  adequate 
remedies  for  existing  evils,  but  in  all  time  to  come  avoid  the  perils~of  a 
similar  agitation,  by  withdrawing  the  question  of  slavery  from  the  Halls 
of  Congress  and  the  political  arena,  and  committing  it  to  the  arbitra 
ment  of  those  who  were  immediately  interested,  and  alone  responsible 
for  its  consequences." 

The  report  concluded  with  these  words : 

"  The  substitute  for  the  bill  which  your  Committee  have  prepared,  and 
which  is  commended  to  the  favorable  action  of  the  Senate,  proposes  to 
carry  these  propositions  and  principles  into  practical  operation  in  the 
precise  language  of  the  compromise  measures  of  1850." 

Senator  Douglas,  speaking  of  the  report  of  the  Committee, 
said : 

"We  were  aware  that  from  1820  to  1850,  the  abolition  doctrine  of  Con 
gressional  interference  with  slavery  in  the  Territories  and  new  States, 
had  so  far  prevailed  as  to  keep  up  an  incessant  agitation  in  Congress  and 
throughout  the  country,  whenever  any  new  Territory  was  to  be  acquired 
or  organized.  We  were  also  aware  that,  in  1850,  the  right  of  the  people 
to  decide  this  question  for  themselves,  subject  only  to  the  Constitution, 
was  substituted  for  the  doctrine  of  congressional  intervention.  The  first 
question,  therefore,  which  the  Committee  were  called  upon  to  decide, 
and  indeed  the  only  question  of  any  material  importance,  in  forming  this 
bill  was  this  :  Shall  we  adhere  to  and  carry  out  the  principle  recognized 
by  the  compromise  measures  of  1850,  or  shall  we  go  back  to  the  old 
exploded  doctrine  of  congressional  interference,  as  established  in  1820, 
in  a  large  portion  of  the  country,  and  which  it  was  the  object  of  the 
Wilmot  proviso,  to  give  a  universal  application  not  only  to  all  the  terri 
tory  which  we  then  possessed,  but  all  which  we  might  hereafter  acquire? 
There  were  no  other  alternatives.  We  were  compelled  to  frame  the  bill 
upon  the  one  or  the  other  of  these  two  principles.  The  doctrine  of  1820, 
or  the  doctrine  of  1850,  must  prevail.  In  the  discharge  of  the  duty  im 
posed  upon  us  by  the  Senate,  the  Committee  could  not  hesitate  upon 
this  point,  whether  we  consulted  our  individual  opinions  and  principles 
or  those  which  were  known  to  be  entertained  and  boldly  avowed  by  a 
large  majority  of  the  Senate.  The  two  great  political  parties  of  the 
country  stood  solemnly  pledged  before  the  world  to  adhere  to  the  com 
promise  measures  of  1850  in  principle  and  substance.  A  large  majority 
of  the  Senate,  indeed  every  member  of  the  body,  I  believe,  except  the 
two  avowed  Abolitionists  (Mr.  Chase  and  Mr.  Sumner,)  profess  to  belong 
to  the  one  or  the  other  of  these  parties,  and  hence  were  supposed  to  be 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  '  \tt 

under  a  high  moral  obligation  to  carry  out  the  principle  and  substance  of 
those  measures  in  all  the  new  territorial  organizations.  The  report  of 
the  Committee  was  in  accordance  with  this  obligation."* 

The  original  bill  as  amended  and  reported  by  the  Committee, 
was  received  in  some  parts  of  the  country  as  effecting  the  repeal 
of  the  Missouri  Compromise  Act,  whilst  in  others  it  was  differ 
ently  construed.  In  order  that  all  ambiguity  as  regards  this  point 
might  be  removed,  Archibald  Dixon,  a  Whig  Senator  from  Ken 
tucky,  on  the  16 tli  of  January,  gave  notice  that  when  the 
Nebraska  Bill  should  come  up  for  consideration,  he  would  offer 
an  amendment  repealing  the  Eighth  Section  of  the  Missouri  Act, 
as  being  inconsistent  with  the  Compromise  of  1850.  On  the 
following  day,  Sumner  introduced  into  the  Senate  a  memorial 
against  slavery  generally,  and  at  the  same  time  gave  notice  that 
when  the  bill  to  recognize  the  Territory  should  come  up  for  con 
sideration,  he  would  offer  an  amendment  re-affirming  the  old 
Congressional  restriction  of  1820.  A  manifesto  was  issued  from 
Washington  on  the  19th  of  January,  denouncing  the  repeal  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise,  signed  by  the  following  Senators  and 
Representatives,  viz  :  S.  P.  Chase,  Charles  Sumner,  J.  R.  Gid- 
dings,  Edward  Wade,  Gcrrit  Smith  and  Alexander  De  Witt. 
This  remonstrance  appeared  in  all  the  Abolition  papers  of  the 
country,  and  again  roused  the  monster  of  sectional  agitation  from 
his  slumber.  The  remonstrants  spoke  of  the  old  Missouri  line 
as  a  "  sacred  pledge"  never  to  be  violated.  It  became  in  their 
estimation  a  "  solemn  compact "  when  its  endorsement  favored 
their  principles.  "  Three  thousand  New  England  Clergymen, 
assuming  to  speak  in  the  name  of  the  Almighty  God,  joined  in 
the  chorus.  But  when  did  these  men,  or  any  of  their  class 
singly  or  collectively,  ever  before  acknowledge  any  binding  obli 
gation  of  the  now  and  so-called  "  solemn  compact  ?"  Was  it 
when  Missouri  was  denied  admission  by  them  under  it  ?  Was  it 
when  the  admission  of  Arkansas  was  opposed  by  them  ?  Was  it 
when  the  provision  was  made  for  the  admission  of  Texas  ?  Was  it 
when  a  government  for  Oregon  was  organized  ?  Was  it  when 
this  line  was  voted  down  for  the  last  time  in  the  House  on  the 
13th  of  June,  1850  ?"f 

The  Committee  on  Territories,  in  view  of  the  extent  of  domain 

*Appendix  to  Congressional  Globe,  33d  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  336, 
fStephens'  War,  Vol.  II,  p.  248. 


158  A  REVIEW  OP  THE 

to  be  organized,  deemed  it  expedient  to  divide  it  into  two  sepa 
rate  Territorial  Governments,  one  to  be  named  Kansas,  and  the 
other  Nebraska*  Accordingly  a  substitute  organizing  two  Terri 
tories  instead  of  one  was  reported  in  the  Senate  by  Mr.  Douglas 
on  the  22d  of  January.  The  language  in  each  upon  the  subject 
of  slavery  was  identical,  with  that  in  the  first  Nebraska  Bill  with 
the  exception  of  that  clause  which  in  express  words  declared  the 
Eighth  Section  of  the  Missouri  Act  inoperative.  This  was  in 
the  following  words  : 

"  Except  the  eighth  section  of  the  Act  prepatory  to  the  admission  of 
Missouri  into  the  Union,  approved  March  6th,  1820,  which  being  incon 
sistent  with  the  principle  of  non-intervention  by  Congress,  with  slavery 
in  the  States  and  Territories,  as  recognized  by  the  legislation  of  Ib50, 
commonly  called  the  Compromise  Measures,  is  hereby  declared  inopera 
tive  and  void  ;  it  being  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  this  Act  not 
to  legislate  slavery  into  any  Territory  or  State,  nor  to  exclude  it  there 
from,  but  to  leave  the  people  thereof  perfectly  free  to  form  and  regulate 
their  domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way,  subject  only  to  the  Consti 
tution  of  the  United  States." 

Senator  Douglas^  speaking  of  the  Missouri  'Compromise, 
showed  by  whose  dereliction  it  had  originally  been  violated,  and 
that  this  violation  of  it  had  necessitated  the  abandonment  of  the 
principle  it  had  established,  and  a  recurrence  to  that  of  non 
intervention.  In  his  speech  of  Jan.  30th,  he  said  : 

"  True,  the  express  enactment  of  the  8th  section  of  the  Missouri  Act, 
(now  called  the  Missouri  Compromise)  only  covered  the  Territory  acquired 
from  France  ;  but  the  principle  of  the  Act,  the  objects  of  its  adoption, 
the  reasons  in  its  support  required  that  it  should  be  extended  indefinitely 
westward*  so  far  as  our  Territory  might  go,  when  new  purchases  should 
be  made."* 

When  Texas  was  admitted  into  the  Union,  on  motion  of  Ste 
phen  A.  Douglas,  then  a  member  of  the  House,  the  principle  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise  was  applied  to  it  without  open  opposi 
tion,  doubtless  lest  abolition  breach  of  faith  would  appear  too 
palpable.  He  also  in  1848  made  an  effort  as  Senator,  to  have 
the  same  principle  applied  to  the  newly  acquired  Mexican 
Territory,  Of  this  effort  he  speaks  as  follows  ; 

"  Then,  sir,  in  1848,  we  acquired  from  Mexico  the  country  between  the 
Hio  dol  ITorto  and  the  Pacific  Ocean.  Immediately  after  the  acquisition, 
the  Senate,  on  my  own  motion,  voted  into  a  bill  a  provision  to  extend 
tlia  Missouri  compromise  indefinitely  westward  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  in 
tlie  caiiia  sensa  and  with  the  eanie  understanding  with  which  it  was 


*Noi£ortaZ  Intelligencer,  February  2d,  1834. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  150 

originally  adopted.  That  provision  passed  this  body  by  a  decided  ma 
jority — I  think  by  ten  at  least— and  went  to  the  House  of  Representatives 
and  was  there  defeated  by  Northern  votes. 

"Now,  sir,  let  us  pause  and  consider  for  a  moment.  The  first  time 
that  the  principles  of  the  Missouri  compromise  were  ever  abandoned,  the 
first  time  they  were  ever  rejected  by  Congress,  was  by  the  defeat  of  that 
provision  in  the  House  of  Representatives  in  1848.  By  whom  was  that 
defeat  effected  ?  By  Northern  States  with  free  soil  proclivities.  It  was 
the  defeat  of  that  Missouri  compromise  that  re-opened  the  slavery  agita 
tion  with  all  its  fury.  It  was  the  defeat  of  that  Missouri  compromise 
that  created  the  necessity  for  making  a  new  compromise  in  1850.  Had 
we  been  faithful  to  the  principles  of  the  Missouri  Act  in  1848,  this  ques 
tion  would  not  have  risen.  Who  was  it  that  was  faithless  ?  I  undertake 
to  say  it  was  the  very  men  who  now  insist  that  the  Missouri  compromise 
was  a  solemn  compact  and  should  not  be  violated  and  departed  from. 
Every  man  who  is  now  assailing  the  principle  of  the  bill  under  consider 
ation,  so  far  as  I  am  advised,  was  opposed  to  the  Missouri  compromise  in 
1848.  The  very  men  who  now  arraign  me  for  a  departure  from  the  Mis 
souri  compromise  are  the  men  who  successfully  violated  it,  repudiated  it, 
and  caused  it  to  be  superseded  by  the  compromise  measures  of  1850. 
Sir,  it  is  with  rather  a  bad  grace  that  the  men  who  proved  false  them 
selves  should  charge  upon  me  and  others,  who  were  ever  faithful,  the 
responsibilities  and  consequences  of  their  own  treachery. 

"Then,  sir,  as  I  before  remarked,  the  defeat  of  the  Missouri  compro 
mise  in  1848  having  created  the  necessity  for  the  establishment  of  a  new 
one  in  1850,  let  us  see  what  that  compromise  was. 

"The  binding  feature  of  the  compromise  of  1850  was  Congressional 
non-intervention  as  to  slavery  in  the  Territories  ;  that  the  people  of  the 
Territories  and  of  all  the  States  were  to  be  allowed  to  do  as  they  pleased 
upon  the  subject  of  slavery,  subject  only  to  the  provisions  of  the  Consti 
tution  of  the  United  States. 

"That,  sir,  was  the  leading  feature  of  the  compromise  measures  of 
1850.  Those  measures,  therefore,  abandoned  the  idea  of  a  geographical 
line  as  the  boundary  between  the  free  and  the  slave  States  ;  abandoned 
it  because,  compelled  to  do  it  from  an  inability  to  maintain  it ;  and  in 
lieu  of  that  substituted  the  great  principle  of  self-government,  which 
would  allow  the  people  to  do  as  they  thought  proper."* 

Speaking  of  the  inconsistency  of  the  Abolitionists  as  regards 
the  Missouri  compromise,  Senator  Douglas-  further  said : 

"Did  not  every  Abolitionist  and  Free  Soiler  in  America  denounce  the 
Missouri  compromise  in  1820  ?  Did  they  not  for  years  hunt  down,  raven 
ously  for  his  blood,  every  man  who  assisted  in  making  that  compromise  ? 
Did  they  not,  in  1845,  when  Texas  was  annexed,  denounce  all  of  us  who 
went  for  the  annexation  of  Texas  and  for  the  continuation  of  the  Missouri 
compromise  line  through  it  ?  Did  they  not,  in  1848,  denounce  me  as  a 
sla,ver.y  propagandist,  for  standing  by  the  principles  of  the  Missouri  com- 

*Speech  of  Douglas,    of  Jan.  30th,  1854;  in  National  Intelligencer  Feb. 
2d,  1854. 


160  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

promise,  and  proposing  it  to  be  extended  to  the  Pacific  Ocean  ?  Did  they 
not  themselves  violate  and  repudiate  it  then  ?  Is  not  the  charge  of  bad 
faith  true  as  to  every  Abolitionist  in  America,  instead  of  being  true  as 
to  me  and  tho  Committee  and  those  who  advocate  this  bill."'x 

Mr.  Douglas  and  those  co-operating  with  him,  hoped  by  tho 
passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  that  the  question  of  slavery 
might  be  removed  from  the  Halls  of  Congress,  and  left  with  the 
people  of  the  Territories  themselves.  This  legislation  was  but 
re-introducing  first  principles  which  had  been  abandoned  when 
the  Missouri  Compromise  was  adopted,  and  which  the  Southern 
people  accepted  with  reluctance  as  being  an  unjust  discrimination 
against  their  equality  as  integral  members  of  the  Confederacy. 
Alexander  II.  Stephens,  the  philosophic  statesman  of  the  South, 
whilst  in  Congress,  in  a  speech  delivered  in  the  House,  February 
17th,  185±,  said : 

"It  (the  Missouri  Compromise)  was  literally  forced  upon  the  South  as  a 
disagreeable  alternative  by  superior  numbers."  f 

The  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  asserted,  upon  its  face,  that  its  true 
intent  and  meaning  was  that  the  question  of  slavery  should  be 
left  to  the  people  of  the  Territories  to  determine  for  themselves 
whether  they  desired  it,  and  subject  only  to  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States.  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  the  author  of  the  bill, 
was  violently  assailed  as  false  to  his  own  democratic  faith  which 
execrated  all  slavery  agitation;  but  he  justified  his  course  by 
affirming  his  entire  conformity  with  the  compromise  measures  of 
1850.  His  object,  as  he  contended,  was  simply  to  free  the  Terri 
tories  from  all  unconstitutional  legislation,  and  to  leave  the  ques 
tion  of  slavery  where  the  framers  of  the  government  had 
designed,  that  is,  with  the  people  of  the  territories  themselves. 
The  bill  was  not  only  discussed  with  great  violence  in  Congress, 
but  was  taken  up  by  the  abolition  press  in  all  sections  of  the 
North,  and  contrary  to  expectation,  the  slavery  agitation  was 
aroused  in  all  its  strength  and  intensity  throughout  the  whole 
country.  The  discussion  produced  one  of  the  most  terrific  politi 
cal  storms  that  had  ever  yet  raged  upon  the  American  continent. 
The  very  flood-gates  and  windows  of  abolition  fury  seemdd  now 
for  the  first  time  to  have  been  fully  opened.  The  abolition 
Whigs  embraced  this  opportunity  to  retrieve  their  fallen  political 

^Speech  of  Douglas    January  30,  1854  ;  in  National  Intelligencer,  Feb 
ruary  2d,  1854. 
\National  Intelligencer,  February  24th,  1854. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.'  161 

fortunes,  and  unite  the  North  in  a  sectional  contest  against  the 
South.  Public  meetings  were  held  in  the  Northern  States,  de 
nouncing  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  remon 
strances  to  the  same  effect  flooded  the  National  Legislature. 
Large  numbers  of  both  political  parties  participated  in  these 
meetings  who  had  given  Ijieir  hearty  adhesion  to  the  Compromise 
of  1850,  and  a  monster  meeting  at  Boston,  was  presided  over  by 
Samuel  S.  Elliot,  the  only  Whig  representative  from  New  Eng 
land,  who  had  favored  that  last  national  adjudication  of  the 
slavery  question. 

The  Bill,  however,  passed  both  Houses  of  Congress,  and  be 
came  a  law  by  receiving  the  signature  of  the  President  on  the 
last  day  of  May,  1854.  It  was  clearly  the  refusal  of  the  Aboli 
tionists  of  the  North  to  yield  a  fair  and  full  acquiescence  in  the 
Missouri  Compromise,  in  letter  and  spirit,  which  led  to  its  final 
repeal  in  1854.  And  it  is  also  undeniable  that  this  repeal 
simply  restored  to  its  original  normal  position,  the  doctrine  of 
popular  sovereignty,  as  it  was  designed  to  obtain  from  the  foun 
dation  of  the  government.  But  it  must  also  ba  accepted  as  true, 
that  whilst  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  in  strict 
interpretation,  may  have  been  effected  by  the  principle  adopted 
by  the  Compromise  measures  of  1850 ;  yet  no  averment  was 
made  at  the  time  that  such  was  really  so  ;  and  it  remained  for  the 
year  1854  to  disclose  it.  The  Compromise  of  1850,  applied  to 
the  Territory  acquired  from  Mexico,  whilst  that  of  1820  included 
the  Louisiana  purchase ;  and  therefore  entirely  distinctive  and 
separate  portions  of  the  territorial  domain  were  embraced  by  these 
two  famous  National  settlements.  The  Compromise  of  1850  did 
not  expressly  repeal  that  of  1820,  and  although  it  had  in  spirit 
been  repudiated  by  the  North,  yet  in  view  of  the  intense  opposi 
tion  that  existed  to  the  spread  of  slavery,  over  any  of  the 
Federal  territory,  policy  seemed  to  dictate  that  the  South  should 
only  claim  what  the  clear  letter  of  the  Constitution  and  the 
national  contracts  accorded  them.  That  this  was  the  opinion  of 
a  considerable  number  of  the  leading  statesmen  both  North  and 
South,  is  undoubted  ;  and  even  of  those  voting  for  the  repeal  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise  were  some  who  regarded  the  act  as 
impolitic,  and  likely  to  entail  in  its  train  sad  consequences.  Gen. 
Lewis  Cass,  whilst  sustaining  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  thus 
expressed  himself  regarding  the  measure : 


1G2  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

"  I  should  have  been  better  content  had  the  whole  subject  been  left  as 
it  was  in  the  bill  when  it  was  first  introduced  by  the  Senator  from  Illinois, 
without  any  provision  regarding  the  Missouri  Compromise."* 

James  Buchanan  was  another  of  those  statesmen  who  viewed  the 
repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  as  in  itself  altogether  im 
politic  and  injudicious.  "  The  Compromise  measures  of  1850 
had  his  hearty  adhesion,  as  in  these  he  seemed  to  recognize  the 
settlement  of  the  only  question  that  could  perhaps  for  ages 
jeopard  the  national  integrity.  With  the  greatest  anxiety  and 
dread  was  it,  therefore,  that  he  heard,  whilst  in  Europe,  of  the 
repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  in  1854.  In  a  letter  written 
to  a  leading  statesman  of  his  party,  about  the  time  that  the  repeal 
began  to  be  mooted,  he  uttered  solemn  words  of  warning,  and 
strongly  remonstrated  against  the  abrogation  of  this  time-honored 
compact.  lie  depicted  in  strong  colors  the  dangers  he  appre 
hended  would  result  should  this  unwise  attempt  be  consummated. 
From  an  intimate  knowledge  of  the  feelings  of  the  people  of  the 
North,  he  predicted  the  terrible  storm  that  would  be  aroused 
throughout  the  country  by  such  an  opening  up  of  the  slavery 
agitation  as  this  would  occasion. "f 

Mr.  Buchanan,  in  the  History  of  his  administration  on  the  eve 
of  the  rebellion,  page  28,  speaks  in  this  manner  of  the  repeal  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise : 

"  After  a  careful  review  of  the  history  of  the  Anti-Slavery  party  fro:n 
its  origin,  the  candid  inquirer  must  admit  that  up  till  this  period  it  had 
acted  on  the  aggressive  against  the  South.  From  the  beginning  it  had 
kept  the  citizens  of  the  slave-holding  States  in  constant  irritation,  as  well 
as  serious  apprehension  of  their  domestic  peace  and  security.  It  is  true, 
they  had  denounced  the  assailants  with  extreme  rancor  and  many 
threats,  but  had  done  nothing  more.  In  sustaining  the  repeal  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise,  however,  the  Senators  and  Representatives  of  the 
Southern  States  became  the  aggressors  themselves,  and  thereby  placed 
the  country  in  an  alarming  and  dangerous  condition  from  which  it  has 
never  since  been  rescued." 

-The  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  afforded  to  the  Abor 
tionists  the  opportunity  that  was  required  to  unite  the  North  in 
a  sectional  organization  against  the  South.  Many  of  the  North 
ern  "Whigs  of  free  soil  proclivities  had  desired  to  see  a  party  con 
stituted  upon  principles  adverse  to  the  further  spread  of  slavery, 
and  pledged  to  its  linal  extinction,  could  any  means  be  devised 

*  National  Intelligencer,  March  7th,  1854. 

f  Harris'  Biographical  History  of  Lancaster  County,  pp.  105-6, 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  163 

for  that  pin-pose.  The  following  extracts  from  addresses  made 
by  R.  C.  Winthrop,  of  Massachusetts,  and  Thomas  Corwin,  of 
Ohio,  both  distinguished  leaders  of  the  "Whig  party,  attest  this 
fact: 

<;Why,  my  friends,  how  long  is  it  since  it  was  distinctly  declared  by 
some  of  the  leaders  of  the  Republican  party,  that  the  great  remedy  for 
existing  evils  was  the  formation  of  a  party  which  should  have  no  South 
ern  wing  ;  yes,  that  was  the  phraze — no  Southern  wing;  for  it  was  added 
that  as  long  as  there  was  a  Southern  wing  there  must  be  complaiiiers 
and  concessions  to  the  South,  and  compromises  would  be  the  order  of  the 
day."* 

Thomas  Corwin,  speaking  of  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Com 
promise,  said : 

"And  do  you  not  see  how  gladly  it  was  seized  upon  by  those  who  have 
been  trying  to  form  a  Northern  party  for  years,  and  how  the  war-cry 
they  raised  went  up  through  the  whole  North.  And  yet  they  are  the 
very  men  who  had  long  denounced  the  compromise  as  an  infringement 
of  right  and  freedom,  "f 

It  was  understood  by  the  leading  Whigs  that  their  party  was 
composed  of  elements  altogether  too  inharmonious  to  remain 
united  after  the  demise  of  Clay  and  Webster.  The  divisions  of 
the  party,  which  had  for  years  disclosed  themselves  in  Congress, 
was  ample  proof  of  this  fact;  and  it  was  clear  that  the  dis 
harmony  was  every  year  becoming  more  apparent  and  decided. 
After  the  defeat  of  Gen.  Scott  for  President,  in  1852,  crafty 
leaders  availed  themselves  of  the  American  sentiment,  by  means 
or  which  to  rear  an  organization  that  might  take  the  place  of  the 
old  Whig  party  ;  and  early  in  1854  the  movements  for  this  pur 
pose  were  in  active  operation.  The  sentiment  upon  which  this 
new  effort  to  construct  a  party  was  based,  had  repeatedly  shown 
itself  in  the  United  States,  especially  in  the  large  cities ;  and 
owing  to  the  social  elements  of  the  country,  it  is  one  that  is 
likely,  more  or  less  potentially,  ever  to  make  itself  felt.  An 
antagonism  to  Catholics  and  foreigners  is  somewhat  natural  to 
the  bulk  of  the  Protestant  population  of  America ;  and  this  will 
be  always  greatly  manifested  when  party  spirit  is  dragged  into 
the  arena.  This  was  the  effort  in  1854,  and  the£prospeet  seemed 
for  a  time  as  if  it  might  be  successful.  It  was  at  that  time, 
familiarly  characterized  as  the  Know  Nothing  movement,  and  it 
achieved  temporary  triumphs  in  several  States  of  the  Union,  and 

*Speech  of  Gov.  Winthrop,  in  National  Intelligencer,  Oct  30,  1856. 
^National  Intelligencer,  Oct.  23d,  1856, 


ICt  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

.  even  stoutly  battled  for  ascendancy  in  the  old  Commonwealth  of 
Virginia.  The  elections  in  1854  in  the  Northern  States,  were 
largely  influenced  by  the  operations  of  this ,  party ;  to  it  was 
James  Pollock  indebted  for  his  election  as  Governor  of  Pennsyl 
vania.  The  success  achieved  by  this  organization  was  no  doubt 
largely  due  to  the  fact  that  it  assumed  the  shape  of  a  secret 
order ;  and  curiosity  (as  is  ever  the  case  with  secret  associations) 
induced  elements  of  the  most  incongruous  character  to  enter  it. 
But,  because  the  order  was  made  up  of  men  of  radically  incom 
patible  views  and  purposes,  its  dissolution  become  simply  a  ques 
tion  of  time.  The  Whigs  who  joined  the  order  remained  such, 
and  so  did  also  the  Democrats  ;  and  it  became  soon  apparent  that 
no  views  so  discordant  could  long  remain  united. 

The  Know  Nothing  breeze  became  one  of  the  currents  that 
served  to  confuse  parties,  as  they  existed  in  Lancaster  County, 
and  enabled  Mr.  Stevens  and  his  political  wing  to  grasp  hold  of 
the  reins  of  power.  lie  permitted  himself  to  be  initiated  into  a 
secret  order,  in  which  he  recognized  political  power  looming  up 
for  himself  in  the  distance ;  and  for  the  time  he  forgot  the  oppo 
sition  that  he  had  years  before  waged  against  the  Masonic  fra 
ternity.  The  American  movement  was  for  Mr.  Stevens  a  very 
important  one,  so  far  as  his  future  prospects  were  concerned.  It 
served  to  prostrate  his  principal  antagonists  amongst  the  Silver- 
Grey  Whigs,  and  left  him  prospectively  the  master  of  the  iield. 
Although  unable  to  secure  the  Congressional  nomination  for 
himself  in  1854:,  yet  he  manipulated  affairs  so  adroitly  that  A.  E. 
Roberts,  an  intimate  and  confidential  political  friend,  was  made 
the  party  choice.  This  was  a  near  advance  to  the  goal  of  his  ; 
own  ambition.  lie  had  now  become  the  power  behind  the  • 
throne. 

But  what  served  most  to  unite  a  Northern  sectional  party,  was  the 
opposition  which  arrayed  itself  against  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise  and  the  further  extension  of  slavery.  The  Whigs 
in  the  Free  States  in  1854,  were  almost  unanimously  opposed  to 
the  repeal,  as  were  likewise  a  considerable  number  of  Democrats. 

In  the  meetings  that  were  held  to  denounce  the  measure,  men 
of  both  political  parties  participated,  but  by  far  the  larger 
proportion  was  made  up  of  Whigs.  The  Abolitionists  sought  at 
once  to  form  a  party  of  fused  elements,  united  in  opposition  to 
the  spread  of  the  hated  Southern  institution ;  but  this  met  with 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA,  1C3 


a  spirited  resistance  from  those  who  still  preferred  the  ' 
organization.  The  Whigs,  in  their  State  Conventions  held  in 
the  Xorthern  States,  repudiated  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise';  but  many  of  the  trusted  leaders  of  this  old  National 
party  resisted  its  abandonment  for  what  they  clearly  saw  would 
become  a  sectional  one,  and  which  would  doubtless  endanger  the 
perpetuity  of  the  American  Union. 

The  old  party  of  Jefferson  had  a  difficult  task  in  the  Xorth 
during  the  campaign  of  1854:.  The  party  being  virtually  com 
mitted  to  the  principles  of  the  Kansas-Xebraska  Bill,  found  that 
these  would  prove  a  heavy  burden  in  the  Free  States.  Stephen 
A.  Douglas,  the  author  of  the  bill,  upon  his  return  home  from 
Congress,  met  in  Chicago  a  storm  of  opposition,  for  which  he 
was  not  prepared.  Those,  who  on  former  occasions,  had  listened 
with  delight  to  the  glowing  eloquence  of  the  Illinois  Senator, 
refused  now  to  hear  him  ;  and  as  often  as  he  attempted  to  speak 
in  his  defense,  they  drowned  h's  voice  with  their  hisses  and 
groans.  Little  more  favorable  receptions  were  accorded  to  him 
in  some  other  sections  of  his  State.  Democratic  meetings  ad 
dressed  by  him,  would  as  soon  as  adjourned,  extemporize  a  new 
one,  and  pass  resolutions  condemning  his  action  as  a  Senator  in 
Congress,  and  denouncing  the  Kansas-Xebraska  Bill.  In  every 
State  of  the  Xorth,  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise, 
proved  a  cause  of  disturbance  in  the  Democratic  party.  The 
majority  of  the  party  sustained  the  principles  of  the  measure  ; 
but  so  intense  and  powerful  was  the  opposition  in  some  States, 
that  the  party  conventions  refused  to  endorse  it.  In  many 
States  the  conventions  split  upon  this  all  engrossing  question. 
The  party  leaders  in  the  Xorth  strove  to  meet  the  threatening 
catastrophe  by  endeavoring  to  prevent  the  measure  from  being 
made  a  party  test.  A  number  of  leading  Democrats  of  Michigan, 
in  1854:,  issued  a  circular  urging  as  follows  : 

"  We  respectfully  submit,  that  every  consideration,  both  in  principle 
and  policy,  appeals  to  us  to  stand  firmly  against  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
Bill  as  a  party  test.  It  is  a  measure  which  is  strongly  disapproved  of  by 
a  large  portion  of  the  Democracy  of  the  nation.  Unwisely  introduced, 
it  has  already  done  infinite  mischief,  and  if  made  a  party  test  it  will 
inevitably  divide  the  Democratic  party,  and  let  loose  a  storm  of  the 
wildest  agitation." 

The  Democracy  of  the  Empire  State  of  Xew  York  were 
divided  into  the  Hards  and  Softs,  the  latter  having  largely  the 


166  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

preponderance.  Resolutions  demanding  the  restoration  of  tlio 
Missouri  Compromise  passed  both  Houses  of  the  New  York 
Legislature  by  great  majorities,  and  in  Massachusetts,  such  were 
adopted  in  the  Senate  by  a  unanimous  vote,  and  in  the  House, 
consisting  of  400  members,  with  only  thirteen  negative  votes. 
In  all  parts  of  the  North  the  repeal  made  an  instantaneous  im 
pression,  and  the  Democracy,  as  never  before,  began  to  stagger 
under  the  unendurable  burden.  W.  B.  S.  Moore,  Chairman  of 
the  Maine  Democratic  Committee  on  Resolutions  in  the  Con 
vention  held  in  June,  IS 54,  remarked : 

"We  came  into  power  eighteen  months  ago  with  an  unprecedented 
majority  in  the  nation  ;  and  in  the  State  we  had  a  great  moral  power- 
perhaps  too  much.  Since  then,  changes  have*  come  over  the  aspect  of 
and  the  prospect  of  the  Democracy.  We  have  lost  Maine,  Rhode  Island, 
Connecticut,  and  it  is  nearly  a  draw  game  in  New  Hampshire,  that  ought 
to  stand  firm  as  her  granite  hills." 

JSkelton,  an  Anti-Nebraska  Democratic  Representative  of  New 
Jersey,  said : 

"  The  party  was  strong  and  united  until  the  passage  of  this  bill.  Now 
it  is  divided  in  every  Congressional  District.  It  was  introduced  as  a 
measure  of  Peace,  but  it  has  rent  the  party  and  renewed  the  slavery  agi 
tation." 

The  Charleston  Mercury,  seeing  the  coming  storm  that  was 
rising  in  the  North,  in  its  issue  of  June  21st,  1854,  said  : 

"The  spectacle  presented  by  the  North  and  South  at  the  present  mo 
ment  is  well  calculated  to  arrest  the  attention  of  thoughtful  men.  In 
the  former  we  find  society  convulsed  ;  all  the  slumbering  elements  of 
sectional  bitterness  roused  and  slavery  agitation  awake  again,  after  its 
brief  and  delusive  sleep,  strengthened  by  new  accessions  and  eager  for 
the  onset.  Never  before  have  the  Northern  press  approached  so  near  to 
unanimity  in  the  cause  of  abolition.  Never  before  were  all  other  issues 
so  far  buried,  and  the  sentiment  and  voice  of  the  whole  section  so  united 
in  war  upon  the  South." 

The  fall  elections  of  1854  in  the  Northern  States,  one  after 
another  swept  from  power  the  party  which  was  held  responsible 
for  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise.  Maine,  that  had 
remained  firm  to  her  democratize  moorings  since  1840,  was  carried 
for  the  new  party  by  an  immense  majority.  The  other  Eastern 
States  followed  in  the  same  line ;  and  New  York  wheeled  under 
the  banner  of  Anti-slavery  extension.  Not  a  single  Congressman 
from  the  Empire  State  that  had  supported  the  repeal,  was  re- 
elected,  and  the  Keystone  State  gave  a  congressional  delegation 
strongly  Anti-Nebraska.  Ohio  rallied  by  an  immense  majority 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  167 

to  the  Anti-Slavery  standards,  electing  all  Anti-Nebraska  Con 
gressmen.  The  People's  party  triumphed  in  Indiana,  and  the 
strong  oaks  of  the  Democracy  bent  beneath  the  blasts  of  the  op 
position.  The  members  of  Congress  throughout  the  whole 
North,  who  had  supported  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise, 
were  almost  all  defeated,  and  Anti-Slavery  ideas  rose  at  once  to 
ascendancy  and  power.  The  revolution  passed  like  a  hurricane 
over  the  North ;  and  the  new  party  in  most  sections  styling  itself 
Republican,  bore  the  banner  of  victory.  The  fruits  of  the  long 
Anti-slavery  agitation  had  ripened;  and  a  sectional  Northern 
organization  was  the  result  of  the  struggle.  The  agitators  had  at 
length  gained  the  prize ;  the  Northern  States  were  now  united 
against  the  South  and  her  institutions  in  clear  and  unmistakable 
opposition ;  and  time  alone  could  determine  the  result  of  the 
conflict. 


A  REVIEW  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  XL 

THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  ASCENDENCY  IN  KANSAS.      THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  CON 
FLICTING  VIEWS  INTO   SECTIONAL   ANTAGONISM  AND  THE 
ULTIMATE  TRIUMPH  OF  REPUBLICANISM. 

The  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  opened  the  Territories 
to  all  the  social  institutions  of  the  different  States  of  the  Union. 
It  was  believed  that  this  would  terminate  the  national  conflict  on 
the  question  of  slavery  by  removing  it  from  the  Halls  of  Con 
gress,  and  leaving  it  for  disposition  with  the  people  of  the  Terri 
tories  themselves ;  but  in  doing  so,  the  public  interest  was  only 
the  more  aroused  and  intensified.  The  repeal  of  the  compromise 
appeared  to  the  Northern  mind  such  a  flagrant  violation  of  every 
thing  that  was  sacred  in  compact,  that  it  was  prepared  to  inter 
pose  every  obstacle  to  the  introduction  of  slavery  into  the  new 
Territories,  which  might  in  any  wise  baffle  the  friends  of  the  in 
stitution.  Even  Kansas,  the  most  Southern  Territory,  belonged 
to  that  part  of  the  public  domain  which  had  been  consecrated  to 
freedom  ;  and  now  that  this  should  be  snatched  from  its  heritage 
and  offered  as  a  prize  to  the  fleetest  occupant,  was  to  Northern 
sentiment  offensive  in  the  highest  degree.  The  views  and  policy 
of  statesmen  could  not  be  expected  to  countervail  the  feelings  of 
the  masses,  that  had  for  upwards  of  two  decades  been  influenced 
by  Anti-Slavery  agitation ;  and  which  was  every  year  evincing 
greater  opposition  to  the  spread  of  the  hated  institution  of  the 
Southern  States.  Northern  sentiment  on  no  former  occasion  rose 
in  such  unanimity  and  earnestness  to  utter  its  protest  against  the 
introduction  of  slavery  into  the  Territories,  as  it  did  when  Kan 
sas  and  Nebraska  were  organized  and  laid  open  for  settlement. 

An  Emigrant  Aid  Society  was  accordingly  incorporated  in 
Boston  in  the  year  1854,  by  the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts,  for 
the  purpose  of  encouraging  settlers  to  emigrate  to  Kansas,  who 
would  Le  pledged  to  resist  the  introduction  of  slavery  into  the 
new  State.  In  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  the 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  1C9 

Southern  people,  on  the  contrary,  seemed  to  recognize  simply 
the  removal  of  all  unjust  discrimination  against  them  in  the 
common  Territories  of  the  nation ;  and  the  restoration  of  those 
rights  which  they  had  originally  enjoyed  prior  to  the  year  1820. 
The  movement  of  the  Abolitionists  in  Massachusetts,  therefore, 
had  the  effect  of  arousing  in  the  Southern  mind  a  determination 
of  resistance ;  and  societies  were  speedily  organized  in  Missouri 
and  elsewhere,  pledged  to  promote  the  interests  of  settlers  from 
the  South  and  those  who  favored  the  pro-slavery  cause.  These 
acts  of  the  antagonistic  parties,  so  different  from  what  had  be 
fore  occurred  in  the  settlement  of  the  Territories,  displayed  the 
wonderful  zeal  of  the  contestants ;  and  at  once  attracted  public 
attention  to  Kansas  as  the  prize  wlrci  should  reward  for  his 
skill  and  prowess  the  conquering  gladiator  of  his  country.  The 
contest  for  Kansas  thus  rose  immediately  from  State  to  national 
importance ;  and  the  removal  of  the  question  from  Congress, 
served  but  to  light  the  flames  of  strife  between  the  Xorth  and 
South  in  all  parts  of  the  country.  The  removal,  therefore,  was 
fatal  to  the  peace  of  the  Republic,  and  proved  also  fatal  to  the 
hopes  of  any  man  in  the  North,  who  had  anticipated  applause 
and  position  from  his  instrumentality  in  its  accomplishment. 

Settlers  from  the  South  and  emigrants  from  the  North  were 
hurried  into  the  new  Territory,  all  more  or  less  eager  to  win 
Kansas  for  their  party.  The  enthusiast  and  the  fanatic,  the 
adventurous  and  the  daring,  all  moved  to  this  inviting  El  Dorado 
of  their  political  hopes,  and  the  mixture  was  a  sample  of  demo 
cratic  society  in  its  native  compound.*  Anarchy  and  misrule 
held  high  carnival  in  the  new  Territory,  and  for  a  time  marauding 
bands  of  partisan  settlers  were  the  only  legislators  who  dispensed 
law  as  their  passions  and  prejudices  dictated.  Both  of  the  politi 
cal  parties  who  were  struggling  for  ascendency  in  the  new  region, 
were  amply  represented  by  correspondents,  whose  chief  aim  was 
to  depict  that  which  would  meet  the  warmest  reception  in  the 
circle  of  their  readers.  The  truthful  chronicler,  never  popular, 
was  especially  unadapted  to  such  a  state  of  society.  Partisans 
must  have  the  food  they  desire,  and  such  as  will  minister  pleasure 


*  The  democratic  society,  here  meant,  is  that  form  of  the  body  politic 
where  the  government  is"assumed  to  reside  in  the  corporate  mass  ;  and 
it  is  not  intended  to  designate  any  political  party  which  may  at  any  time 
have  borne  that  designation. 


170  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

to  their  corrupted  appetites.  An  admirable  field  was  presented  in 
Kansas  for  the  Eastern  and  Southern  press ;  indeed,  the  narrative 
of  the  same  event,  from  different  pens,  appeared  as  altogether 
separate  occurrences,  and  only  at  times  could  the  identity  be  dis 
covered  from  a  similarity  of  names.  But  the  party  readers  who 
are  content  to  receive  one  version  of  a  story,  could  not  but  be 
incensed  to  the  highest  degree  by  the  iniquity  and  injustice  that 
were  perpetrated  as  they  conceived  upon  their  friends  in  the  new 
Territory.  Section  was  thus  aroused  against  section,  and  this 
chiefly  effected  through  the  instrumentality  of  the  party  press, 
one  of  the  £jreat  evils  of  republican  institutions. 

A.  II.  Eeeder  was  appointed  Governor  of  the  new  Territory, 
and  he,  with  such  other  officers  as  the  territorial  condition  re 
quired,  arrived  in  Kansas  in  the  fall  of  1854.  It  being  too  late 
to  organize  the  full  machinery  of  the  Territory,  no  election  was 
held  except  for  a  delegate  to  Congress,  which  resulted  pro-slavery, 
in  the  choice  of  John  "W.  Whitfleld.  Early  in  1855,  a  census 
having  been  taken,  an  election  for  a  Territorial  Legislature  and 
County  officers  was  ordered  on  the  30th  of  March.  This  resulted 
in  a  Southern  victory,  and  as  the  Free  State  men  charged,  by  the 
aid  of  Missouri  invaders.  In  such  a  state  of  society,  nothing 
else  should  have  been  expected,  for  the  kind  of  voters  who  flock 
to  new  Territories  are  not  those  who  weigh  scruples  when  parti 
san  interests  are  at  stake.  That  their  opponents  were  unable  to 
counteract  all  the  frauds  committed  by  the  Missourians,  was  not 
because  greater  conscientiousness  interposed,  but  rather,  that  no 
opportunity  afforded  the  means.  It  was,  in  truth,  the  lawless  ele 
ments  of  society  in  conflict,  and  only  somewhat  restrained  by  the 
subordination  to  which  the  General  Government  had  subjected 
them.  Murder,  bloodshed  and  rapine  will  always  be  the  con 
comitants  of  such  states  of  the  body  politic. 

But  the  Legislature  as  elected,  wras  convened  by  the  Governor, 
and  proceeded  to  enact  a  code  of  laws,  molded  by  the  most  intense 
pro-slavery  feelings,  and  drafted  in  the  interests  of  party  views. 
The  formation  of  Kansas  as  a  Slave  State,  was  the  animating 
motive  of  every  legislator  who  favored  the  adopted  code.  The 
enactments  of  this  Legislature  was  water  upon  the  abolition  mill. 
The  Northern  press  teemed  with  denunciations  of  an  assembly 
that  was  held  up  as  representing  Southern  sentiments  and  views. 
The  Kansas  settlers  were  amongst  the  extremes  of  their  parties. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  171 

Whilst  the  one  party  became  extreme  in  its  legislation,  the  other 
was  equally  so  in  its  resistance.  Instead  of  waiting  until  they 
might  disposses  the  Southern  party  at  the  ballot-box,  the  Free 
State  men  showed  the  utmost  lawlessness  in  organizing  at  Topeka, 
an  independent  government  in  opposition  to  that  first  elected, 
and  which  had  the  regularity  of  law  in  its  favor.  Having  framed 
a  Constitution,  elected  a  Governor,  Legislature  and  other  County 
officers,  they  applied  to  Congress  for  admission  into  the  Union,  but 
were  justly  rejected,  if  for  no  other  reason  than  that  they  lacked 
that  formal  and  legal  status  which  entitled  them  to  make  appli 
cation.  Between  two  antagonistic  territorial  organizations,  one 
defying  the  other,  disturbances  must  necessarily  occur;  and  it 
was  only  owing  to  the  interposing  authority  of  the  General  Gov 
ernment  that  the  territory  was  not  precipitated  into  a  party  colli 
sion,  that  might  have  engulphed  the  whole  Union  in  the  flames 
ol  civil  war.  The  contestants  were  rapidly  preparing  for  a  clash 
of  arms ;  and  the  outposts  first  met  on  the  plains  of  Kansas,  and 
fought  their  initial  sectional  conflict. 

The  General  Government  nobly  strove  to  hold  the  balance  of 
justice  even  between  the  parties  of  Kansas ;  but  law  and  order 
demanded  that  no  other  authority  should  be  recognized  than  that 
which  was  created  by  virtue  of  the  original  charter.  When, 
therefore,  the  Legislature  chosen  under  the  Free  State  Constitu 
tion,  adopted  at  Topeka,  determined  to  assemble  on  the  4th  of 
July,  1856,  they  were  dispersed  by  Col.  Sumner  with  a  force  of 
regulars,  by  the  orders  of  President  Pierce.  The  spring  and 
summer  of  1856  was  the  principal  period  during  which  the  Kan 
sas  war  raged ;  and  which  formed  a  fertile  theme  for  the  abolition 
papers  of  the  JSTorth  in  the  Presidential  campaign  of  that  year. 
The  war,  in  itself,  was  of  little  consequence,  save  as  a  means  of 
inflaming  Northern  and  Southern  sentiment.  One  of  the  prin 
cipal  conflicts  was  the  battle  of  "  Black  Jack,"  wherein  twenty- 
eight  Free  State  men,  led  by  old  John  Brown,  fought  a  somewhat 
superior  number  of  Southerners  and  defeated  them.  But  the 
Eepublican  papers  were  glutted  with  the  stories  of  Heeding 
Kansas  j  some  of  these  possessing  a  grain  of  truth,  but  largely 
fictitious,  and  retailed  for  partisan  circulation  in  the  campaign 
then  pending.  It  was  the  discussion  of  this  fertile  subject,  the 
difficulties  in  Kansas,  that  served  largely  to  solidify  the  Kepubli- 
can  party  into  symmetrical  proportions,  and  give  it  that  strength 


172  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

and  full  sectional  importance  which  it  obtained  in  the  year  1856. 

Although  the  opposition  to  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Com 
promise  in  many  parts  of  the  North,  had  united  itself  in  1854 
into  a  party  styled  Republican  ;  yet  in  Pennsylvania  the  resist 
ance  was  unorganized.  No  steps  had  been  taken  in  Lancaster 
County,  the  home  of  Thaddeus  Stevens,  for  the  organization  of 
the  new  party  until  the  year  1855  ;  and  when  it  was  first  sug 
gested  to  him  by  a  political  friend  that  something  should  be  done 
to  organize  such  a  movement  in  the  county,  the  project,  instead 
of  meeting  his  approbation,  was  rather  discouraged.  Political 
advancement  was  the  goal  upon  which  Mr.  Stevens  had  fixed  his 
eye  ;  and  knowing  the  character  of  the  people  of  his  district,  he 
trusted  not  to  commit  his  fortunes  to  an  untried  bark,  that  had 
not  yet  been  fairly  launched  upon  the  waters  of  American  con 
servatism  ;  and  which  had  but  made  its  passage  in  the  smaller 
bays  of  radical  innovation.  Not  forgetful  that  his  course  in 
Congress,  as  regards  the  Compromise  of  1850,  had  bolted  the 
doors  of  the  National  Assembly  against  him,  he  chose  to  pursue 
the  path  which  policy  dictated  and  watch  the  political  gales  be 
fore  he  would  permit  his  vessel  to  be  trimmed.  But  the  move 
ment  of  Republicanism  was  onwards,  and  the  Keystone  State  was 
unable  to  remain  aloof  from  its  influence  ;  and  finally  a  meeting 
of  those  favorable  to  the  cause  was  announced  to  meet  in  Fulton 
Hall,  in  the  City  of  Lancaster,  and  organize  the  new  party  in 
the  county.  Those  who  assembled  upon  this  occasion  did  not 
exceed  seventeen  persons  in  all ;  the  great  body  of  the  Whig 
leaders  absented  themselves  until  they  might  see  what  success  the 
future  promised.  Consistency,  however,  compelled  the  attend 
ance  of  Mr.  Stevens  at  this  meeting.  Republicanism  wras  the 
movement  in  which  the  principles  he  cherished  had  ultimated ; 
and  it  was  necessary  that  he  should  obtain  the  control  over  it  in 
his  district ;  otherwise  he  would  be  wrashed  into  political  retire 
ment.  He  was  present  and  addressed  the  small  meeting,  and 
thus  placed  himself  as  its  leader  in  that  field  over  which  his 
influence  extended.  At  a  subsequent  meeting  he  was  selected  to 
represent  the  Republican  party  of  Lancaster  County  in  the 
Philadelphia  Convention  of  1856  for  the  nomination  of  candi 
dates  for  President  and  Yice-President  of  the  United  States. 

The  3-ith  Congress  assembled  in  Washington,  December  3d, 
1855,  and  then  began  the  great  contest  in  which  the  sectional 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA. 

Republican  party  strove  for  ascendency  in  the  Halls  of  Na~ 
tional  Legislation.  This  was  the  long  struggle  for  the  election 
of  Speaker  in  the  House  of  Representacives,  which  lasted  over 
two  months,  and  ended  in  the  election  of  Nathaniel  P.  Banks, 
the  candidate  of  sectional  ideas.  In  this  triumph  of  Northern 
opposition  to  the  spread  of  slavery,  the  Republican  party  saw  the 
clearest  omen  of  its  future  victory  and  triumph ;  and  the  leaders 
now  exerted  themselves  to  the  utmost  of  their  ability,  to  cement 
and  unite  the  organization  in  all  the  States  of  the  North.  The 
first  convention  of  this  party  from  the  Northern  States,  assembled 
in  Pittsburgh  in  February,  1856 ;  and  this  was  followed  by  that 
of  June  17th,  which  met  in  Philadelphia  and  nominated  candi 
dates  for  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States, 
John  C.  Fremont  and  "William  L.  Dayton  were  the  candidates  of 
the  Philadelphia  Republican  Convention.  Thaddeus  Stevens 
was  a  member  of  this  convention,  although  he  took  no  very 
prominent  part  in  the  proceedings.  The  adopted  platform  placed 
the  party  in  open  and  avowed  resistance  to  the  further  extension 
of  slavery ;  and  made  the  organization  the  expression  of  the  anti- 
slavery  sentiment  of  the  Northern  States.  One  of  the  resolutions 
of  the  Philadelphia  Convention  declared : 

"  That  the  Constitution  confers  upon  Congress,  sovereign  power  over 
the  Territories  of  the  United  States  for  their  government ;  and  that  in 
the  exercise  of  this  power,  it  is  both  the  right  and  the  duty  of  Congress- 
to  prohibit  in  the  Territories,  those  twin  relics  of  barbarism,  polygamy 
and  slavery." 

It  was  clear  to  all  discerning  men,  in  view  of  the  composition 
of  the  Republican  party,  that  its  objects  as  expressed  in  its  plat 
form  were  simply  secondary  to  the  xme  idea,  the  entire  abolition 
of  slavery  throughout  the  Southern  States.  The  announcement 
of  the  real  design  of  the  party  leaders  would,  however,  have  been 
fatal  to  their  prospects  of  success ;  for  much  as  the  people  of  the 
North  were  opposed  to  slavery,  they  were  not  yet  prepared  for 
an  unconstitutional  attack  upon  the  rights  of  their  Southern 
brethren.  But  the  leaders  adopted  the  whole  argument  of  the 
Abolitionists  for  the  purpose  of  educating  public  sentiment  up  to 
the  highest  demands  of  the  radical  school ;  and  at  the  same  time 
announced  their  objects  to  be  simply  the  confinement  of  slavery 
within  its  bounds.  The  growing  national  corruption  was  fully 
evinced  in  this  attitude  of  the  new  party,  which  was  so  organized 
that  it  might  gain  power  under  false  colors.  The  crafty  argument 


174  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

y/as  likewise  made  use  of,  that  the  exclusion  of  slavery  was  not 
opposed  for  the  sake  of  the  negro,  but  because  it  was  desired  that 
the  Territory  be  preserved  for  the  free  settlers  of  the  North — 
"  free  homes  for  free  men." 

The  people  of  the  South,  and  the  calm  and  considerative  of 
the  North  saw,  with  the  greatest  alarm,  the  advances  of  the  new 
party  threatening  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  Union.  The 
maxims  of  the  Republican  creed  promulgated  the  doctrine  dan 
gerous  to  free  institutions,  that  the  will  of  the  majority  may 
determine  the  constitutional  and  vested  rights  of  minorities. 
The  principle  thus  announced  was  revolutionary  in  itself,  de 
structive  of  all  constituted  authority,  and  engendered  in  the 
Red  Republican  teachings  of  the  old  world.  Patriotic  men  of 
all  sections,  dreaded  the  consequences  likely  to  ensue  to  liberty, 
should  the  revolutionary  party  of  the  North  succeed  in  grasping 
the  control  of  the  Federal  Government,  and  many  of  them  ad 
monished  their  countrymen  of  the  dangers  that  threatened  the 
integrity  of  the  Union,  and  earnestly  advised  them  to  beware  of 
the  principles  of  sectionalism.  Millard  Fillmore,  who  had  just 
returned  from  Europe,  wrhen  he  saw  the  aspect  which  the  Republi 
can  party  occupied  in  1856,  spoke  ao  follows : 

"  But  tliis  is  not  all,  sir.  We  see  a  political  party  presenting  candidates 
for  the  Presidency  and  Vice-Presidency,  selected  for  the  first  time  from 
the  Free  States  alone,  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  electing  these  candi 
dates  by  the  suffrages  of  one  part  of  the  Union  only,  to  rule  over  the 
whole  United  States.  Can  it  be  possible  that  those  who  are  engaged  in 
such  a  measure  can  have  seriously  reflected  upon  the  consequences  which 
must  inevitably  follow  in  case  of  success  ?  Can  they  have  the  madness 
or  the  folly  to  believe  that  our  Southern  brethren  would  submit  to  be 
governed  by  such  a  Chief  Magistrate  ?  Would  he  be  required  to  follow 
the  same  rule  prescribed  by  those  who  elected  him.  in  making  his  appoint 
ments  ?  If  a  man  living  south  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line  be  not  worthy 
to  be  President  and  Vice-President,  would  it  /be  proper  to  select  one 
from  the  same  quarter  as  one  of  his  Cabinet  Council,  or  to  represent  the 
nation  in  a  foreign  country,  or,  indeed,  to  collect  the  revenue  or  ad 
minister  the  laws  of  the  United  States?  If  not,  what  new  rule  is  the 
President  to  adopt  in  se'ecting  men  for  office  that  the  people  themselves 
discard  in  selecting  him  ?  These  are  serious  but  practical  questions,  and 
in  order  to  appreciate  them  fully  it  is  but  only  necessary  to  turn  the 
tables  upon  ourselves.  Suppose  that  the  South,  having  the  majority  of 
electoral  votes,  should  declare  that  they  would  only  have  slave-holders 
for  President  and  Vice-President,  and  should  elect  such  by  their  exclu 
sive  suffrages  to  rule  over  us  at  the  North  ;  do  you  think  we  would  sub 
mit  to  it?  No,  not  for  one  moment!  And  do  you  believe  that  your 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  175 

Southern  brethren  are  less  sensitive  on  this  subject  than  you  are,  or  le?9 
jealous  of  their  rights  ?  If  you  do,  let  me  tell  you  that  you  are  mistaken. 
And,  therefore,  you  must  see  that,  if  this  sectional  party  succeeds,  it 
leads  inevitably  to  the  destruction  of  this  beautiful  fabric,  reared  by  our 
forefathers,  cemented  by  their  blood,  and  bequeathed  to  us  as  a  precious 
inheritance." 

The  disruption  of  the  Whig  party,  occasioned  by  the  slavery 
question,  induced  many  of  the  Southern  Whigs  to  unite  with  the 
Democracy,  as  the  only  party  professing  national  principles,  that 
gave  evidence  of  ability  to  cope  with  the  new  enemy.  In  attach 
ing  themselves  to  their  former  political  rival,  they  in  no  wise 
compromised  their  early  principles,  for  the  old  Whig  and  Demo 
cratic  parties  equally  favored  the  constitutional  rights  of  all 
sections  of  the  Union,  in  the  States  as  well  as  in  the  national 
Territories.  A  small  portion  of  the  Northern  Anti-Slavery 
Democrats  had  united  with  the  Republicans  ;  but  the  large  body 
of  the  party  in  that  section  remained  attached  to  the  old  prin 
ciples  of  a  former  period.  The  Democracy  of  all  the  States 
having  met  in  convention  at  Cincinnatti,  June  2cl,  1856,  re 
affirmed  the  ancient  doctrines  of  the  party  on  the  slavery  ques 
tion  ;  and  besides,  announced  their  recognition  of  the  principles 
embodied  in  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill.  James  Buchanan  and 
John  C.  Breckenridge  were  next  placed  in  nomination  for  Presi 
dent  and  Yice-President  of  the  United  States. 

A  small  portion  of  the  Whig  party,  North  and  South,  united 
in  the  nomination  of  Millard  Fillmore  and  Andrew  J.  Donald 
son  for  the  Presidency  and  Vice-Presidency.  This  movement 
being  entirely  the  product  of  attachment  to  the  old  organization 
of  Clay  and  Webster,  gave  no  evidence  of  any  ability  to  coun 
teract  the  dangerous  principles  which  it  assumed  to  oppose.  The 
Democratic  party  was  the  only  one  that  possessed  the  semblance 
of  ability  to  defeat  the  sectional  Republican  organization  of  the 
North.  Patriotism  would  have  demanded  that  any  sacrifice 
should  be  made  for  the  welfare  of  the  country ;  but  party  spirit 
interposed.  This  spirit,  regardless  of  constitutional  guarantees, 
had  organized  the  Republican  party  upon  a  basis  of  sectionalism 
that  arrayed  one-half  of  the  Union  against  the  other.  Ambitious 
leaders,  destitute  of  political  principle,  nocked  to  the  rising  party, 
who  could  not  but  see  that  the  success  of  the  new  principles 
would  entail  civil  war  upon  the  country  or  a  dissolution  of  the 
Union.  The  want  of  principle  in  party  leaders  was  at  this 


176  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

time  apparent  upon  all  sides ;  and  to  this  cause  was  it  mainly 
owing  that  sectional  organizations  were  permitted  to  obtain  a 
dangerous  control  in  the  nation. 

But  the  result  of  the  campaign  of  1856  was  one  more 
triumph  of  national  principles  and  the  election  of  the  Presidential 
candidates  of  the  Democratic  party.  Sectionalism  was  simply 
stayed  by  this  victory,  but  by  no  means  overthrown.  The  ban 
ner  of  abolitionism  waved  in  triumph  over  eleven  States  of  the 
North ;  and  the  powerful  vote  indicated  to  a  certainty  the  suc 
cess  of  Republican  principles  in  the  near  future.  Southern  states 
men  now  clearly  perceived  that  their  institution  was  doomed  so 
soon  as  Northern  ideas  would  obtain  permanent  control  of  the 
General  Government.  The  antagonism  of  the  North  to  slavery 
had  produced  its  counterpart  in  the  South,  which  had  become  a 
unit  in  defense  of  their  inherited  rights.  In  Southern  estimation, 
therefore,  the  election  of  Buchanan  and  Breckenridge  simply 
granted  a  respite  of  four  years  to  the  Constitutional  Republic. 

James  Buchanan  was  inaugurated  President  of  the  United 
States,  March  4th,  1857.  Shortly  after  his  elevation  to  the 
highest  seat  in  the  gift  of  the  people,  the  Supreme  Court  in  the 
Dred  Scott  case,  announced  the  important  decision  that  the  Mis 
souri  Compromise  had  been  an  unconstitutional  act  of  Federal 
legislation ;  that  slavery  existed  in  all  the  Territories  by  virtue  of 
the  Constitution ;  and  that  neither  Congress  nor  a  Territorial 
Legislature  could  terminate  its  legal  existence.  It  was  only  the 
people  of  a  Territory,  when  forming  a  Constitution,  wrho  were 
competent  to  determine  whether  slavery  should  exist  or  not,  in 
the  new  State.  This  decision  of  the  highest  judicial  tribunal  of 
the  nation,  affirmed  the  doctrine  on  the  slavery  question,  that  had 
always  been  held  by  the  South,  and  also  by  the  Democratic  and 
Whig  parties ;  and  that  which  was  the  dictate  of  reason  and  of  a 
sound  and  enlightened  public  policy. 

The  people  of  Kansas  had  determined  in  the  regular  Territorial 
Legislature,  to  call  a  convention  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a  State 
Constitution.  Accordingly  on  the  20th  of  May,  1857,  F.  P. 
Stanton,  then  acting  Governor  of  the  Territory,  published  his 
proclamation  commanding  the  proper  officers  to  hold  an  election 
on  the  third  Monday  cf  June,  1857,  for  the  choice  of  members 
to  this  Convention,  as  the  Act  of  the  Legislature  directed.  The 
election  was  legally  held  as  directed,  and  the  Convention  assembled 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  177 

at  Lecompton,  according  to  law,  on  the  first  Monday  of  the  follow 
ing  September.  Having  framed  a  Constitution,  the  Convention 
adjourned  on  the  7th  of  November,  1857.  Only  that  clause  of 
the  Constitution  respecting  slavery,  which  seemed  to  be  the 
principle  question  in  dispute  between,  the  parties  in  the  Territory, 
was  directed  by  the  Convention  to  be  submitted  to  a  vote  of  the 
people  for  ratification  or  rejection.  This  submission  took  place 
on  December  21st.  The  Free  State  men,  having  chiefly  absented 
themselves  from  the  polls,  the  vote  resulted  as  follows :  For  the 
Constitution,  with  slavery,  6,226 ;  for  the  Constitution,  without 
slavery,  567.  By  the  new  Constitution  it  was  directed,  that  an 
election  should  be  held  on  the  4th  of  January,  1858,  for  a  Gov 
ernor,  Lieutenant-Governor,  Secretary  of  State,  State  Treasurer, 
Members  of  the  Legislature,  and  also  a  Member  of  Congress. 

At  the  election  held  in  October,  1857,  the  Free  State  party 
participated,  and  the  result  was  that  a  Territorial  Legisla 
ture  of  their  selection  wras  chosen,  and  also  a  Delegate  to  Con 
gress.  Acting  Governor  Stanton  convened,  by  proclamation,  an 
extra  session  of  the  Free  State  Legislature,  for  which  act  he  was 
removed  from  office  by  the  President,  and  Governor  Denver 
appointed  in  his  stead.  The  Territorial  Legislature,  when 
assembled  in  extraordinary  session,  also  authorized  an  election  to 
be  held  on  the  4th  of  January,  1858,  at  which  the  Lecompton 
Constitution  should  be  submitted  de  novo,  to  a  popular  vote  of 
the  people  of  Kansas,  for  acceptance  or  rejection.  Of  this  elec 
tion,  ordered  by  the  Territorial  Legislature,  James  Buchanan,  in 
in  his  Message  of  February  2d,  1858,  said : 

"  This  electionwas  held  after  the  Territory  had  been  prepared  for  admis 
sion  into  the  Union,  as  a  Sovereign  State,  and  when  no  authority  existed 
in  the  Territorial  Legislature,  which  could  possibly  destroy  its  existence 
or  change  its  character." 

The  election  ordering  the  Lecompton  Constitution  to  a  new 
vote  of  the  people,  resulted  in  its  repudiation  by  over  ten  thou 
sand  majority.  The  Pro-Slavery  party  declined  to  vote,  inas 
much  as  they  contended  that  the  Constitution  had  been  already- 
submitted  in  a  legal  manner,  and,  consequently,  adopted.  But 
both  parties  participated  on  the  same  day  in  the  general  election 
appointed  as  before  stated  in  the  Lecompton  Constitution,  and  the 
result  was  a  great  triumph  for  the  Free  State  party.  The  Anti- 


178  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

Slavery  men  were  thus  placed  in  the  ascendant,  and  the  political 
power  of  the  Territory  was  in  their  hands. 

Afterwards,  on  the  30th  of  January,  President  Buchanan 
received  a  copy  of  the  Lecompton  Constitution,  with  a  request 
from  the  President  of  the  Convention  that  it  might  be  submitted 
to  the  consideration  of  Congress.  This  was  done  by  the  Presi 
dent,  in  his  Message  of  February  2d,  1858,  in  which  he  recom 
mended  the  admission  of  Kansas,  and  the  termination  of  the 
pending  territorial  difficulty.  He  urged  the  admission  of  Kansas 
because  its  Constitution  had  been  adopted  in  a  regular  and  formal 
manner ;  and,  although  the  one  party  had  declined  to  vote  either 
for  the  election  of  delegates  to  the  Convention,  or  on  the 
question  of  slavery,  when  the  same  was  submitted  to  the  people 
for  adoption  or  rejection  ;  this,  in  his  opinion,  was  no  reason  why 
the  Constitution  as  adopted  was  not  valid.  Mr.  Buchanan  further 
contended  in  his  Message,  that  no  other  course  would  so  speedily 
terminate  the  slavery  agitation  as  the  admission  of  the  new  State ; 
and  he  also  showed,  that  the  people  of  Kansas  had  it  in  their 
own  power  immediately  to  take  steps  for  changing  their  Consti 
tution  and  abolishing  slavery  if  the  majority  of  the  citizens  so 
desired.  In  this  Message  he  said  : 

"  The  people  of  Kansas  have  in  their  own  way  and  in  strict  accordance 
with  the  Organic  Act,  formed  a  Constitution  and  State  Government  ; 
have  submitted  the  all-important  question  of  slavery  to  the  people,  and 
have  elected  a  Governor,  a  Member  to  represent  them  in  Congress,  Mem 
bers  of  the  State  Legislature,  and  other  State  officers.  *  *  * 
For  my  own  part  I  am  decidedly  in  favor  of  its  admission,  and  thus 
terminating  the  Kansas  question."* 

"  This  message  occasioned  a  long,  exciting  and  violent  debate 
in  both  Houses  of  Congress,  between  the  Slavery  and  Anti- 
Slavery  members,  which  lasted  nearly  three  months.  It  was  but 
the  re-echo  of  the  storm  that  was  raging  throughout  the  land. 
Mr.  Buchanan  was  bitterly  denounced  as  truckling  to  the  slave 
power,  and  as  lending  the  weight  of  his  high  office  towards  fixing 
upon  the  people  of  Kansas  the  curse  of  slavery  against  their  will. 
Members  of  Congress  were  classified  during  this  controversy  as 
Lecompton  and  Anti-Lecompton,  as  they  favored  or  opposed  the 
admission  of  Kansas.  A  wing  of  his  own  party  separated  from 
Mr.  Buchanan  on  this  point,  and  among  these  Stephen  A.  Doug 
las,  of  Illinois.  Kansas  was  not  admitted  under  the  Lecompton 

*Buchanan's  Administration,  p.  42. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  JTi 

Constitution  and  was  only  admitted  a  short  time  before  the  close 
of  Mr,  Buchanan's  administration,  with  a  Free  Constitution."* 

During  the  administration  of  James  Buchanan,  a  permanent 
schism  developed  itself  in  the  Democratic  party,  which  rendered 
the  triumph  of  Republicanism  in  the  next  Presidential  election 
almost  a  certainty.  The  discord  which  rent  the  old  party  of 
Jefferson,  was  itself  produced  by  Anti-Slavery  agitation;  and 
emanated  from  the  conflicting  opinions  that  existed  as  to  the 
power  of  the  people  of  a  territory  to  legislate  concerning  slavery 
whilst  in  a  territorial  condition.  In  the  year  1817,  Gen,  Cass, 
in  his  celebrated  Nicholson  letter,  had  given  utterance  to  senti 
ments  that  seemed  to  imply  such  power  in  the  inhabitants  of  a 
Territory ;  and  from  this  period  the  question  was  more  or  less 
discussed  in  Congress  and  in  the  public  journals.  The  great 
object  of  the  leading  statesmen  at  that  time  appeared  to  be  the 
removal  of  the  question  of  slavery  from  the  Halls  of  Congress 
and  leaving  it  with  the  people,  who  were  themselves  directly 
interested  in  it.  It  soon  became  evident  that  Southern  Demo 
crats  viewed  the  doctrine  of  squatter  sovereignty,  as  an  innova 
tion  upon  the  ancient  creed ;  and  from  its  earliest  advocacy  they 
determined  to  resist  its  incorporation  into  the  platform  of  the 
party.  In  1854  the  Eichmond  Inquirer^  speaking  of  General 
Cass,  said : 

"  The  concerted  efforts  of  the  "Washington  Union  and  other  journals  in 
his  interest,  to  run  him  a  second  time  (for  President)  and  incorporate 
squatter  sovereignty  into  the  Democratic  creed,  will  provoke  a  resistance 
which  may  possibly  end  in  a  disruption  of  the  party," 

That  Gen.  Cass  had  been  rightly  understood  as  favoring  the 
disputed  doctrine,  seems  clear  from  remarks  made  by  him  in  the 
Senate  in  May,  1856,  as  follows  : 

"He  held,  however,  that  alter  Congress  had  enabled  a  Territory  to 
assume  legislative  powers,  it  was  not  competent  for  Congress  to  restrain 
any  legislative  act  of  such  Territorial  Government  under  the  Constitu 
tion  of  the  United  States  ;  and  amongst  such  acts  he  held  the  admission 
or  exclusion  of  slavery.  This  was  a  necessary  deduction  of  popular  sov 
ereignty."^ 

The  Cincinnati  Convention  of  the  Democratic  party  in  1856, 
did  not  determine  in  its  platform  the  disputed  question  as  regards 
the  power  of  a  Territorial  Legislature,  but  left  it  for  future 
decision.  James  Buchanan,  speaking  of  this  convention,  says ; 

•Harris'  Biographical  History  of  Lancaster  County,  p.  108. 
\NationallnteUigeiicer,  May  13th,  1850,  . 


180  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

"  It  is  altogether  silent  in  regard  to  the  power  of  a  Territorial  Legisla 
ture  over  the  question  of  slavery.  Nay,  more  ;  whilst  affirming  in 
general  terms  the  provisions  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act,  it  specifica'ly 
designates  a  future  time  when  slavery  may  be  rightly  dissolved,  not  by 
the  Territorial  Legislature  but  by  the  people.  This  is  when  '  acting 
through  the  legally  and  fairly  expressed  will  of  a  majority  of  actual  resi 
dents,  and  whenever  the  number  of  their  inhabitants  justifies  it  (they  assem 
ble),  to  form  a  Constitution,  with  or  without  domestic  slavery,  and  be 
admitted  into  the  Union  upon  terms  of  perfect  eqality  with  the  other 
States.'  Before  this  period  the  Cincinnati  platform  is  silent  on  the  sub 
ject."* 

The  Congressional  struggle  over  the  Lecompton  Constitution 
was  potential  in  widening  the  breach  that  already  existed  in  the 
Democratic  party.  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  in  view  of  the  Anti- 
Slavery  storm  that  had  been  prostrating  the  ancient  structures  of 
his  party,  deemed  it  necessary  to  find  refuge  for  his  own  safety 
in  some  of  the  modern  edifices  that  were  rearing  their  domes 
around  him.  The  contest  for  the  admission  of  Kansas  offered 
the  Illinois  Senator  an  admirable  opportunity  to  redeem  his  sin- 
stained  head  from  the  impending  destruction  with  which  he  was 
menaced  by  the  Anti-Slavery  spirit  of  the  North.  He  had  seen 
the  terrific  overthrow  which  the  Democracy  suffered  in  1854,  and 
even  had  witnessed  by  his  side  the  fall  of  his  Senatorial  colleague  ; 
and  all  this  the  product  of  his  own  conjuration  in  the  repeal  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise.  He  must  make  peace  with  the  aroused 
demon,  and  obtain  atonement  for  the  deeds  of  the  past.  In 
uniting  with  his  former  enemies  in  opposing  the  admission  of 
Kansas  under  the  Lecompton  Constitution,  Senator  Douglas 
hoped  again  to  so  re-instate  himself  in  Northern  confidence  as  to 
assure  his  return  to  the  United  States  Senate  in  1859.  Some  of 
the  high  priests  of  Republicanism  were  ready  to  clothe  him  with 
sacred  robes  for  his  able  defense  of  their  cause.  Horace  Greeley 
says : 

"  It  seemed  to  me  that  not  only  magnanimity  but  policy  dictated  to 
the  Republicans  of  Illinois  that  they  should  promptly  and  heartily  tender 
their  support  to  Mr.  Douglas,  and  thus  insure  his  re-election  for  a  third 
term  with  substantial  unanimity."  f 

This  opposition  of  Senator  Douglas  and  his  friends  to  the 
admission  of  Kansas,  proved  the  entering  wedge  that  distracted 
the  National  Democratic  party.  But  it  was  in  the  famous  Illi 
nois  contest  which  took  place  between  Stephen  A.  Douglas  and 

^Buchanan's  Administration  on  the  Eve  of  the  Rebellion,  p.  55, 
f  Greeley's  Recollections,  p.  357. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  181 

Abraham  Lincoln,  that  the  former  revealed  himself  as  the  politi 
cian,  who  sought  to  secure  his  election  at  the  risk  of  disrupting 
that  party,  to  which  he  was  indebted  for  all  his  substantial  honors, 
and  upon  whose  harmony  the  union  of  the  States  perhaps  de 
pended.  Although  as  touching  the  slavery  controversy  he  had 
obligated  himself  to  acquiesce  in  the  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  yet  when  this  was  rendered  in  1857,  he,  with  the  Republi 
cans,  strove  to  evade  its  effect,  in  his  pandering  to  the  abolition 
sentiment  of  the  Northern  masses.  He  declared  in  his  Illinois 
speeches,  that  it  was  within  the  power  of  any  Territorial  Legis 
lature,  by  a  species  of  "  unfriendly  legislation,"  to  exclude  slavery 
from  the  new  Territories — and  though  conceding  the  Supreme 
Court  to  have  declared  that  the  Constitution  carried  slavery  into 
all  the  public  domain,  and  that  neither  Congress  nor  a  Territorial 
Legislature  were  authorized  to  exclude  it — jet  Senator  Douglas 
argued  that  it  could  not  exist,  unless  certain  favoring  enactments 

O  ?  O 

of  the  Legislature  were  passed  for  its  protection.  In  this  manner 
he  endeavored  to  conciliate  the  Anti-Slavery  opposition  of  his 
State,  and  to  show  that  his  attitude  was  equally  antagonistic  to 
slavery  extension  as  that  of  the  Republican  party. 

Such  subterfuges  of  the  politician,  however,  are  miserable  to 
contemplate.  What  a  death  of  demoralization  does  the  position  of 
Senator  Douglas  assume  ?  His  plan  for  excluding  slavery  from 
the  Territories  pre-supposed  that  every  Territorial  legislator  was 
ready  to  perjure  himself  in  order  to  accomplish  his  political  schemes. 
Does  not  every  legislator  swear  to  support  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  ?  How  then  could  the  legislator,  who  believed 
with  Senator  Douglas,  that  the  Constitution  guarantees  the  right 
to  hold  slaves  in  the  Federal  Territories,  free  himself  from  his 
oath,  unless  he  favored  such  legislation  as  would  enable  the  slave 
holder  to  enjoy  his  property  after  transporting  it  to  his  new 
settlement  ?  Does  an  oath  to  obey  the  Constitution,  permit  a 
legislator  to  support  laws  violative  of  rights  established  by  that 
National  compact  \  Is  he  a  supporter  of  the  Constitution,  who, 
knowing  or  believing  there  is  a  right  established  under  it  needing 
specific  legislation,  would  refuse  the  required  enactments  ?  Would 
he  not,  by  such  refusal,  violate  the  solemn  oath  he  had  taken  to 
support  the  Constitution  ?  And  yet  such  "  unfriendly  legislation," 
received  the  approbation  of  Senator  Douglas.  He  would  have 
the  members  of  a  Territorial  Legislature,  who  were  sworn  to  sup- 


183  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

port  the  guarantees  of  the  Constitution,  and  which  they  themselves 
accepted  as  genuine,  assist  in  legislation  intended  to  defeat  those 
rights.  This  was,  in  plain  words,  to  counsel  the  repudiation  of 
legislative  obligations.  It  is  not  surprising  that  the  period  of 
political  corruption  had  fully  set  in,  when  a  prominent  leader  of 
one  of  the  great  American  parties  could  be  guilty  of  such  a  breach 
of  moral  conviction ;  and  yet  at  the  same  time,  not  alienate  from 
him  his  partisan  followers. 

If  the  principles  of  the  Democratic  party  were  wrong,  neither 
Senator  Douglas,,  nor  any  other  man,  should  have  advocated 
them  ;  but  if  right,  as  he  professed,  then  it  was  his  duty  to  bat 
tle  for  them  before  a  corrupted  public  opinion,  even  if  he  must 
fall  in  the  contest.  The  Republicans  challenged  the  truths  of 
the  Democratic  doctrines  ;  resisted  openly  the  extension  of  slavery 
into  the  Territories  ;  and  planted  themselves  in  opposition  to  tho 
former  principles  upon  which  the  Government  from  its  origin 
had  been  conducted.  In  the  estimation  of  all  men  of  clear  per 
ception,  they  were  the  revolutionists  who  strove  for  the  over 
throw  of  the  old  social  status  and  the  inauguration  of  a  new  one. 
But,  Stephen  A.  Douglass  and  his  followers  avowed  themselves" 
as  Democrats;  as  friends  of  the  existing  order  of  government 
and  its  institutions  ;  and  yet  they  did  nothing  to  avert  the  revo 
lution  which  was  threatening  the  country.  Instead  of  presenting 
themselves  as  a  breakwater  to  the  flood  that  was  rising,  they 
simply  added  the  squatter  sovereignty  current  as  a  cumulative 
force  to  the  deluge,  and  permitted  it,  unobstructed,  to  beat  with 
still  greater  impetuosity  against  all  the  landmarks  of  ancient 
order  and  constitutional  guarantee.  The  Illinois  Senator  was 
therefore  no  true  man  for  the  crisis.  He  was  the  sunshine  patriot 
whose  voice  was  loudest  when  prosperity  covered  with  her  wings 
the  party  to  which  he  was  attached;  but  when  adversity  ad 
vanced,  the  ingrate  was  soon  found  a  deserter  in  the  enemy's 
ranks. 

But  besides  all  this,  the  Congressional  struggle  over  the  Le- 
compton  Constitution,  added  new  strength,  as  was  anticipated, 
to  the  Republican  revolutionists  of  the  North ;  and  the  election 
of  1858  resulted  for  them  in  another  triumph.  Thaddeus  Stevens 
was  in  this  year  returned  from  Lancaster  County  to  the  36th 
Congress,  which  assembled  on  Monday,  December  5th,  1859.  He 
again  took  his  seat  in  that  body,  of  which  he  continued  a  member 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  183 

during  the  remainder  of  his  life,  a  period  of  the  most  eventful 
interest  in  his  own  and  the  history  of  the  Kepublic.  The  ele 
ments  of  discord  were  at  no  former,  time  so  threatening,  as  at 
the  opening  of  this  Congress.  The  country  had  but  just  recov 
ered  from  the  shock  produced  by  the  raid  into  Virginia,  led  by 
the  fanatical  John  Brown  and  his  deluded  followers.  In  the 
opinion  of  every  reflecting  man,  a  crisis  was  near  at  hand.  The 
portents  indicating  such  were  visible  on  all  sides.  The  whole 
period  of  James  Buchanan's  administration  up  to  this  moment, 
was  like  a  diseased  body,  one  pustule  appearing  after  another, 
indicating  the  putrefying  condition  of  the  whole.  The  Southern 
mind  was  highly  alarmed  with  the  state  of  affairs,  and  unity  of 
interest  had  cemented  their  States  into  an  attitude  of  resistance 
to  JSTorthern  sectionalism.  The  Republican  nominee  for  Speaker 
of  the  House,  was  John  Sherman,  of  Ohio,  who  had  made  himself 
especially  odious  to  the  South,  by  publicly  recommending  in  con 
nexion  with  sixty-eight  other  members  of  Congress,  a  document 
called  "Helper's  Book,"  the  doctrines  of  which  were  of  the 
most  fanatical  and  revolutionary  character.  But  political  mad 
ness  and  insanity  ruled  the  hour ;  and  although  the  entire  South 
ern  delegation  gave  warning  that  they  would  regard  the  election 
of  Sherman,  or  any  other  man  with  his  record,  as  an  open  declar 
ation  of  war  against  the  South,  the  Republican  revolutionists 
defiantly  continued  to  vote  for  him  for  nearly  two  months,  giving 
him  a  majority  lacking  but  a  few  votes  upon  every  trial  of  his 
strength.*  He  was  finally  withdrawn  and  William  Pennington, 
from  Xew  Jersey,  a  member  of  the  same  party,  was  elected. 

The  Republican  party,  openly  pledged  to  oppose  slavery  ex 
tension,  was  already  dominant  in  the  Northern  States.  The 
Douglas  Democracy  of  the  Xorth  also  advocated  sentiments  that 
in  Southern  estimation  would  circumscribe  slavery  within  its 
present  bounds;  indeed,  this  was  the  secret  of  their  reception 
amongst  that  wing  of  the  party,  tinctured  with  anti-slavery  views. 
The  anti-slavery  agitation  had  raged  with  such  intensity,  and  for 
so  long  a  period,  that  the  Northern  people  were  seduced  by 
the  arguments  of  the  Abolitionists  into  the  belief  that  slavery 
was  a  great  social  and  moral  evil,  and  repugnant  to  the  instincts 
of  a  refined  humanity.  But  few  remained  unconverted  to  the 

*PoUard's  First  Year  of  the  "War,  pp.  29. 


184  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

sentiments  of  the  abolition  reform,  save  those  who  were  compe 
tent  to  think  and  reason  for  themselves.  The  leading  intellects 
of  the  South  were  not  slow  in  detecting  the  state  of  Northern 
opinion  upon  the  slavery  question ;  a  vigilant  statesman  of  the 
South  took  occasion  to  denounce  the  Dougla&i  defection  as  "  a 
short  cut  to  all  ends  of  Black  Republicanism."  Whilst  the 
"Helper  Book"  controversy  was  agitating  the  country,  one  of 
the  Georgia  Senators  was  so  bold  as  to  denounce,  in  his  place  in 
Congress,  the  entire  Democratic  jarty  of  the  North  as  unreliable 
and  rotten. 

Jefferson  Davis,  on  the  2d  day  of  February,  1860,  offered  in 
the  Senate  a  series  of  resolutions,  expressive  of  Southern  opin 
ions,  as  regards  the  relation  of  the  States  of  the  Union,  and  the 
power  of  Congress,  or  o,f  a  Territorial  Legislature  over  slavery  in 
the  Federal  Territories.  The  resolution  denning  the  Democratic 
position  on  the  slavery  question,  denied  to  Congress  or  a  Terri 
torial  Legislature  the  power  "  to  annul  or  impair  the  Constitu 
tional  right  of  any  citizen  of  the  United  States  to  take  his  slave 
property  into  the  common  Territories,  and  there  hold  and  enjoy 
the  same  while  the  territorial  condition  remains."  These  reso 
lutions  were  adopted  in  the  Senate  by  nearly  a  two-thirds  vote ; 
the  Republicans,  however,  opposed  their  passage  with  unanimity 
as  conflicting  with  the  principles  of  their  party. 

The  States  Right  party  of  the  South  had  in  1856  at  Cincinnati, 
united  with  the  Northern  Democracy  upon  a  platform  of  princi 
ples  which  received  different  interpretations  in  the  two  sections. 
In  the  North  it  was  believed  by  one  wing  of  the  party  (the  fol 
lowers  of  Douglas  )  to  express  the  doctrine  of  popular  sov 
ereignty  for  the  government  of  the  Territories ;  and  in  the 
South  a  contrary  interpretation  obtained.  The  popular  sover 
eignty  doctrine  of  the  North  claimed  for  the  people  of  a  Terri 
tory,,  the  right  to  determine  the  slavery  question  for  themselves. 
Those  favoring  this  view,  asserted  that  this  was  the  principle 
established  by  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act.  This  assertion  James 
Buchanan  refutes  in  the  following  language : 

"  If  the  Douglas*,  construction  of  the  act  be  correct,  it  is  morally  cer 
tain  that  the  Southern  Senators  and  Representatives  who  were  warm 
advocates  of  its  passage,  could  not  possibly  have  so  understood  it.  If 
they  had,  they  would  then  have  voluntarily  voted  away  the  rights  of 
their  constituents.  Indeed,  such  a  construction  of  the  act  would  be 
more  destructive  to  the  interests  of  the  slaveholders  than  the  Republican 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  183 

doctrine  of  Congressional  exclusion.  Better,  far  better,  for  him  to  sub 
mit  the  question  to  Congress,  where  he  could  be  deliberately  heard  by 
his  representatives,  than  to  be  deprived  of  his  slaves  after  he  had  gone 
to  the  trouble  and  expense  of  exporting  them,  to  a  Territory,  by  a  hasty 
enactment  of  a  Territorial  Legislature,  elected  annually,  and  freed  from 
all  constitutional  restraints.  Such  a  construction  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
Act  would  be  in  direct  opposition  to  the  policy  and  practice  of  the  Gov 
ernment  from  its  origin.  The  men  who  framed  and  built  up  our  institu 
tions,  so  far  from  regarding  the  Territories  to  be  sovereign,  treated  them 
as  mere  wards  of  the  Federal  Government.  *  *  *  It  was  not 
then  foreseen  that  any  political  party  would  arise  in  this  country  claim 
ing  the  right  for  the  majority  of  the  first  settlers  of  a  Territory,  under 
the  plea  of  popular  sovereignty,  to  confiscate  the  property  of  the 
minority.  "When  the  population  of  the  Territories  had  reached  a  certain 
number,  Congress  admitted  them  as  States  into  the  Union,  under  the 
Constitution  framed  by  themselves,  with  or  without  slavery,  according 
to  their  own  discretion."* 

The  dual  Democratic  interpretation  obtained,  regarding  that  part 
of  the  Cincinnati  platform,  which  adopted  the  principles  of  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  Act ;  and  it  was  agreed  amongst  the  leaders  of 
the  party  that  the  -subject  should  be  referred  to  the  Supreme 
Court  for  adjudication.  But  when  the  Dred  Scott  decision  was 
promulgated,  so  violent  was  the  clamor  which  was  raised  against 
it  by  the  revolutionary  Republican  party,  that  Stephen  A.  Doug 
las  and  those  agreeing  with  him  in  sentiment,  were  intimidated 
from  that  defense  of  it,  of  which  the  high  character  of  the 
Court  should  have  rendered  it  worthy.  And,  even  though  some 
of  the  principles  dec-ided  might  strictly  not  have  been  before 
the  Court,  yet  they  disclosed  what  the  judges  regarded  as  law, 
and  were  indicative  of  what  would  be  affirmed  when  the  point 
in  technical  accuracy  might  arise.  In  this  view  of  the  question, 
the  Dred  Scott  decision  was  a  positive  affirmance  of  the  Southern 
interpretation  of  the  Cincinnati  platform.  In  this  decision,  all 
Democrats,  both  North  and  South,  should  willingly  have  acqui 
esced  ;  it  was  only  for  that  party  to  dispute  it  whose  principles 
of  policy  were  based  upon  the  doctrine  that  no  law  or  decision 
of  ai;  ;  court  could  justify  the  existence  of  Slavery  in  the  States, 
and  much  less  its  extension  into  the  Territorial  domain.  Sup 
ported  by  the  decision  of  the  highest  Federal  Court;  by  the 
unanimous  opinion  of  their  own  section  and  a  respectable  portion 
of  the  Northern  Democracy ;  and  also  in  the  historical  practice 
of  the  country  as  regards  the  manner  of  governing  the  Territo- 

^Buchanan's  Administration  on  the  Eve  of  the  Rebellion,  pp.  54- 3. 


183  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

lies,  the  Southern  people  determined  to  insist  npon  their  rights 
and  defend  their  honor  as  integral  members  of  the  Confederacy. 
In  view  of  the  assembling  of  the  Democratic  party  for  the  pur 
pose  of  nominating  candidates  for  President  and  Vice-President, 
the  people  of  several  of  the  Southern  States  defined  the  condi 
tions  upon  which  their  delegates  should  hold  seats  in  the  National 
Convention,  appointed  to  meet  at  Charleston,  April  23d,  1860. 
The  Democracy  of  Alabama  was  first  to  move  in  this  direction. 
A  series  of  resolutions  were  passed,  affirming  the  Southern  doc 
trine  that  neither  Congress  nor  a  Territorial  Legislature  were 
authorized  to  interfere  with  Slavery  in  the  Federal  Territories ; 
and  also  directing  their  delegates  to  see  that  these  principles  be 
incorporated  as  part  of  the  National  Democratic  creed,  or  that 
they  retire  from  the  convention.  Similar  resolves  formed  the 
credentials  of  the  delegates  from  other  Southern  States. 

The  Democratic  Convention  which  assembled  at  Charleston, 
was  composed  of  discordant  elements,  representing  the  unharmo- 
nious  condition  of  the  only  remaining  organization  that  formed  a 
tie  between  the  Northern  and  Southern  portions  of  the  American 
Union.  The  Democracy  now  met  as  did  the  old  "Whig  party  in 
1852,  when  nothing  remained  of  it  save  the  name;  for  as  to 
principles,  a  full  separation  had  taken  place  between  its  antago 
nistic  sections.  It  was  soon  apparent  that  the  party  would  be 
unable  to  harmonize  upon  a  platform  of  principles  satisfactory  to 
both  divisions  of  the  Union ;  and  this  because  such  a  spirit  of 
compromise  w^as  wanting  as  the  exigency  of  the  hour  would  have 
demanded.  Patriotism  required  that  the  Democrats  of  the  North 
should  meet  their  brethren  of  the  South  in  fraternal  amity,  and 
accord  them  in  a  public  platform  of  principles  the  recognition  of 
those  rights  which  the  Constitution  guaranteed.  This  was  all 
they  demanded,  and  whilst  the  constitutional  compact  endured, 
equity  suggested  the  fulfillment  of  its  stipulations.  The  revolu 
tionists  were  in  serried  array  ;  the  alarming  decree  had  gone 
forth  that  the  will  of  the  majority  must  triumph,  and  that  the 
accorded  rights  of  the  minority  must  yield  ;  and  yet  the  Demo 
crats  of  the  North  stood  stubbornly  upon  a  principle  in  which  it 
was  impossible  for  the  South,  as  she  conceived,  to  acquiesce 
without  a  sacrifice  of  her  honor  as  a  member  of  an  equal  Con 
federation.  After  the  convention  had  been  in  session  for  several 
days,  the  South  was  out-voted  in  the  adoption  of  the  platform ; 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  137 

and  tins  ultimated  in  the  disruption  of  the  assemblage  by  the 
withdrawal  of  the  cotton  States ;  and  an  adjournment  to  Balti 
more  followed.  The  border  Slave  States  still  remained  in  the 
convention  in  the  hope  of  effecting  some  ultimate  settlement  of 
the  difficulty.  But  the  breach,  instead  of  being  closed,  widened. 
The  re-assembling  of  the  convention  at  Baltimore  resulted  in  a 
iinal  and  embittered  separation  of  the  opposing  delegates.  The 
majority  still  clinging  with  uncompromising  tenacity  to  their 
position  ;  Virginia  and  the  other  border  States,  except  Missouri, 
withdrew  from  the  convention  and  united  with  the  representa 
tives  from  the  cotton  States,  then  assembled  at  Baltimore,  in  the 
nomination  of  candidates  representing  their  views.  A  portion 
of  the  Northern  delegates  also  retired  from  the  convention  and 
united  with  them.  Their  nominees  were  John  C.  Breckenridge, 
of  Kentucky,  for  President,  and  Joseph  Lane,  of  Oregon,  for 
Vice-President.  The  Northern  Democracy  placed  in  nomina 
tion  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  of  Illinois,  for  President,  and  Herschel 
V.  Johnson,  of  Georgia,  for  Yice-President 

The  Constitutional  Union  party,  being  the  remnant  of  the  old 
Whig  and  American  organizations,  met  in  Baltimore  May  9th, 
1880,  and  nominated  for  President  and  Yice-President,  John 
Bell,  of  Tennessee,  and  Edward  Everett,  of  Massachusetts.  The 
platform  of  this  party  was  a  vague  and  undefined  enumeration 
of  their  politcal  principles  summed  up  in  the  following  words : 

"  The  Constitution  of  the  country,  the  union  of  the  States,  and  the 
enforcement  of  the  laws." 

The  Democracy  was  at  length  sundered,  the  Whig  party  was 
virtually  defunct,  and  nothing  seemed  now  able  to  interpose 
resistance  to  the  triumphant  march  of  the  revolutionists  to  victory. 
This  party  met  in  Chicago  in  June,  1860,  and  placed  Abraham 
Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  in  nomination  for  the  Presidency,  and  Han 
nibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine,  for  the  Vice-Presidency,  and  at  the  same 
time  adopted  a  platform  declaring  freedom  to  the  normal  condi 
tion  of  the  Territories.  Sectionalism  had  now  chosen  its  cap 
tains  for  its  last  struggle  with  the  principles  of  representative 
democratic  government.  Its  Anti-Slavery  and  Kon-Compro- 
mise  banners  floated  over  the  hastily  constructed  wigwam  in 
which  the  leaders  had  assembled,  and  the  nominations  as  made 
were  received  writh  an  eclat  which  seemed  to  portend  triumph  as 
about  to  crown  their  standards.  But  reason  was  lost  sisrht  of  in 


183  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

an  assembly,  which  was  intoxicated  with  the  contemplation  of 
negro  emancipation  upon  the  Western  continent. 

The  weakness  and  incapacity  of  men  for  self-government  was 
fully  exemplified  in  the  campaign  of  1860.  The  people  of  both 
sections  of  the  country,  in  opposition  to  the  admonitions  of  the 
framers  and  ancient  patriots  of  the  American  Republic,  permitted 
themselves  to  be  seduced  by  false  leaders  into  a  hostility  of  sections, 
which  could  not  but  carry  with  it  revolution  and  constitutional 
overthrow.  Party  success  and  partisan  triumph,  were  the  motives 
of  the  politicians  in  a  campaign  which,  of  all  others,  should  have 
produced  instances  of  pure  disinterestedness  and  patriotic  self- 
devotion.  But  the  contrary  was  everywhere  apparent.  Men 
adhered  to  their  parties,  although  in  doing  so,  they  were  con 
sciously  adding  firebrands  to  the  Federal  Republic,  soon  to  be 
ignited  in  the  names  of  civil  convulsion.  The  campaign  resulted 
as  all  reflecting  men  must  have  anticipated,  in  the  election  of  the 
revolutionary  candidates,  Lincoln  and  Hamlin.  Republicanism, 
save  in  New  Jersey,  triumphed  throughout  the  entire  North. 
Sectional  antagonism,  which  an  Anti-Slavery  agitation  of  many 
years  had  been  preparing,  was  at  length  fully  complete.  Destiny, 
however,  had  in  store  for  the  American  people  the  fruits  of  offi 
cious  interference  and  impolitic  reform. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  139 


CHAPTER  XII. 

SECESSION  OF    THE  SOUTHERN  STATES,   AND  THE  EFFORTS  AT  COMPROMISE, 

The  Southern  people  correctly  interpreted  the  import  of 
Northern  ascendency  in  the  election  of  Lincoln  and  Hamlin,  on 
the  6th  of  November,  1860.  The  composition  of  the  Republican 
party,  the  utterances  of  its  orators  and  press,  and  the  resolves 
of  its  conventions,  left  no  doubt  as  to  the  animus  of  the  organi 
zation,  much  as  this,  for  political  reasons,  might  be  concealed. 
The  most  violent  Abolitionists  of  the  North  were  the  most  ardent 
champions  of  the  new  combination,  and  the  entrusted  chiefs  in 
all  party  manipulations,  provided  they  displayed  sufficient  saga 
city  as  not  to  disclose  the  esoteric  doctrines  of  the  initiated.  The 
enunciated  principles  of  simple  opposition  to  the  extension  of 
slavery,  were  far  from  being  those  which  raised  the  enthusiasm  of 
the  sincere  Abolitionists,  and  attracted  them  to  the  standards  of 
Republicanism.  The  same  secret  which  attached  to  the  rising 
party,  the  enemies  of  slavery,  aroused  the  friends  of  the  institu 
tion,  and,  as  it  were,  admonished  them  of  the  adder  in  the 
grass,  whose  poison  was  to  be  avoided.  This  antagonism  resulted 
from  the  existence  of  slavery  in  the  Southern  States,  and  although 
the  Republicans  avowed  no  intention  to  interfere  with  the  insti 
tution  where  it  existed,  yet  this  addition  to  the  creed  was  simply 
a  matter  of  time,  and  the  education  of  Northern  public  opinion, 

Southern  institutions  were  doomed  to  a  short  existence  under 
the  Federal  Government  in  the  hands  of  the  Republican  party. 
This,  leading  statesmen  of  the  South  had  often  predicted,  should 
Northern  sectionalism  succeed  in  gaining  control  of  national 
affairs.  It  had  been  determined,  therefore,  by  the  controlling 
minds  in  the  slave  States,  that  if  their  constitutional  rights  were 
to  be  preserved,  resistance  would  become  necessary  when  a  sec 
tional  party  should  come  into  power  with  principles  known  to  be 
violative  of  the  guarantees  of  the  Federal  compact.  In  the 


100  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

election  of  Abraham  *Lincoln,  as  they  conceived,  that  period  had 
at  length  arrived.  The  predictions  of  Calhoun,  Clay,  and  other 
leading  statesmen  of  the  South  were  verified  ;  Northern  Aboli 
tionism,  under  the  false  name  of  Republicanism,  had  triumphed ; 
and  the  Southern  people  would  simply  be  conceded  such  rights 
as  the  new  rulers  would  see  proper  to  accord.  The  only  question 
In  the  South,  was  the  remedy  to  be  adopted,  in  view  of  Northern 
ascendency  upon  a  basis  of  hostility  to  their  institutions. 

A  number  of  prominent  South  Carolinians  had  met  on  the 
25th  of  October,  1860,  and  had  determined  upon  the  secession 
of  their  State,  in  case  the  Republican  party,  as  was  anticipated, 
should  triumph  in  the  pending  campaign.  This  determination 
of  the  influential  men  of  the  Palmetto  State,  was  shared  very 
generally  by  the  controllers  of  public  -opinion  in  the  remainder 
of  the  cotton  States,  The  Legislature  of  South  Carolina,  being 
convened  by  Gov,  Gist,  on  Monday,  November  5th,  the  day 
before  the  Presidential  election,  for  the  purpose  of  choosing 
electors ;  the  State  politicians  had  an  opportunity  of  perfecting 
their  plans,  should  Republicanism  in  the  North  triumph.  The 
Governor,  in  his  proclamation,  and  other  prominent  men  of  the 
State,  who  were  serenaded  on  the  evening  of  the  5th,  expressed 
the  opinion  that  in  the  event  of  Abraham  Lincoln  being  chosen 
President  of  the  United  States,  duty  demanded  that  South  Caro 
lina  should  inaugurate  the  movement  of  separation  from  the 
Union  ;  and  set  in  motion  the  ball  of  resistance  to  the  Northern 
despotism. 

The  morning  of  the  7th  of  November,  1860,  announced  to 
the  people  of  the  South  the  unwelcome  news  that  the  hated  party 
of  the  North  had  won  its  crowning  victory,  Abraham  Lincoln 
and  Hannibal  Hamlin  were  elected  to  the  highest  offices  in  the 
gift  of  the  people ;  arid  by  a  party  pledged  in  its  platform  to 
prohibit  Slavery  extension ;  and  animated  with  the  resolve  to 
weaken  the  institution  at  all  points,  and  ultimately  effect  its 
entire  extinction.  William  IL  Seward,  the  life  and  soul  of  the 
Republican  party  in  1848,  thus  spoke  at  Cleveland; 

"  Correct  your  own  error  that  Slavery  has  any  constitutional  guaran 
tees  which  may  r?ot  be  released,  and  ought  not  to  be  relinquished.  Say 
to  Slavery,  when  it  shows  its  bond  (the  Constitution)  and  demands  its 
pound  of  flesh,  that  if  it  draws  one  drop  of  blood,  its  life  shall  pay  the 
forfeit."  *  *  *  "Do  all  this  and  inculcate  all  this,  in  the  spirit 
of  moderation  and  benevolence,  and  not  of  retaliation  and  fanaticism, 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  191 

and  you  will  soon  bring  the  parties  of  the  country  into  an  effective 
aggression  upon  slavery.  Slavery  can  be  limited  to 

its  present  bounds  ;  it  can  be  ameliorated.  It  can  be  and  must  be  abol 
ished,  and  you  and  I  can  and  must  do  it.  The  task  is  as  simple  and  easy 
as  its  consummation  will  be  beneficent  and  its  reward  glorious." 

Henry  Wilson,  another  of  the  shining  lights  of  Republicanism, 
expressed  himself  in  the  following  manner : 

"  We  shall  triumph  in  the  end  ;  and  we  shall  overthrow  the  slave- 
power  of  the  Republic  ;  we  shall  enthrone  freedom  ;  we  shall  abolish 
slavery  ;  we  shall  change  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  and 
place  men  in  that  Court  who  believe  that  our  prayers  will  be  impious  to 
heaven  "while  we  sustain  and  support  human  slavery." 

The  diabolical  and  fiendish  principles  of  the  Helper  Book, 
which  had  been  endors2d  by  69  Republican  members  of  Congress, 
could  never  be  forgotten  by  the  people  of  the  Southern  States. 
As  soon,  therefore,  as  the  triumph  of  Abolitionism  wras  made 
known,  secession  was  very  generally  determined  upon  by  Southern 
Statesmen  as  the  remedy  for  evils  which  threatened  the  overthrow 
of  that  form  of  Constitutional  Government  under  which  their 
States  had  prospered,  and  to  which  they  were  devotedly  attached. 
The  Legislature  of  South  Carolina  being  at  this  time  in  session, 
joint  resolves  were  passed  in  both  Houses  calling  for  the  election 
of  a  convention  on  the  6th  of  December,  and  which  should  meet 
on  the  17th  of  the  same  month,  to  take  into  consideration  the 
question  of  separation  from  the  Union.  Steps  leading  in  the  same 
direction  were  taken  throughout  the  whole  section  of  the  cotton 
States ;  and  the  influential  leaders  in  most  of  the  remaining  slave 
States  prepared  themselves  so  to  act  as  the  current  of  a  united 
Southern  sentiment  might  dictate.  By  general  consent  it  seemed 
now  recognized  that  the  period  had  arrived  which  demanded  har 
mony  of  counsel  amongst  the  slave  States,  in  order  that  they 
might  be  able  by  united  action  to  countervail  Northern  section 
alism,  and  defend  their  constitutional  rights  as  equal  members  of 
the  American  Confederacy. 

The  South  Carolina  Convention,  assembled  at  Columbia,  the 
Capitol  of  the  State,  on  the  day  determined  upon ;  and  on  the 
20th  of  December,  1860,  proceeded  to  pass  by  an  unanimous  vote 
an  Ordinance  of  Secession,  dissolving  their  connection  with  the 
Federal  Union.  The  secession  of  South  Carolina  was  received 
by  the  dominant  party  in  the  North  as  a  matter  of  light  conse 
quence  ;  as  only  another  nullification  affair  which  would  scarcely 


192  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

create  a  ripple  upon  the  ocean  of  American  life.  Indeed,  a 
studied  system  of  deception  had  characterized  the  utterances  of 
the  organs  of  this  party  from  its  organization  in  1854.  During 
the  whole  of  the  campaign  of  1860,  the  declarations  of  Northern 
and  Southern  Conservatives  that  the  election  of  Abraham  Lincoln 
would  produce  revolution  and  civil  war,  were  scouted  by  the 
Republican  orators  and  press,  as  simply  election  threats,  intended 
to  intimidate  the  dough  faces  of  the  North ;  and  that  as  soon  as 
the  election  was  over  the  Southern  braggarts,  as  they  were  termed, 
would  tame  down  as  on  former  occasions.  This  system  of  de 
ception  was  simply  a  part  of  the  programme  to  enable  the  party 
•to  gain  power.  The  objects  to  which  they  were  leading  the 
Northern  people,  and  the  dangerous  course  over  which  the  passage 
led,  must  all  be  concealed  from  the  eyes  of  the  people,  otherwise 
these  were  unattainable.  The  Northern  masses  wTere  neither 
prepared  for  the  abolition  of  slavery,  nor  for  civiJ  war  with  their 
countrymen  of  the  South ;  both  of  which  were  logical  results  of 
the  success  of  the  Republican  party. 

But  the  eyes  of  the  Northern  masses  were  partially  opened  as 
one  after  another  of  the  cotton  States  followed  in  the  wake  of 
South  Carolina  secession.  Mississippi  was  the  first  to  imitate  the 
example  of  the  Palmetto  State,  and  enrol  herself  under  the  ban 
ner  of  Southern  resistance,  having  passed  an  ordinance  of  seces 
sion  January  9th,  1861.  Florida  buckled  on  the  secession  armor 
in  defence  of  her  inherited  rights  on  the  10th  of  the  same 
month,  and  on  the  day  following,  Alabama  was  by  her  side  in 
similar  warlike  array.  On  three  successive  days,  these  last  named 
States  had  in  secession  resolves,  donned  the  martial  outfit  of 
Southern  independence.  Georgia,  the  old  Empire  State  of  the 
South,  was  next  to  take  her  stand  by  the  side  of  her  resistant 
sisters,  and  give  character  and  weight  to  the  movement  of  seces 
sion.  This  she  did  January  19th,  in  an  ordinance  asserting  her 
State  Sovereignty  and  independence  of  the  Federal  Government. 
Louisiana  passed  her  act  of  secession  January  25th,  and  on  the 
1st  of  February  the  Lone  Star  of  Texas  was  added  to  the  nag  of 
the  Southern  Confederacy.  On  the  4th  of  February,  1861,  a 
Congress  of  Delegates  from  the  seven  seceded  States  convened 
at  Montgomery,  the  capitol  of  Alabama,  adopted  a  Provisional 
Government,  and  elected  Jefferson  Davis,  President  of -the  Con 
federate  States. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  1S3 

The  deception  that  had  been  practiced  began  to  show  its  lining 
through  the  clouds,  and  as  many  as  caught  the  glimpse  broke  in 
all  directions.  Horace  Greeley,  the  leading  Abolition  editor  of 
the  North,  says : 

"Every  local  election  held  during  the  two  months  succeeding  our 
national  triumph,  showed  great  conservative  gains.  Conspicuous  Aboli- 
lionists  were  denied  the  use  of  public  halls,  or  hooted  down  if  they 
attempted  to  speak.  Influential  citizens,  through  meetings  and  letters, 
denounced  the  madness  of  fanaticism,  and  implored  the  South  to  stay 
her  avenging  arm  until  the  North  could  have  time  to  purge  herself  from 
complicity  with  fanatics,  and  demonstrate  her  fraternal  sympathy  with 
her  Southern  sister."* 

During  all  this  period,  the  leading  Republicans  of  Abolition 
faith  exerted  themselves  to  the  utmost  to  turn  the  tide  that  had 
so  strongly  set  in  against  them.  The  politicians,  the  journalists, 
and  the  infidel  clergy  of  the  North,  had  another  difficult  task  to 
obscure  the  vision  of  the  people  and  prevent  them  from  seeing 
the  yawning  gulph  of  destruction  to  which  they  were  conduct 
ing  them.  They  were  made  to  believe  by  these  wolves  in  sheep  s 
clothing,  that  the  South  was  only  blustering  in  order  to  terrify 
the  timid  conservatives  and  enable  them  to  obtain  further  guar 
antees  for  Slavery.  Efforts  at  compromise  were  discouraged  by 
them  because,  as  they  assured  the  people,  such  would  be  vain  and 
useless.  Sentences  from  the  speeches  of  Southern  men  were 
perverted  from  their  connection ;  and  these  were  made  to  utter 
sentiments  which  they  never  entertained.  The  papers  teemed 
with  the  declarations  of  Clingman,  Chestnut,  Rhett,  and  other 
Southern  statesmen,  who  were  cited  as  asserting  that  no  compro 
mise  would  avail  to  arrest  the  revolution.  But  the  reasons  given 
by  these  men  for  believing  and  asserting  that  no  compromise 
could  heal  the  difficulties  between  the  North  and  South,  were 
carefully  concealed  from  the  Northern  people.  Had  they  told 
the  whole  story  as  it  now  stands  revealed  to  history,  and  as 
shrewd  men  w^ell  understood  at  that  time,  such  a  demand  for 
conciliation  would  have  gone  up,  as  would  have  almost  rent  the 
whole  Northern  heavens,  and  have  driven  the  leaders  from  a  plat 
form  of  discord,  which  admitted  no  entrance  for  the  Angel  of 
Peace ;  but  wThich  was  conducting  the  American  people  to  the 
bloodiest  chasm  of  civil  'war,  that  the  annals  of  the  world  have 

*Ureeiey's  Recollections,  p.  396. 


19-1  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

ever  recorded.  It  was  the  Chicago  conclave  that  interposed  and 
made  harmony  between  the  sections  impossible.  It  was  the 
resolves  of  the  Lake  City  Convention,  in  I860,  together  with 
the  knowledge  of  the  designs  of  these  men,  that  induced  Southern 
statesmen  to  declare  that  secession  could  not  be  arrested.  To  show 
that  the  people  were  somewhat  aroused  to  the  alarming  dangers 
to  which  the  Republican  party  had  brought  the  country,  the  fol 
lowing  Abolition  testimony  is  submitted.  Horace  Greeley  says  : 

"  In  fa::t  the  attitude  of  the  North  during  the  two  last  months  of  1860, 
was  foreshadowed  in  four  lines  of  Collins'  Ode  to  the  Passions.  *  *  * 
And  the  clanger  was  imminent  that  if  a  popular  vote  could  have  been  had 
(as  was  proposed)  on  the  CritLenden  Compromise,  it  would  have  prevailed 
by  an  overwhelming  majority.  Very  few  Republicans  would  have  voted 
for  it ;  but  very  many  would  have  refrained  from  voting  at  all  ;  while 
their  adversaries  would  have  brought  their  every  man  to  the  polls  in  its 
support,  and  carried  it  by  hundreds  of  thousands."* 

South  Carolina  and  the  other  cotton  States  did  not  secede,  as 
was  averred  by  the  Republican  leaders,  on  account  of  any  hos 
tility  to  the  Union,  or  the  people  of  the  North,  but  simply  because 
they  became  fully  satisfied  that  their  rights  were  in  jeopardy. 
Mutual  interest  had  originally  induced  the  people  of  the  South 
to  unite  with  those  oi  the  North ;  and  while  it  was  clear  that  it 
was  to  their  advantage  to  remain  in  the  Union,  like  all  other 
people,  the}''  wrould  do  so.  In  the  Union  with  their  Northern 
brethren  they  had  grown  wealthy  and  powerful ;  and  some  valid 
reason  existed  to  induce  them* to  prefer  a  dissolution  of  the  Union. 
The  reason  was  no  clearer  to  Southern  than  to  Northern  appre 
hension.  It  was  the  intermedling,  fanatical  disposition  of  the 
Abolitionists  of  the  North  which  induced  them  to  interfere  in  the 
affairs  of  others,  and  assume  to  be  the  rulers  over  all  America  and 
her  institutions.  This  in  short  was  the  lion  in  the  way  of  an 
amicable  settlement  of  the  National  troubles.  A  party  existed 
confined  to  the  Northern  States,  whose  doctrines  were  antagonistic 
to  the  interests  of  the  Southern  people ;  this  party  was  soon  to 
obtain  control  of  the  Federal  Government;  and  as  a  consequence, 
the  Union  for  them  had  no  further  attractions.  Nations,  as  well 
as  individuals,  will  ever  seek  such  alliances  as  will  redound,  as 
they  conceive,  to  their  advantage.  It  was  so  in  the  case  of  the 
union  of  the  States.  But  the  long,  bitter  and  intemperate  Anti 
Slavery  agitation,  had  antagonized  the  North  into  a  sectional 

*Greeley's  R?collectio:is,  pp.  396-7. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  195 

attitude  against  the  South  and  her  institutions;  slavery  was 
clearly  seen  to  be  jeoparded  in  a  longer  association  with  a  people 
who  could  be  seduced  into  such  a  hostile  aggression  against  the 
rights  and  interests  of  another  people  over  whom  they  had  no 
legal  control ;  and  therefore,  reason  and  common  sense  dictated  a 
dissolution  of  a  once  friendly  and  happy  alliance  ;  but  which  had 
now  become  dangerous  and  threatening  to  constitutional  civil 
guarantees,  and  even  to  the  perpetuity  of  free  representative 
government  itself.  The  men  of  the  South  would  have  been  pol 
troons  and  worthy  the  doom  of  slavery  themselves,  had  they 
ignobly  yielded  to  the  dictation  of  Northern  fanaticism;  and 
tolerantly  permitted  th^  inauguration  of  a  policy  that  in  the  end 
was  sure  to  lead  to  the  subversion  of  their  constitutional  rights. 

In  the  system  of  disimulation  and  deception,  by  which  the 
Republican  leaders  blindfolded  the  Northern  people  in  1860  and 
1861,  there  was  no  one  more  adroit  than  Thaddeus  Stevens  in 
the  use  of  such  instruments  as  were  required  for  the  purpose ;  and 
one  who  was  able  to  distort  Southern  sentiment,  and  pervert  it 
into  the  support  of  his  own  party  position.  An  instance  of  this 
is  seen  in  his  speech  in  the  House,  delivered  January  29th,  1861. 
He  said : 

"  I  regret,  sir,  that  I  am  compelled  to  concur  in  the  belief  stated  yes 
terday  by  the  gentleman  from  Virginia,  (Mr.  Pryor)  that  no  compromise 
which  can  be  made  will  have  any  effect  in  averting  the  present  difficulty."  * 

Mr  Stevens  fails  to  state  in  his  speech  (intended  for  circulation 
in  the  Northern  journals  of  the  Republican  party  f )  what  stood 
in  the  way  of  compromise  ;  but  this  is  seen  in  the  speech  of  Mr. 
Pryor,  to  which  he  refers.  The  latter,  in  his  speech  of  January 
28th,  spolve  as  follows : 

"  MR.  SPEAKER,  since  the  fatal  6th  of  November  to  the  present  hour, 
the  Representatives  of  the  South  have  invariably  exhibited  an  accomo- 
dating  disposition.  The  first  day  of  our  session  was  signalized  by  a 
proposition  from  a  colleague  of  my  own  (Mr.  Botteler),  which  contem 
plated  a  pacific  adjustment  of  our  difficulties.  A  similar  movement, 
likewise  originating  with  a  Southern  man,  was  initiated  in  the  Senate, 

* 'Congressional  Globe,  p.  621. 

fHence  flows  one  great  evii  of  an  unbridled  press,  which  details  all  that 
is  deemed  favorable  to  the  intests  of  party  ;  but  the  antidote  is  rarely 
permitted  to  appear.  Under  such  a  system  as  now  obtains  wiih  most 
party  organs  in  America,  the  truth  is  with  the  greatest  difficulty  ascer 
tained,  even  by  investigators,  but  rarely  by  the  masses.  Some  "method 
would  seem  necessary  to  be  devised  which  would  better  secure  the  dis 
semination,  of  the  truth  than  now  exists. 


193  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

Meanwhile,  various  schemes  of  settlement  have  been  submitted  in  one  01 
the  other  House  of  Congress,  of  which,  without  much  regard  to  their 
intrinsic  efficacy,  we  have  uniformly  avowed  our  support ;  while  on  the 
other  side  (the  Republican),  they  have  been  as  uniformly  rejected  with 
a  contemptuous  disdain  of  compromise.  Thus,  while  the  South  are  will 
ing  to  remain  in  the  Union  with  an  assurance  of  their  rights,  the  North 
declare,  by  a  refusal  of  all  concession,  that  they  will  destroy  the  Union 
rather  than  renounce  their  aggressive  designs.  In  the  perverted  patriot 
ism  of  the  dominant  party,  the  Constitution  of  Washington  is  substituted 
by  the  platform  of  Lincoln  ;  and  rather  than  be  reproached  with  logical 
inconsistency,  they  chose  to  incur  the  guilt  of  civil  war/'* 

Mr.  Stevens,  on  the  14th  of  February,  1861,  in  replying  to  a 
Mr.  Webster,  of  Maryland,  who  characterized  his  speech  of 
January  29th  as  "a  strong  Anti-Compromise  speech,"  admitted 
that  instead  of  being  sorry,  he  was  gratified  that  compromise 
could  not  save  the  Union.  He  said :  "  I  did  not  agree  to  go  for 
compromise.  I  am  opposed  to  compromise  until  there  is  some 
thing  to  compromise. "f 

Another  illustration  from. the  speech  of  Mr.  Stevens  of  Janu 
ary  29th,  is  cited  as  an  example  of  the  illogical  and  clap-trap 
method  made  use  of  by  the  Republican  leaders  to  parry  Southern 
argument  in  favor  of  compromise,  and  by  sophistry  also,  to  arouse 
Northern  pride  and  false  patriotism  against  the  people  of  the 
South.  He  spoke  as  follows : 

"  When  I  see  these  States  in  open  and  declared  rebellion  against  the 
Union,  seizing  upon  her  public  lands  and  arsenals,  and  robbing  her  of 
millions  of  the  public  property  ;  when  I  see  the  batteries  of  seceding 
States  blockading  the  highway  of  the  nation,  and  their  armies  in 
battle  array  against  the  flag  of  the  Union  ;  when  I  see  our  flag  insulted, 
and  that  insult  submitted  to,  I  have  no  hope  that  concession,  humiliation 
and  compromise  can  have  any  effect  whatever..'  \ 

Such  was  the  pabulum  that  fed  Northern  venom  during  the 
period  when  patriots  North  and  South  were  engaged  in  the 
holy  mission  of  endeavoring  to  adjust  the  national  difficulties, 
and  shield  the  Republic  from  bloodshed  and  fratricidal  strife. 
Much  more  worthily  would  the  powers  of  Mr.  Stevens  have  been 
engaged,  if  in  true  republican  spirit  he  had  employed  his  intel 
lectual  abilities  in  logically  controverting  the  positions  of  Southern 
statesmen,  and  convincing  them,  in  the  forum  of  reason,  that  their 
rights  would  be  better  secured  in  the  Union  than  out  of  it. 


* Congressional  Globe,  p.  603. 
t  Globe,  p.  907, 
\  Globe,  p.  62  U 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  197 

That  was  the  method  by  which  the  Union  had  been  framed,  and 
by  no  other  could  a  republican  Union  be  perpetuated.  Instead, 
therefore,  of  parading  the  iniquity  of  Southern  secession,  why 
did  not  he  and  his  party  endeavor  to  prove  that  the  reasons  which 
induced  it  were  groundless  ?  The  eloquent  R.  A.  Pry  or,  of 
Virginia,  (against  whom,  as  has  been  seen,  Mr.  Stevens  in  a 
measure  replied)  submitted  a  resume  of  the  causes  that  induced 
the  Southern  revolt  which  deserved  an  argumentative  rather  than 
a  bitter,  sneering  reply.  After  recapitulating  the  non-execution 
of  the  fugitive  slave  law  by  the  Xorth,  with  many  other  viola 
tions  of  Southern  rights,  Mr.  Pryor  said : 

"  But  the  defence  of  the  South  rests  upon  still  stronger  grounds  ;  and 
her  secession  from  the  Confederacy  is  justified  by  even  higher  principles 
than  the  right  to  vindicate  a  violated  covenant.  Absolute  power  is  the 
essence  of  tyranny,  whether  the  power  be  wielded  by  a  monarch  or  a 
multitude.  The  dominant  section  in  this  Confederacy  claims  and  exer 
cises  absolute  power — power  without  limitation  and  without  responsi 
bility — without  limitation,  since  all  the  restrictions  of  the  Constitution 
are  broken  down,  and  without  responsibility,  because  in  the  nature  of 
things,  the  weaker  interest  cannot  control  the  majority.  Of  all  species 
of  tyranny,  the  South  is  subject  to  the  most  intolerable.  Under  the 
rule  of  a  despot  we  might  hope  something  of  his  impartial  indifference 
between  the  sections ;  but  to  be  exposed  to  the  unbridled  sway  of  a 
majority  adverse  in  interest,  inimical  in  feeling,  and  ambitious  of  domi 
nation,  is  to  be  reduced  to  a  condition  more  abject  than  that  of  the  slaves 
whose  emancipation  is  the  pretext  of  all  this  controversy. 

'•It  is  against  this  sectional  domination,  this  rule  of  the  majority  with 
out  law  and  without  limit, — a  rule  asserted  in  subversion  of  the  Con 
stitution,  and  established  on  the  ruins  of  the  Confederacy, — it  is  in 
resistance  to  this  despotic  and  destable  rule  that  the  people  of  the  South 
have  taken  up  arms.  This,  sir,  is  the  cause  of  the  South  ;  and  tell  me  if 
cause  more  just  ever  consecrated  revolution  ?  It  is  the  cause  of  self-gov 
ernment  against  the  domination  of  foreign  power — the  very  cause  for 
which  our  fathers  fought  in  1 776.  I  repeat,  it  is  against  the  rule  of  a 
sectional  despotism  that  the  South  demands  protection  ;  and  it  is  to  assert 
the  cause  of  civil  liberty  that  she  declares  her  independence.  You  of  the 
North  lavished  your  sympathy  on  the  people  of  Hungary  in  their  revolt 
against  Austrian  absolutism  ;  but  our  cause  is  identical,  in  principle  and 
in  purpose. 

"To-day,  it  is  Southern  interests  which  suffer  from  the  overthrow  of 
constitutional  guarantees  and  the  irresponsible  reign  of  the  majority. 
But  the  principle  of  absolute  power,  once  ascendant  in  the  Government, 
no  interest  is  secure  ;  and  circumstances  will  determine  against  what 
object  it  may  be  directed.  The  only  safeguard  of  American  liberty  is  in. 
maintaining  the  integrity  and  preserving  intact  the  limitations  of  the 
Government.  For  that  the  South  contends;  and  all  are  alike  concerned 
in  her  cause. 


108  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

"If,  after  the  endurance  of  so  many  wrongs  and  the  menace  of  others 
still  more  intolerable,  were  anything  wanting  to  justify  the  South  in.  the 
public  opinion  of  the  world,  it  would  be  supplied  by  her  solicitude  to 
avoid  violence  and  redress  her  grievances  within  the  Union.  We  are 
reproached,  I  know,  with  precipitancy  in  not  waiting  an  overt  act  of 
hostility  from  the  sectional  administration.  Sir,  in  our  judgment,  a 
proclamation  of  war  is  an  overt  act,  and  such  proclamation  we  find  in 
the  election  by  an  exclusively  sectional  vote  of  a  President  pledged  to 
put  our  rights  and  our  property  '  in  course  of  Ultimate  extinction,' — a 
President  who  admonishes  us  in  advance  of  his  aggressive  designs  by 
the  sententious  but  significant  declaration  that  '  they  who  deny  freedom 
to  others  do  not  deserve  it  themselves,  and  under  a  just  God  cannot  long 
retain  it.'  We  could  not  agree  to  await,  inactively,  the  development  of 
the  disposition  of  the  President  elect ;  for  we  claim  to  hold  our  rights  by 
some  higher  and  more  solid  tenure  than  the  capricious  temper  of  any 
individual.  Indeed,  the  arguments  of  our  opponents  involves  a  conces 
sion  of  our  case,  inasmuch  as  it  implies  that  the  rights  of  the  South  are 
no  longer  secured  by  constitutional  guarantees,  but  are  suspended  on  the 
accident  of  an  unfriendly  administration. 

''A  more  imperative  consideration  still  determined  the  South  to  act  at 
once  and  to  act  decisively.  If  negotiation  might  avail,  we  thought  to 
strengthen  this  by  a  demonstration  of  our  spirit.  If  the  sword  alone 
can  reclaim  our  rights,  we  were  resolved  not  to  be  unprepared  for  the 
issue."* 

The  united  South  and  the  Democracy  of  the  North  were  all 
in  favor  of  an  adjustment  of  the  dispute  between  the  sections, 

without  recourse  to  coercive  measures.     Even  a  considerable  wins: 

o 

of  the  Eepublican  party  which  had  supported-  Lincoln  for  the 
Presidency,  were  likewise  favorable  to  a  peaceful  solution  of 
the  national  difficulties,  in  order  to  avoid  a  collision  of  arms  that 
would  endanger  the  Federal  Union,  and  might  ultimate  in  a  total 
overthrow  of  republican  institutions.  Influential  men  of  both 
political  parties,  in  view  of  Southern  demonstrations,  felt  that  a 
crisis  had  arisen,  that  called  for  the  efforts  of  patriots  to  exert 
their  influence  to  ward  off  the  dangers  with  which  the  country 
was  threatened.  Meetings  were  held  in  different  sections  of  the 
North  for  the  purpose  of  giving  expression  to  public  opinion ; 
and  also  with  the  design  of  securing  such  a  coincidence  of  senti 
ment  as  might  lead  to  an  amicable  termination  of  the  troubles 
that  were  threatening  the  peace  of  the  country.  One  of  the 
largest  of  these  assemblages  was  that  held  in  Independence 
Square,  in  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  and  which,  by  the  advice  of 
the  councils,  had  been  summoned  by  Mayor  Henry  to  counsel 


*Globe  of  2d  Session,  36th  Congress,  Vol.  I,  pp.  603-3. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  19& 

together,  in  view  of  the  apprehension  that  disunion  was  immi 
nent,  unless  the  "  loyal  people  casting  off  the  spirit  of  party, 
should  in  a  special  manner  avow  their  unfailing  fidelity  to  the 
Union,  and  their  abiding  faith  in  the  Constitution  and  laws." 
This  meeting — the  spontaneous  outburst  of  the  purest  patriotism 
that  a  people  could  exhibit — was  of  vast  magnitude,  and  showed 
the  interest  that  was  felt  by  the  masses  who  came  in  any  wise  to 
realize  the  maelstrom  of  civil  war  into  which  the  Ship  of  State 
was  rapidly  descending.  Addresses  were  made  before  this  con 
course  of  citizens  by  leading  old  line  "VVhigs,  Democrats  and 
Conservative  Republicans,  evincing  a  desire  of  compromise ;  and 
that  fraternal  concord  might  again  be  restored  between  the  States 
and  the  Union  perpetuated  without  bloodshed.  It  was  a  clear 
indication  that  the  Northern  people  wished  the  Union  to  be  pre 
served  by  pacific  remedies  rather  than  risk  its  safety  upon  the 
hazard  of  the  sword.  But  power  had  passed  from  the  hands  of 
those  who  desired  that  the  Union  should  be  perpetuated  in  the 
manner  it  had  been  formed.  In  compromise  its  foundations  had 
been  laid  ;  in  conciliation  its  structure  had  been  reared  ;  but  this 
policy  must  now  yield  to  that  which  can  terminate  the  career  of 
Slavery  and  end  its  existence  as  one  of  the  institutions  of  the 
American  Republic. 

The  second  session  ot  the  Thirty-sixth  Congress  opened  on 
Monday,  December  3d,  1860,  and  President  Buchanan  on  the 
next  day  transmitted  to  this  body  his  fourth  and  last  Annual 
Message.  In  this  document,  the  President  essayed  the  discussion 
of  the  national  difficulties,  and  set  forth  as  he  believed  the  causes 
that  had  induced  the  troubles.  Tie  said  : 

"Why  is  it  then,  that  discontent  now  so  extensively  prevails,  and  the 
Union  of  the  States,  which  is  the  source  of  all  our  blessings,  is  threatened 
with  destruction?  The  long  continued  and  intemperate  interference  of 
the  Northern  people  with  the  question  of  slavery  in  the  Southern  States, 
lias  at  length  produced  its  natural  effects.  The  different  sections  of  the 
Union  are  now  arrayed  against  each  other,  and  the  time  has  arrived  so 
much  dreaded  by  the  Father  of  his  country,  when  hostile  geographical 
parties  have  b.en  formed.  I  have  long  foreseen  and  often  forewarned 
my  countrymen  of  the  now  impending  danger.  This  does  not  proceed 
solely  from  the  claims  on  the  part  of  Congress  or  the  Territorial  Legisla 
tures  to  exclude  slavery  from  the  Territories,  nor  from  the  efforts  of 
the  different  States  to  defeat  the  execution  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law." 

In  both  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  committees 
were  appointed  to  consider  the  state  of  the  Union  in  view  of  tho 


200  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

threatening  aspect  of  national  affairs.  The  Senate  Committee, 
consisting  of  thirteen  members,  was  composed  of  the  most  dis 
tinguished  Senators,  representing  the  different  parties  to  which 
they  belonged.  It  consisted  of  live  leading  Republicans,  the 
same  number  from  the  slave  States,  and  three  Northern  Demo 
crats/*  The  latter  were  intended  to  act  as  mediators  between  the 
extreme  parties  of  the  Committee.  The  Committee  of  the 
House  consisted  of  thirty-three  members,  one  from  each  State, 
and  was  made  up  of  sixteen  Republicans,  fifteen  Southern  men 
and  two  Northern  Democrats.  Horace  Greeley,  speaking  of  this 
Committee,  .says : 

"Mr.  Speaker  Pennington,  who  formed  the  Committee,  was  strongly  in" 
clined  to  conciliation,  if  that  could  be  effected,  011  terms  not  disgraceful 
to  the  North  ;  and  at  least  six  of  the  sixteen  Republicans  placed  on  the 
Committee,  desired  and  hoped  that  an  adjustment  might  yet  be  achieved. 
No  member  of  extreme  Anti-Slavery  views  was  associated  with  them."f 

The  Committee  of  the  Senate  first  met  December  21st,  and 
preliminary  to  any  other  proceedings,  they  "resolved  that  no 
proposition  shall  be  reported  as  adopted,  unless  sustained  by  a 
majority  of  each  of  the  classes  of  the  Committee ;  Senators  of 
the  Republican  party  to  constitute  one  class,  and  Senators  of 
the  other  parties  to  constitute  the  other  class."  This  resolution 
was  adopted,  because  it  was  well-known  that  any  report  that 
might  be  submitted  would  be  vain,  unless  sanctioned  by  at  least 
a  majority  of  Republican  Senators.  Few  Southern  men  ever 
Relieved  that  these  efforts  at  compromise  would  result  in  any 
amicable  settlement  of  the  difficulties  between  the  sections ;  but 
they  were  willing  to  co-operate  in  any  measures  that  promised 
the  least  hope  of  warding  off  from  the  country  the  calamities  of 
civil  war.  On  the  22d  of  the  same  month,  John  J.  Crittenden, 
of  Kentucky,  submitted  to  the  Committee  his  proposed  amend 
ments  to  the  Constitution,  which  became  popularly  known  as  the 
Crittenden  Compromise.  This  was  designed  as  a  compromise  of 
conflicting  claims,  inasmuch  as  it  proposed  that  the  South  should 
surrender  their  adjudicated  right  to  take  slaves  into  all  the  Terri 
tories,  provided  the  North  would  concede  this  right  in  the  Territory 

*  The  five  Republicans  of  the  Committee  were  Messrs.  Seward,  Colla- 
mer,  Wade,  Doolittle  and  Grimes  ;  the  Southern  Senators  were  Powell, 
Hunter,  Crittenden,  Toombs  and  Davis ;  and  the  Northern  Democrats, 
Douglas,  Bigler  and  Bright. 

f  Greeley 's  American  Conflict.     VoL  1,  p.  372. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  201 

south  of  the  old  Missouri  Compromise  line.  It  was  the  accept 
ance  by  the  South  of  vastly  less  right  in  the  Territories  than  she 
possessed  under  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  showed 
Southern  readiness  to  acquiesce  in  terms  of  reasonable  compro 
mise  that  might  stay  the  flood-gates  of  civil  outbreak  between 
the  States. 

Of  the  vast  existing  Territory,  all  was  conceded  to  the  North 
by  the  proposition  of  Compromise,  save  New  Mexico  alone.  And. 
in  regard  to  this  section  it  was  generally  believed  that  it  never 
could  with  profit  be  made  a  slave-holding  State.  At  first  it  was 
thought  by  some  that  this  amendment  would  be  yielded  by  the 
JSTorth  as  a  peace  offering  to  the  South.  It  was  in  truth,  but  an 
offer  to  restore  the  Missouri  Compromise,  against  the  repeal  of 
which  the  Northern  Anti-Slavery  men  had  struggled  so  fiercely 
in  185i.  It  was  hailed  throughout  the  country  as  the  rainbow  of 
peace,  promising  perpetuity  to  the  Union.  James  Buchanan  thus 
speaks  of  this  measure : 

"  Indeed,  who  could  fail  to  believe  that  when  the  alternative  was  pre 
sented  to  the  Senators  and  Representatives  of  the  Northern  States,  either 
to  yield  to  their  brethren  in  the  South,  the  barren  abstraction  of  carrying 
their  slaves  into  New  Mexico,  or  to  expose  the  country  to  the  imminent 
peril  of  civil  war,  they  "would  choose  the  side  of  peace  and  union  ?  The 
period  for  action  was  still  propitious.  It  will  be  recollected  that  Mr. 
Crittenden's  amendment  was  submitted  before  any  of  our  forts  had  been 
seized,  before  any  of  the  cotton  States  except  South  Carolina,  had  seceded, 
and  before  any  of  the  conventions  which  had  been  called  in  the  remain 
ing  six  of  these  States  had  assembled.  Under  such  circumstances  it 
would  have  been  true  wisdom  to  seize  the  propitious  moment  before  it 
fled  forever,  and  even  yield,  if  need  be,  a  trifling  concession  to  patriotic 
policy,  if  not  to  abstract  justice,  rather  than  expose  the  country  to  a 
great  impending  calamity.  And  how  small  the  concession  required,  even 
from  a  sincere  Anti-Slavery  Republican."* 

In  advocacy  of  this  Compromise,  Mr.  Crittenden  used  the  fol 
lowing  language : 

"  The  sacrifice  to  be  made  for  its  (that  of  the  Union)  preservation  is 
comparatively  worthless.  Peace,  harmony  and  union  in  a  great  nation 
were  never  purchased  at  so  cheap  a  rate,  as  we  now  have  it  in  our  power 
to  do.  It  is  a  scruple  only,  a  scruple  of  as  little  value  as  a  barley  corn 
that  stands  between  us  and  peace,  reconciliation  and  union  ;  and  we 
stand  here  pausing  and  hesitating  about  that  little  atom  which  is  to  be 
sacrificed,  "f 

*Buchanan's  Administration  on  the  Eve  of  the  Rebellion,  pp.  136-7. 
\Congressional  Globe,  3i  January,  1861,  p.  237. 


202  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

As  leading  Southern  statesmen  however  correctly  apprehended, 
the  Crittenden  Compromise  failed  to  receive  the  approbation  of 
a  single  Republican  member  of  the  committee  ;  and  therefore  it 
could  not  have  been  reported  to  the  Senate  as  adopted,  according 
to  the  resolution  which  they  had  agreed  upon,  though  all  the 
other  thirteen  members  had  voted  for  it.  But  because  of  the 
unanimity  of  the  Republican  opposition,  neither  Jefferson  Davis 
nor  Robert  II.  Toombs  would  stultify  themselves  by  supporting  a 
measure  in  which  they  were  willing  to  acquiesce,  but  which  they 
were  satisfied  the  ruling  party  would  not  accept.  In  addition  to 
this,  Senator  Davis,  in  view  of  the  attitude  of  his  State,  had 
desired  to  be  relieved  from  serving  upon  the  committee  when 
first  named  as  a  member  of  it.  Senator  Toombs,  in  his  speech 
of  January  9th,  1861,  in  enumerating  the  demands  of  the  South, 
evinced  that  all  he  desired  was  a  fair  and  honorable  compromise. 
lie  said  : 

"  We  demand  that  the  people  of  the  United  States  shall  have  an  equal 
right  to  emigrate  to  and  settle  in  the  present  or  any  future  acquired  Ter 
ritories,  with  whatever  property  they  may  possess  (including  slaves),  and 
be  securely  protected  in  its  peaceable  enjoyment,  until  such  Territory 
may  be  admitted  as  a  State  into  the  Union,  with  or  without  Slavery,  as 
she  may  determine,  on  an  equality  with  all  existing  States.  *  *.  * 
We  have  demanded  simply  equality,  security  and  tranquility.  Give  us 
these  and  peace  restores  itself.  *  *  *  But  although  I  insist 
upon  this  perfect  equality  in  the  Territories,  when  it  was  proposed,  as  I 
understand  the  Senator  from  Kentucky,  now  proposes  that  the  line  of 
36°,  30',  shall  be  extended,  acknowledging  and  protecting  our  property 
on  the  south  side  of  the  line,  for  the  sake  of  peace,  permanent  peace,  I 
said  to  the  Committee  of  Thirteen,  as  I  say  here,  that  with  other  satis 
factory  provisions  I  would  accept  it."* 

In  addition  to  this,  we  have  the  testimony  of  Senator  Douglas 
in  his  speech  of  January  3d,  1861,  showing  upon  whom  rested  the 
responsibility  of  the  failure,  to  accept  the  Crittenden  Compromise 
in  the  Committee  of  Thirteen.     He  said : 

"  If  you  of  the  Republican  side  are  not  willing  to  accept  this  [a  propo 
sition  of  adjustment  offered  by  himself]  nor  the  proposition  of  the  Sena 
tor  from  Kentucky  (Mr.  Crittenden's),  pray,  tell  us  what  you  are  willing 
to  do.  I  address  the  inquiry  to  the  Republicans  alone,  for  the  reason 
that  in  the  Committee  of  Thirteen,  a  few  days  ago,  every  member  from 
the  South,  including  those  from  the  cotton  States  (Messrs.  Davis  and 
Toombs),  expressed  their  readiness  to  accept  the  proposition  of  my  ven 
erable  friend  from  Kentucky  as  a  final  settlement  of  the  controversy,  if 


* 'Congressional  Globe,  p.  208-70. 


POLITICAL,  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  202 

tendered  and  sustained  by  the  Republican  members.  Hence,  the  sole 
responsibility  of  our  disagreement  and  the  only  difficulty  in  the  way  of 
an  amicable  adjustment  is  with  the  Republican  party.'  * 

Iii  his  reply  to  Mr.  Pugh,  of  Ohio,  Senator  Douglas  re-affirmed 
his  former  statement.  He  said  : 

"  The  Senator  has  said,  that  if  the  Crittenden  proposition  could  have  been 
passed  early  in  the  session,  it  would  have  saved  all  the  States  except 
South  Carolina.  I  firmly  believe  it  would.  While  the  Crittenden  propo 
sition  was  not  in  accordance  wi  limy  cherished  views,  I  avowed  my  readi 
ness  and  eagerness  to  accept  it,  in  order  to  save  the  Union,  if  we  could 
unite  upon  it.  No  man  has  labored  harder  than  I  have  to  get  it  passed. 
I  can  confirm  the  Senators  declaration  that  Senator  Davis  himself,  when 
on  the  Committee  of  Thirteen,  was  ready  at  all  times  to  compromise  on 
the  Crittenden  proposition.  I  will  go  further,  and  say  that  Toombs  was 
also  ready  to  do  so."  f 

Although  Mr.  Crittenden's  measure  failed  before  the  Committee 

O 

of  Thirteen,  he  did  not  despair  of  ultimate  success  with  it. 
After  this  he  could  not  expect  to  carry  his  compromise  as  an 
amendment  to  the  Constitution,  but  believed  it  was  possible  to 
obtain  a  majority  of  each  House  in  its  favor  so  as  to  have  it 
referred  to  a  direct  vote  of  the  people  of  the  States.  He  thought 
a  portion  of  the  Republican  Members  of  Congress  might  be  will 
ing  to  favor  a  reference  of  the  questions  in  dispute  to  the  people 
themselves,  as  in  this  manner  their  party  could  relieve  itself  from 
its  former  committals  to  the  Chicago  platform.  Besides,  he 
scarcely  conceived  it  possible  that  they  wrould  be  willing  to 
assume  the  responsibility  of  denying  to  the  people  of  the  States 
an  opportunity  of  expressing  an  opinion  at  the  ballot-box,  on 
questions  involving  no  less  a  stake  than  the  peace  and  safety  of 
the  Union.  It  was  quite  manifest  to  any  one  observing  the  cur 
rent  of  public  opinion  at  that  time,  that  the  people  of  perhaps 
every  State  but  one  were  ready  to  accept  the  Crittenden  Com 
promise  as  a  settlement  of  all  difficulties  between  the  North  and 
South.  Memorials  in  its  favor  poured  into  Congress  from  all 
sections  of  the  North.  One  of  these  presented  to  the  Senate  was 
from  the  Mayor,  members  of  the  Board  of  Aldermen  and  Com 
mon  Council  of  the  City  of  Boston,  and  was  signed  by  over 
22,000  citizens  of  the  State  of  Massachusetts,  praying  the  adop 
tion  of  the  Compromise  measures  proposed  by  Mr.  Crittenden. 
Another  from  the  City  of  New  York  contained  38,000  names. 

*  Congressional  Globe,  1860-61,  p.  1391. 

f  Appendix  to  Congressional  Globe,  1860-61,  p.  41. 


204  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

A  greater  number  of  persons  petitioned  in  favor  of  the  Crit- 
tenden  Compromise  than  for  any  former  measure  that  had  ever 
been  before  the  American  Congress. 

Mr.  Crittenderi  made  repeated  efforts  to  bring  the  Senate 
to  a  vote  upon  his  propositions,  but  was  steadily  baffled  by  the 
parliamentary  tactics  of  Republican.  Senators.  On  the  14th  of 
January,  1861,  he  made  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  have  it  con 
sidered,  but  it  was  postponed  until  the  following  day.  On  this 
day  it  was  again  postponed  by  the  vote  of  every  Republican 
Senator  present,  in  order  to  make  way  for  the  Pacific  Railroad 
Bill.  He  succeeded  on  the  16th,  by  a  majority  of  a  single  vote, 
in  bringing  his  resolution  before  the  body ;  every  Republican 
Senator  voting  against  its  consideration.  A  direct  vote  upon  the 
resolution  so  earnestly  desired  by  the  country,  now  seemed  inevi 
table  ;  but  Republican  fertility  was  not  lacking,  and  a  new  display 
of  tactics  once  more,  baffled  the  compromisers.  Mr.  Clark,  a 
Republican  Senator  from  New  Hampshire,  moved  to  strike  out 
the  entire  preamble  and  resolution  offered  by  Mr.  Crittenden,  and 
in  lieu  thereof  insert  those  of  a  directly  opposite  character,  and 
such  as  were  in  accord  with  the  Chicago  platform.  This  motion 
prevailed  by  a  vote  of  25  to  23,  every  Republican  present  voting 
in  its  favor.  Six  secession  Senators  declined  to  vote  on  the  Clark 
amendment,  being  already  firmly  convinced  that  all  efforts  to 
compromise  between  the  sections  would  prove  abortive  because  of 
Republican  obstinacy.  Mr.  Iverson,  of  Georgia,  one  of  the  six, 
who  declined  to  vote,  in  his  speech  of  December  llth,  1860,  ex 
pressed  his  utter  disbelief  that  compromise  in  any  wise  could 
effect,  a  solution  of  the  National  difficulties.  He  said : 

"  Then,  sir,  is  it  proposed  by  Congressional  legislation  to  appease  the 
Southern  States  by  the  adoption  of  the  doctrine  of  Congressional  protec 
tion  to  Slavery  in  the  Territories  of  the  United  States  ?  Sir,  I  want  to 
know  who  expects  that  such  a  remedy  as  that  will  ever  be  occorded  by 
this  Congress,  or  any  other?  We  know  that  the  Republican  party,  so 
far  as  they  are  concerned,  are  a  unit  against  any  such  provision.  It  was 
the  great  Shibboleth,  on  which  they  fought  the  recent  battle  and  won  it. 
It  is  the  great  principle  which  stands  as  the  very  basis  of  their  political 
organization  that  Slavery  shall  never  advance  one  inch  beyond  its 
present  boundaries,  and  shall  never  plant  a  footprint  in  any  Territory  of 
the  United  States. 

"  The  Southern  people  now  moving  for  secession,  will  never  be  satisfied 
with  any  concession  made  by  the  North  that  does  not  fully  recognize  not 
only  the  existence  of  Slavery  in  its  present  form,  but  the  right  of  the 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  205 

Southern  people  to  emigrate  to  the  common  Territories  with  their  slave 
property,  and  their  right  to  Congressional  protection  while  the  Territorial 
existence  lasts.  The  recent  battle  of  the  South  was  fought  upon  that 
very  issue.  The  friends  of  Mr.  Breckeiiridge  put  him  upon  the  very 
grounds  of  Congressional  protection  to  slave  property  in  the  Territories  ; 
and  it  was  upon  that  ground  that  he  carried  the  cotton  States. 

"  The  North,  if  they  yield  at  all,  yield  from  an  apprehension  that  the 
South  is  going  to  dissolve  the  Union,  and  they  yield  from  fear  of  the 
consequences.  Of  what  value  would  any  concessions,  made  under  these 
circumstances,  be  to  the  South  ?  None,  as  long  as  this  vitiated  public 
sentiment  of  Anti-Slavery  exists  in  the  hearts  and  minds  of  the  Northern 
people.  And,  when  is  that  ever  going  to  be  changed  ?  Never,  as  long  as 
the  Union  lasts.  It  is  a  part,  not  only  of  their  literary  education,  but  of 
their  religious  creed.  It  enters  into  all  the  complications  of  society.  It 
pervades  the  pulpit,  the  halls  of  legislation,  the  popular  assemblies,  the 
school  houses — all  teach  the  doctrine  of  the  '  irrepressible  conflict ';  and 
how  many  arguments  in  favor  of  Slavery,  its  morality,  its  social  and 
political  advantages,  ever  reach  the  Northern  eye  and  the  Northern  ear."* 

Mr.  Wigfal,  of  Texas,  another  of  the  six  secession  Senators 
who  refused  to  vote  on  the  Clark  amendment,  gave  his  reasons 
for  so  doing  in  a  speech  delivered  by  him  January  30th,  1861, 
He  said : 

"What  were  the  Clark  resolutions?  They  were  resolutions  asserting 
that  no  amendments  to  the  Constitution  were  necessary  ;  and  that  the 
only  matter  of  importance  was  that  coercion  should  be  used  upon  the 
sovereign  States  that  had  declared  themselves  out  of  the  Union.  When 
these  resolutions  came  up  as  a  substitute  for  the  resolutions  of  the  Sena 
tor  from  Kentucky,  every  Senator  who  belongs  to  the  dominant  party 

the  party  that  is  to  be  entrusted  with  the  reins  of  Government  on  the  4th 
of  March  next,  voted  for  the  Clark  resolutions  as  a  substitute  for  the 
Crittenden  resolutions.  What  then  was  the  use  of  our  stultifying  our 
selves  ?  What  was  the  use  of  our  sitting  here  and  voting  down  resolu 
tions,  which  expressed  the  opinion  of  the  dominant  party  of  the  country, 
in  order  that  the  Senator  from  Illinois  might  write  letters  or  telegraph 
to  different  States  that  the  Union  was  about  to  be  saved  ;  that  the  Crit 
tenden  resolutions  had  been  passed  through  the  Senate.  I  did  not  intend 
to  make  myself  a  party  to  the  fraud  ;  and  therefore,  when  the  question 
came  up  between  the  Crittenden  and  Clark  resolutions,  I  for  one  forbore 
to  vote.  I  knew  the  Senators  on  that  side  of  the  chamber  had  the  ma 
jority.  We  had  appealed  to  them  ;  we  had  begged  them  in  God's  mercy 
and  for  the  good  of  their  own  people  and  for  the  peace  of  the  country,, 
to  interpose  and  to  settle  this  question  upon  some  safe  basis. "f 

All  hope  of  a  compromise  that  could  save  the  Union  was  vir 
tually  abandoned,  when  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  declined 
to  accept  the  Crittenden  propositions,  as  the  basis  of  an  adjudi- 

* Congressional  Globe  of  1860-61,  pp.  49-50, 
\Congressional  Globe,  1860-61,  p,  665, 


203  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

cation.  The  intense  anxiety,  however,  that  existed  in  the  breasts 
of  those  who  desired  to  avert  the  calamity  of  civil  war,  suggested 
one  plan  of  conciliation  after  another,  but  all  to  no  purpose. 
The  General  Assemby  of  Virginia,  on  the  19th  of  January, 
1861,  adopted  resolutions  expressing  the  opinion  "that  unless  the 
unhappy  controversy  which  now  divides  the  States  of  the  Con 
federacy  shall  be  satisfactorily  adjusted,  a  permanent  dissolution 
of  the  Union  is  inevitable."  For  the  purpose  of  averting  this 
calamity,  they  invited  all  the  States  to  appoint  Commissioners  to 
meet  at  the  City  of  Washington,  February  4th,  1861,  in  order 
that  an  earnest  effort  be  made  "  to  adjust  the  present  unhappy 
controversies  in  the  spirit  in  which  the  Constitution  was  originally 
framed."  These  resolutions  expressed  tho  belief  that  the  Crit- 
tenden  propositions  with  perhaps  some  modifications,  would  "  be 
accepted  as  a  satisfactory  adjustment  by  the  people  of  this  Com 
monwealth." 

Seven  of  the  Southern  States  had  already  either  seceded  or 
were  moving  in  that  direction.  Everything  indicated  the  break 
ing  up  of  the  Union,  with  its  consequent  calamities  of  civil  war, 
and  the  probable  downfall  of  the  Government.  To  avert  these 
calamities,  all  classes  were  willing  to  unite,  except  those  who 
were  resolved  to  risk  national  disaster  rather  than  compromise 
their  party  principles;"  and  those,  also,  who  were  fully  assured 
that  no  satisfactory  settlement  could  be  obtained.  The  former 
were  the  anti-compromise  Republicans  of  the  North,  and  the 
latter,  the  Southern  secessionists  and  their  allies  in  the  border 
States.  Commissioners  were  appointed  to  the  Peace  Conference 
from  fifteen  Northern  and  seven  Southern  States,  although  the 
movement  was  one  wrhich  met  with  little  sympathy  in  Republican 
circles.  Some  of  the  Northern  States  refused  to  appoint  Com 
missioners,  and  those  who  did  so,  selected  men  of  strong  Anti- 
Slavery  opinions,  who  were  known  to  be  opposed  to  any  compro 
mise  whatsoever.  Senators  Chandler  and  Bingham  telegraphed 
to  the  Governor  of  Michigan,  urging  him  to  send  to  the  con 
ference  radical  Abolitionists,  in  order  that  no  compromise  might 
be  effected.  A  view  of  the  composition  of  the  conference,  to 
one  acquainted  with  the  antecedents  of  the  members  from  the 
North,  was  sufficient  to  satisfy  tl'ie  observer  that  little  hopes  could 
be  based  upon  the  actions  of  that  body.  What  reasonable  expec 
tation  of  compromise  could  be  anticipated  from  the  deliberations 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  207 

of  an  assembly  in  which  such  men  as  Salmon  P.  Chase  and  David 
"Wilmot  exercised  a  leading  control ;  and  the  majority  of  whose 
members  were  associated  together  in  the  same  political  organiza 
tion  ?  It  was  only  in  deference  to  public  opinion,  that  the  radical 
Republican  leaders  consented  at  all,  to  participate  in  the  move 
merits  of  the  Peace  Conference,  for  they  never  for  one  moment 
cherished  the  thought  of  acceding  so  far  to  Southern  demands, 
as  reason  dictated  it  to  be  necessary,  in  order  to  avert  the  calamities 
of  civil  war.  But  the  people  demanded  compromise,  and  it  wag 
necessary  for  the  politicians,  in  view  of  the  popular  desire,  to 
yield  in  appearance,  and  thus  shield  themselves  from  public  con 
demnation.  It  was  but  a  part,  therefore,  of  that  system  of  dis 
simulation  which  had  secured  abolition  ascendency  under  another 
name,  and  which  was  now  baffling  the  wish  of  the  people,  until 
the  party  of  new  ideas  had  firmly  grasped  the  reins  of  the  Gen 
eral  Government. 

But  a  compromise  was  adopted  by  the  conservatives  of  the 
Peace  Congress,  which  restored  the  old  Missouri  division  of  36° 
30 f  to  all  the  present  territory  of  the  United  States.  Xorth  of 
this  line,  slavery  was  to  be  prohibited,  and  south  of  it  permitted ; 
but  this  compromise  was  not  to  extend  to  future  territorial  acqui 
sition.  And  even  this  diluted  compromise  was  extorted  with 
such  grinding  reluctance,  that  it  failed  altogether  in  its  effect. 
Southern  men,  wrho  had  still  cherished  some  lingering  hope  of  a 
settlement  of  the  difficulties,  left  the  convention  fully  satisfied 
that  the  day  of  conciliation  had  passed.  John  Tyler,  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  Peace  Congress,  however,  in  obedience  to  the  resoln- 

O  ' 

tion  of  that  body,  communicated  February  27th  to  the  Senate 
and  House  of  Representatives,  the  result  of  their  deliberations. 
In  the  Senate,  on  motion  of  Mr.  Crittenden,  this  was  referred 
to  a  Select  Committee.  The  Committee,  on  the  following  day, 
reported  it  as  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution,  but  the  Senate 
was  never  able  to  be  brought  to  a  direct  vote  upon  it.  Failing 
in  this  effort,  Mr.  Crittenden  made  a  motion  to  substitute  the 
amendment  of  the  Peace  Congress  instead  of  his  own  proposi 
tions.  This  was  rejected  by  a  very  large  majority,  eight  yeas  to 
twenty-eight  nays.  Mr.  Crittenden,  on  the  2d  of  March,  1861, 
after  having  been  repeatedly  thwarted,  succeeded  in  getting  a 
direct  vote  in  the  Senate  upon  his  propositions  of  compromise, 
but  they  were  defeated  by  a  vote  of  nineteen  in  the  affirmative 


A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

to  twenty  in  the  negative.     They  were  rejected  by  Eepublican 
votes  alone. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives,  everything  looking  to  com 
promise,  met  with  resistance  from  Mr.  Stevens  and  other  leading 
Republicans.  He,  with  3Y  others,  on  the  1st  day  of  the  2d  ses 
sion  of  the  36th  Congress,  voted  against  Mr.  Botteler's  resolution 
to  refer  the  President's  message  to  a  Committee  of  one  from  each 
State.  On  the  7th  of  January,  1861,  the  Republicans  of  the 
House  on  a  vote  of  yeas  and  nays,  refused  to  consider  certain 
propositions  moved  by  Mr.  Etheridge,  of  Tennessee,  which  were 
less  favorable  to  the  South  than  the  Crittenden  resolutions  offered 
in  the  Senate.  The  Crittenden  proposition  in  substance  was  sub 
mitted  as  the  ultimatum  of  the  South  to  the  House  Committee 
of  thirty-three,  by  Albert  Rust,  of  Arkansas,  but  was  voted  down, 
no  Republican  sustaining  it.  Mr.  Stevens,  and  64  radical  Repub 
licans  of  the  House,  even  voted  against  Corwin's  amendment  to 
the  Constitution,  reported  by  a  majority  of  the  Committee  of 
thirty-three,  and  which  declared  that  no  power  existed  to  interfere 
with  slavery  in  the  States.  Every  act  of  the  radical  Republican 
members  of  the  House,  as  well  as  the  Senate,  during  the  last 
session  of  the  36th  Congress  indicated,  that  the  Abolition  wing 
of  the  party  had  fully  resolved  upon  permitting  no  concession  to 
the  South,  such  as  might  lead  to  a  pacification  between  the  sec 
tions.  "When  a  Conservative  Avould  offer  in  Congress,  resolutions 
looking  to  a  settlement  of  the  National  difficulties,  some  radical 
Republican  would  call  for  the  regular  order  of  business,  and  en 
deavor  to  exclude  their  presentation.  Mason  "W.  Tappan,  a 
Republican  Congressman  from  New  Hampshire,  and  a  member 
of  the  Committee  of  thirty-three,  submitted  February  5th,  1861, 
a  minority*  report  of  that  Committee,  which  declared  that  the 
provisions  of  the  Constitution,  were  ample  for  the  preservation  of 
the  Union.  Speaking  of  the  Crittenden  plan  of  compromise,  he 
said : 

"  It  would  be  the  adoption  into  the  Constitution  of  the  creed  of  the 
ultra  portion  of  the  Democratic  party,  who  broke  up  the  Charleston  Con 
vention,  because  the  dogma  of  protection  to  Slavery  was  not  inserted  in 
the  Democratic  platform.  Sir,  the  Free  States  will  never  concede 
these  terms  of  settlement,  let  the  consequences  be  what  they  may/'* 

Galusha  A.  Grow,  Thaddeus  Stevens,  Hickman,  Lovejoy,  and 


"Congressional  Globe,  1860-61,p,   760. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  209 

other  Radicals  of  the  House,  on  the  1st  of  March,  co-operated 
in  preventing  the  reception  of  the  Memorial  of  the  Peace  Con 
gress.  They  baffled  its  reception  by  refusing  to  allow  the  sus 
pension  of  the  rules  of  the  House.  Mr.  Stevens,  in  voting  to 
prevent  the  suspension,  remarked : 

"  I  think  we  had  better  go  on  with  the  regular  order  (of  business).  We 
have  saved  this  Union  so  often  that  I  ain  afraid  we  shall  save  it  to 
death/'* 

The  day  of  compromise  was  past  and  the  new  era  had  set  in, 
with  the  advent  of  the  Eepublicans  to  power.  The  Abolition 
portion  of  the  party  were  fully  resolved  to  stand  by  their  prin 
ciples.  B.  F.  Wade,  in  a  speech  delivered  by  him  in  the  Senate, 
December  17th,  1860,  said  : 

"  Sir,  I  know  not  what  others  may  do  ;  but  I  tell  you  that  with  the 
verdict  given  in  favor  of  the  platform  upon  which  our  candidates  have 
been  elected,  so  far  as  I  am  concerned,  I  would  suffer  anything  to  come 
before  I  would  compromise  that  away.  I  say,  then,  that  so  far  as  I  am 
concerned,  I  will  yield  to  no  compromise.''! 

A  New  England  dinner  was  given  in  the  City  of  2s"ew  York 
on  Saturday,  December  22d,  1860,  at  which  a  number  of  Repub 
lican  orators,  including  William  II.  Seward,  made  speeches,  all 
of  whom  rejected  the  idea  of  a  compromise  with  the  South.J 
The  ]Srew  York  Tribune,  of  the  same  date,  contained  the  follow 
ing  declaration : 

"  "We  are  enabled  to  state  in  the  most  positive  terms,  that  Mr.  Lincoln 
is  utterly  opposed  to  any  concession  or  compromise  that  shall  yield  one 
iota  of  the  position  occupied  by  the  Republican  party  ;  that  the  great 
North,  aided  by  hundreds  of  thousands  of  patriotic  men  in  the  slave 
States,  have  determined  to  preserve  the  Union — peaceably,  if  they  can — 
forcibly,  if  they  must  1" 

The  following  sentiments,  to  the  same  purport,  were  quoted 
as  emanating  from  Mr.  Lincoln,  by  James  II.  Campbell,  of  Penn 
sylvania,  a  Republican  member  of  the  House,  in  his  speech  of 
February  14th,  1861  : 

"  I  will  suffer  death  before  I  will  consent  or  advise  my  friends  to  con 
sent  to  any  concession  or  compromise  which  looks  like  buying  the  privi 
lege  of  taking  possession  of  the  Government,  to  which  we  have  a 
constitutional  right,  because,  whatever  I  might  think  of  the  various 
propositions  before  Congress,  I  should  regard  any  concession  in  the  face 

^Congressional  Globe,  1860-61,  pp.  1332-3. 

\Globe  of  1860-61,  pp.  102-3. 

{New  York  Herald,  December  24th,  1860. 


210  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

of  menace  r,s  Hie  destruction  of  the  Government  itself,  and  a  consent 
on  all  hands,  that  our  system  shall  be  brought  down  to  a  level  with  the 
existing  disorganized  state  of  affairs  in  Mexico."  * 

Following  in  the  wake  of  the  New  York  Tribune,  the  chame 
leon  organ  of  New  England  Puritanism,  the  influential  press  of 
the  North,  with  the  exception  of  the  Albany  Evening  Journal, 
decried  compromise  with  the  South  as  an  ignoble  surrender  to 
the  behests  of  the  slave  power.  After  the  first  alarm  of  seces 
sion  had  extorted  from  their  leader  the  declaration  that  he  would 
resist  all  coercive  measures  to  preserve  the  Union,  the  wrhole 
radical  journalistic  fraternity  gradually  veered  into  an  attitude 
that  compelled  their  Jupiter  Tonans  of  the  press  to  change  his 
base  with  them.  No  compromise  with  traitors  was  henceforth 
the  standing  utterance  of  the  combined  radical  press  of  the 
North.  Even  whilst  Senators  and  Members  of  Congress,  in 

o 

melifluous  sentences  and  smooth  words,  spoke  of  fraternal  affec 
tion  and  the  blessings  of  the  Union,  the  radical  press  was  teem 
ing  with  the  most  bitter  denunciations  of  the  Southern  rebels 

o 

and  their  institutions,  and  so  far  as  they  had  the  power,  consign 
ing  them  and  the  Northern  compromisers  to  the  lowest  depths 
of  Iladean  darkness  and  seething  perdition.  Shielded  by  the 
press,  those  who  hesitated  elsewhere  to  utter  their  real  sentiments, 
spoke  with  courage,  and  vented  their  spite  in  strains  of  malignity 
that  cast  into  the  shade  the  annals  of  all  former  history.  The 
radical  ecclesiastical  as  well  as  the  secular  press  were  in  entire 
accord  in  this  system  of  wholesale  denunciation ;  and  besides,  the 
Abolition  pulpit  came  in  for  its  full  share  of  credit  in  stemming 
the  tide  of  compromise,  and  fanning  the  flames  of  the  approach 
ing  revolution. 

Were  Southern  statesmen  then,  mistaken,  when  they  declared 
in  Congress  that  no  compromise  could  stay  secession  ?  Why,  it 
was  the  stereotyped  assertion  of  the  radical  press  and  pulpit  of 
the  North,  that  the  era  of  conciliation  and  compromise  had  passed 
forever,  and  they  all  rejoiced  to  be  able  to  say  so.  But,  unlike 
the  sincere  Abolitionists  of  the  Philippo-Garrison  school,  they 
lacked  the  honesty  to  declare  manfully  and  openly  the  objects  of 
their  party.  By  fraud  and  deception  they  continued  still  to  de 
ceive  the  Northern  people,  and  have  them  to  believe  that  they 
were  the  only  friends  of  the  Union  and  free  government. 

*  Congressional  Globe,  :8GO-G1,  p.  110. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  211 

"Wlnlst  the  Garrisonians  rejoiced  in  the  dissolution  of  the  Union, 
because  they  believed  this  event  would  overthrow  slavery,  the 
political  Abolitionists  pretended  that  they  cherished  unbounded 
love  for  the  Constitution  of  the  Republic,  In  opposing  compro 
mise,  they  felt  assured  that  a  collision  of  arms  would  supervene, 
which  would  end  in  the  overthrow  of  Southern  slavery.  That, 
instead  of  the  preservation  of  the  Union,  was  what  inspired 
their  opposition  to  every  proposition  of  settlement  with  the 
South.  The  mob  philosopher  of  the  Tribune^  in  his  journal 
of  the  26th  of  February,  1861,  disclosed  in  somewhat  oracular 
words,  his  genuine  opinions.  He  says :  "  We  are  nof,  willing  to 
make  every  sacrifice  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union,  because 
we  value  liberty  and  right  more  than  we  do-  the  Union,"  Phil 
osophers  do  not  seek  under  dark  expressions  to  hide  their  ideas ; 
they  express  them  fearlessly  and  accept  the  consequences.  If 
slavery  was  an  unendurable  evil,  it  should  have  been  battled  with 
Gaorisonian  weapons  and  under  genuine  colors :  and  history  will 
remove  the  philosophers  cloak  from  the  statue  of  every  one  who 
otherwise  fought  it.  The  stern  arbiter  of  time  ever  consigns  the 
agitating  knave  and  hypocrite  to  the  historic  recesses  of  execration 
and  contempt,  where  the  shades  of  Hobcspierre,  Danton  and 
Marat  are  gathered. 


212  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

STATE  SOVEREIGNTY    AND    CENTRALIZATION,    OR  THE  OPPOSITE   PRINCIPLES 
OF  GOVERNMENT  STRUGGLING  FOR  ASCENDENCY, 

As  stated  in  a  former  chapter,  two  schools  of  political  opinions 
strove  for  mastery  in  the  Convention  of  178 7,  which  framed  the 
Federal  Constitution.  The  same  fundamental  questions  which 
divided  the  framers  of  our  Government,  have  from  that  period 
continued  to  separate  the  American  people  into  two  antagonistic 
parties,  each  of  which  trace  a  lineal  descent  from  revolutionary 
ancestors.  The  effort  of  the  one  party  was  to  consolidate  the 
States  into  a  National  Government,  so  as  to  give  it  that  strength 
and  durability  which  monarchies  possess ;  but  this  was  combatted 
and  successfully  resisted  by  those  who  were  unwilling  to  merge 
the  sovereignty  of  the  States  in  any  consolidated  form.  De 
Tocqueville  says : 

"When  the  war  of  independence  was  terminated,  and  the  foundations 
of  the  new  government  were  to  be  laid  down,  the  nation  was  divided 
between  two  opinions  which  are  as  old  as  the  world,  and  which  are  per 
petually  to  be  met  with,  under  all  the  forms  and  all  the  names  which 
have  ever  obtained  in  free  communities — the  one  tending  to  limit,  the 
other  to  extend  indefinitely  the  power  of  the  people, 

"  The  party*  which  desired  to  limit  the  power  of  the  people,  endeavored 
to  apply  its  doctrines  more  especially  to  the  Constitution  of  the  Union, 
whence  it  derived  its  name  of  Federal.  The  other  party,  which  affected 
to  be  more  exclusively  attached  to  the  cause  of  liberty,  took  that  of  Re 
publican.  America  is  the  land  of  Democracy,  and  the  Federalists  were 
always  in  a  minority  ;  but  they  reckoned  on  their  side,  almost  all  the 
great  men  who  had  been  called  forth  by  the  war  of  independence,  and 
their  moral  influence  was  very  considerable.  Their  course  was,  more 
over,  favored  by  circumstances.  The  ruin  of  the  Confederation  had  im 
pressed  the  people  with  a  dread  of  anarchy,  and  the  Federalists  did  not 
fail  to  profit  by  this  transient  disposition  of  the  multitude.  For  ten  or 
twelve  years  they  were  at  the  head  of  affairs,  and  they  were  able  to 
apply  some,  though  not  all  their  principles  ;  for  the  hostile  current  was 
becoming  from  day  to  day  too  violent  to  ba  checked  or  stemmed.  In 
1801,  the  Republicans  got  possession  of  the  Government  :  Thomas  Jeffer 
son  was  named  President,  and  he  increased  the  influence  of  their  party 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  213 

by  the  weight  of  his  celebrity,  the  greatness  of  his  talents,  and  the  im- 
menee  extent  of  his  popularity."* 

Whilst  the  Federalists  held  the  reins  of  the  General  Govern 
ment,  there  were  entrapped  in  the  passage  of  the  Acts  of  Con 
gress  known  as  the  Alien  and  Sedition  laws.  These  were  seized 
upon  as  an  exposure  of  the  cloven-foot  of  their  monarchical  prin 
ciples  ;  and  the  people  were  aroused  to  the  dangers  that  threat 
ened  free  government  from  a  further  continuance  of  that  party 
in  power.  The  leaders  of  the  Republican  or  Democratic  party 
conceived  that  the  liberty  of  the  people  was  in  jeopardy,  if  laws 
infringing  the  Constitution  could  be  passed  with  impunity ;  and 
they  determined  to  resist  the  illegal  measures  of  the  ruling  fac 
tion  and  secure  their  condemnation  by  the  verdict  of  American 
public  opinion.  For  this  purpose  Jefferson,  the  prominent  advo 
cate  of  the  Republican  theory  of  Government,  drafted  a  series  of 
resolutions  for  the  Kentucky  Legislature ;  and  similar  resolves 
were  sketched  by  Madison  for  the  Virginia  Assembly,  both  of 
which  received  the  sanction  of  these  legislative  bodies.  The 
resolutions  were  transmitted  to  the  Legislatures  of  the  other 
States  for  their  approval  or  disapproval.  The  Democratic  party 
throughout  the  Union  endorsed -the  correctness  of  the  doctrines 
enunciated  in  the  Virginia  and  Kentucky  resolutions  of  1798  ; 
and  these  famous  declarations  of  governmental  principles  formed 
in  after  years  the  political  creed  of  the  organization.  The  sound 
ness  of  the  principles  of  these  resolutions  was  necessarily  dis 
puted  by  the  Federalists  as  being  directed  against  their  own 
legislative  measures.  These  resolutions  formed  the  platform 
upon  which  the  Democratic  party  triumphed  in  1800,  and  suc 
ceeded  in  electing  Thomas  Jefferson  to  the  Chief  Magistracy  of 
the  Nation. 

The  cardinal  principle  was  laid  down  in  the  Virginia  and 
Kentucky  resolutions,  that  the  General  Government  was  one  of 
limited  authority,  granted  originally  by  the  States  as  the  sover 
eign  members  of  the  Confederation,  and  that  in  ease  undelegated 
powers  should  be  assumed,  such  became  void  and  of  no  force, 
because  unauthorized  in  the  original  constitutional  compact.  It 
was  farther  declared  that  the  General  Government  was  not  the 
u  exclusive  or  final  judge  of  the  extent  of  the  powers  delegated 
to  itself,  since  that  would  have  made  its  discretion  and  not  the 

*De  Tocqueville's  Democracy,  pp.  187-8. 


211  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

Constitution  the  measure  of  its  powers ;  but  as  in  all  cases  of 
compact  among  powers  having  no  common  judge,  eacli  party  has 
an  equal  right  to  judge  for  itself,  as  well  of  infractions  as  of  the 
mode  and  measure  of  redress." 

The  General  Government,  according  to  the  above  theory,  was 
simply  the  representative  of  the  delegated  authority  of  the  sove 
reign  States  of  the  Union,  and  was  authorized  to  execute  its  civil 
mandates  upon  the  people  of  every  State,  so  far  as  its  authority 
extended.  It  was,  therefore,  simply  the  agent  of  the  States  for 
the  execution  of  certain  general  powers,  which  are  necessary  in 
ajl  governments,  and  which  alone,  could  properly  be  performed 
by  a  federal  head.  .  All  the  authority  granted  to  the  General 
Government  was  of  a  civil  nature,  and  specified  only  civil  modes 
for  its  execution.  The  union  of  the  States  was  a  Confederated 
Republic,  and  was  different  from  all  former  leagues  of  this 
character,  in  the  feature  already  mentioned,  that  it  permitted 
the  Central  Government  to  execute  the  general  laws  upon 
the  people  of  the  States  themselves.  Under  the  articles  of  con 
federation,  the  laws  of  Congress  could  only  be  executed  through 
the  instrumentalities  of  the  StSte  organizations,  and  it  was,  in 
the  main,  to  remedy  this  defect  that  the  Federal  Union  was 
formed.  All  the  power  delegated  to  the  Federal  Government  to 
be  executed  over  the  people  of  the  States,  was  either  of  a  civil 
character  or  such  as  the  execution  of  civil  law  required.  In  the 
convention  which  framed  the  Federal  Compact,  the  exertion  of 
military  power  against  the  States  or  the  people  thereof,  save 
as  the  Constitution  expressed,  had  been  explicitly  refused. 

We  find,  by  the  proceedings  of  the  Federal  Convention  of 
May  31st,  1787,  that  the  adoption  of  a  clause  was  defeated, 
"  authorizing  an  exertion  of  the  force  of  the  whole  against  a 
delinquent  State."  This  Mr.  Madison  opposed  in  a  speech,  in 
which  he  said : 

"  The  use  of  force  against  a  State,  would  look  more  like  a  declaration 
of  war  than  an  infliction  of  punishment;  and  would  probably  be  considered 
by  the  party  attacked,  as  a  dissolution  of  all  the  previous  compacts  by 
which  it  might  be  bound." 

Upon  Madison's  motion,  the  consideration  of  this  clause  was 
unanimously  postponed,  and  it  was  never  again  presented. 

The  following  extract  from  'No.  16  of  the  Federalist,  combats 
the  idea  of  the  General  Government  being  clothed  with  the  right 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  215 

of  coercing  the  States  of  the  Union,  as  chimerical  and  absolutely 
preposterous  : 

"Whoever  considers  the  populousness  and  strength  of  several  of  these 
States  singly,  at  the  present  juncture,  and  looks  forward  to  what  they 
will  become,  even  at  the  distance  of  half  a  century,  will  at  once  dismiss, 
as  idle  and  visionary,  any  scheme  which  aims  at  regulating  them  or 
coercing  them  in  their  collective  capacities,  by  the  General  Government. 
A  project  of  this  kind  is  little  less  romantic  than  the  monster-taming 
spirit  attributed  to  the  fabulous  heroes  and  demi-gods  of  antiquity. 
Even  in  those  Confederacies  which  have  been  composed  of  members 
smaller  than  many  of  our  counties,  the  principle  of  legislation  for  sover 
eign  States,  supported  by  military  coercion,  has  never  been  found  effec 
tual.  It  has  rarely  been  attempted  to  be  employed  against  the  weaker 
members,  and  in  most  instances  attempts  thus  to  coerce  the  refractory 
and  disobedient,  have  been  the  s  gnals  of  bloody  wars,  in  which  one-half 
the  Confederacy  has  displayed  its  banners  against  the  other.  The  first 
war  of  this  kind  would  probably  terminate  in  a  dissolution  of  the  Union." 

That  eminent  patriot  and  statesman,  Alexander  Hamilton,  who 
was  a  member  of  the  convention  which  framed  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States,  in  a  speech  delivered  by  him  in  the  year 
1788,  in  the  ratifying  convention  of  the  State  of  Xew  York, 
used  the  following  language  in  reference  to  the  coercive  power 
being  entrusted  to  the  General  Government : 

"  The  coercion  of  States  is  one  of  the  maddest  projects  that  was  ever 
devised.  A  failure  of  compliance  will  never  be  confied  to  a  single  State. 
This  being  the  case,  can  we  suppose  it  wise  to  hazard  a  civil  war  ?  It 
would  be  a  nation  at  war  with  itself.  Can  any  reasonable  man  be  well 
disposed  toward  a  government  that  makes  war  and  carnage  the  only 
means  of  supporting  itself — a  government  that  can  exist  only  by  the 
sword?  Every  such  war  must  involve  the  innocent  with  the  guilty. 
This  single  consideration  shou  d  not  be  inefficient  to  dispose  every  peace 
able  citizen  against  such  a  government." 

The  Virginia  and  Kentucky  principle  of  the  sovereignty  cf 
States,  and  their  non-coercion  through  military  force  by  the  Gen 
eral  Government,  was  the  only  doctrine  compatible  with  republi- 
(?an  principles,  which  declare  that  all  government  rests  upon  tho 
consent  of  the  governed.  And  so  signal  was  the  overthrow  of 
the  antagonistic  doctrine  of  the  Federal  party,  that  the  Govern 
ment  was  a  consolidated  union  of  the  people  of  all  the  States  in 
one  National  Republic,  that  from  the  election  of  Thomas  Jeffer 
son  until  that  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  no  President  was  chosen  upon 
the  avowed  principles  of  consolidation.  But  the  principles  of 
monarchy  ever  continued  secretly  to  form  the  leading  character 
istics  of  the  party,  which  at  all  times  was  arrayed  in  opposition 


216  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

to  the  National  Democracy.     On  this  point  hear  De  Tocquevillc, 
in  his  History  cf  Democracy,  Yol.  I,  pp.  190-1. 

"  But  when  one  comes  to  study  the  secret  propensities  which  govern 
the  factions  of  America,  he  easily  perceives  that  the  greater  part  of 
them  are  more  or  less  connected  with  one  or  the  other  of  those  two 
divisions  which  have  always  existed  in  free  communities.  The  deeper 
we  penetrate  into  the  workings  of  these  parties,  the  more  do  we  perceive 
that  the  object  of  the  one  is  to  limit  and  the  other  to  extend  the  popular 
authority.  I  do  not  assert  that  the  ostensible  end,  or  even  that  the 
secret  aim  of  American  parties  is  to  promote  the  rule  of  aristocracy  or 
democracy  in  the  country,  but  I  affirm  that  aristocratic  or  democratic 
passions  may  easily  be  detected  at  the  bottom  of  all  parties  ;  and  although 
they  escape  a  superficial  observation,  they  are  the  main  point,  the  very 
soul  of  every  faction  of  the  United  States." 

This  penetrative  writer  elsewhere  permits  it  clearly  to  appear 
that  the  Democratic  was  the  party  of  the  people,  whilst  its  oppo 
nent  wras  that  which  was  ever  influenced  by  aristocratic  or  mon 
archical  principles. 

Resistance  to  the  efforts  of  the  Federal  party  to  enlarge  the 
powers  of  the  General  Government  led,  as  has  been  seen,  to  the 
enunciation  of  the  principles  of  the  Virginia  and  Kentucky  reso 
lutions,  and  to  the  utter  prostration,  for  the  time,  of  the  Consoli- 
dationists.  But,  although  the  Federal  party  was  overthrown,  its 
principles  as  already  noted  still  continued  to  live,  and  inhere  in 
all  the  organizations  which  succeeded  it  in  opposition  to  the 
^National  Democracy.  The  question  of  a  protective  tariff  was 
germinated  in  the  principles  of  Hamiltonianism ;  and  after  the 
Alien  and  Sedition  Laws,  was  the  next  which  caused  serious 
alarm,  and  threatened  danger  to  the  Union.  "  Before  1816,  pro 
tection  to  home  industry  had  been  an  incident  to  the  levy  of 
revenue,  but  in  1816  it  became  an  object."  * 

The  tariff  of  1816,  having  inaugurated  the  protective  policy,  the 
measure  was  seized  upon  by  the  politicians  of  the  Hamiltonian 
school  as  one  that  might  again  re-instate  their  party  in  power. 
From  this  period,  once  in  every  four  years,  the  question  was 
brought  up  with  the  evident  purpose  of  influencing  the  Presi 
dential  election.  The  tariff  bills  of  1816,  1820,  1824  and  1828, 
each  succeeding  the  other  in  its  degree  of  protection,  became  the 
regular  appendages,  as  it  were,  of  the  Presidential  canvas.  The 
great  debate  on  the  tariff  before  Congress  at  the  session  of  1823 

*  Benton's  View.    Vol.  1,  p.  206. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  217 

and  1824,  was  the  commencement  of  that  dispute  which  'after 
wards  led  to  the  nullification  difficulties.  Members  of  Congress, 
"  divided  (at  this  time)  pretty  much  on  the  line  which  always 
divided  them  on  a  question  of  constructive  powers.  The  pro 
tection  of  domestic  industry,  not  being  among  the  granted  pow 
ers,  was  looked  for  in  the  incidental,  and  denied  by  the  strict 
Constructionists  to  be  a  substantive  power  to  be  exercised  for 
the  direct  purposes  of  protection ;  but  by  all,  at  that  time,  and 
ever  since  the  first  tariff  1789,  to  be  incident  to  the  revenue- 
•  raising  power,  and  an  incident  to  be  regarded  in  the  exercise  of 
that  power."  *  "  After  1824,  the  ]S"ew  England  States  (always 
meaning  the  greater  portion  when  a  section  is  spoken  of  )  classed 
with  the  protective  States — leaving  the  South  alone  as  a  section 
against  that  policy."  f  The  Southern  States  believed  themselves 
impoverished  under  the  protective  policy,  to  enrich  those  of  the 
North. 

The  Southern  States  were  therefore  almost  a  unit  in  opposi 
tion  to  a  protective  tariff.  The  Act  of  1828  bore  the  most 
oppressively  of  all  against  the  interests  of  the  people  of  that 
section.  South  Carolina,  Xorth  Carolina,  Georgia,  Mississippi, 
Alabama  and  Virginia,  had  all  united  in  remonstrances  against 
the  principle  of  protection  ;  declared  over  and  over  again  its  un 
constitutionally,  and  passed  resolutions  condemning  the  system. 
The  people  of  these  and  other  Southern  States  pointed  out  the 
inequality  and  the  injustice  of  a  protective  tariff,  and  showed 
that  the  one  section  of  the  country  was  enriched  at  the  expense 
of  the  other.  This  they  urged  was  altogether  unjust,  and  sus 
tained  by  no  warrant  in  the  Federal  Constitution.  But  Southern 
remonstrance  was  in  vain ;  and  all  efforts  to  secure  a  repeal  of 
the  odious  tariff  legislation  proved  useless  and  abortive.  The 
election  of  Andrew  Jackson  was  a  triumph  of  constitutional 
principles  over  a  protective  policy  ;  and  the  Southern  people  de 
manded  that  its  true  import  be  considered.  After  his  second 
election  as  President  of  the  United  States,  South  Carolina,  seeing 

7  o 

no  hopes  for  the  attainment  of  their  rights  by  a  repeal  of  an  un- 
unjust  tariff,  determined  to  have  recourse  to  those  reserved  rights 
which  she,  as  a  sovereign  member  of  the  Confederacy,  possessed. 
A  convention  of  her  people  accordingly  assembled  on  the  19th 

*  Benton's  View.    Vol.  1,  p.  32. 
f  Benton's  View.    Vol.  1,  p.  97. 


218  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

of  November,  1832,  and  passed  an  ordinance  of  nullification, 
which  declared  the  existing  tariff  "  null,  void  and  of  no  law,  nor 
binding  on  this  State,  its  officers  and  citizens."  The  duties  im 
posed  by  the  Federal  law  were  forbidden  to  be  paid  within  the 
State  after  the  1st  clay  of  February,  1833. 

Matters  had  now  approached  a  crisis ;  and  great  caution  and 
sagacity  were  required  in  order  to  obviate  a  collision  of  authori 
ties.  Fortunately,  statesmen  at  that  period  ruled  America,  if  an 
exception  did  not  exist  as  to  the  Presidential  occupant.  A  phil 
osophic  foreigner's  estimate  of  President  Jackson  will  not  be  out 
of  place  in  this  connection  : 

"  Gen.  Jackson,  whom  the  American  people  have  twice  elected  to  be 
the  head  of  their  government,  is  a  man  of  a  violent  temper  and  medio. 
ere  talents  ;  no  one  circumstance  in  the  whole  course  of  his  career  ever 
proved  that  he  is  qualified  to  govern  a  free  people  ;  and  indeed  the  ma 
jority  of  the  enlightened  classes  of  the  Union  have  always  been  opposed 
to  him."* 

If  nothing  more  existed  to  show  that  Gen.  Jackson  was  devoid 
of  the  necessary  judgment  to  conduct  the  Government  of  a  free 
people,  sufficient  would  be  found  in  his  Proclamation  of  the  llth  of 
December,  1832,  to  the  people  of  South  Carolina.  The  whole 
scope  and  tenor  of  this  proclamation  to  the  nulliiiers,  were 
antagonistic  to  the  principles  of  the  party  of  which  he  professed 
himself  a  member  ;  and  if  a  body  of  prudent  statesmen  had  not 
been  found  in  the  country,  the  Republic  at  that  early  day  might 
have  sunk  beneath  the  waves  of  civil  convulsion.  For  although 
South  Carolina  was  alone  in  her  nullification  attitude,  her  South 
ern  sisters  sympathized  with  her  in  her  demands,  and  would  have 
resisted  her  forcible  coercion  upon  the  battle  field.  Even  the 
patriotic  statesman  of  Koanoke,  though  upon  the  brink  of  the 
grave,  declared  that  should  Gen.  Jackson  attempt  to  coerce  South 
Carolina  into  the  Union,  he  would  cause  himself  to  be  buckled 
upon  his  old  white  charger,  and  that  he  himself  would  fight  in 
defense  of  liberty  and  State  sovereignty. 

President  Jackson  recommended  to  Congress  that  additional 
power  be  granted  to  him  to  collect  the  revenue  at  Charleston, 
and  that  sufficient  troops  be  placed  at  his  command  so  as  to 
enable  him  to  enforce  the  laws  against  the  people  of  South  Caro 
lina.  A  bill  for  this  purpose  was  reported  by  the  Judiciary 

*De  Tocqueville's  Democracy,  Vol.  I,  p.  316. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  219 

Committee  in  the  Senate,  which  called  forth  an  animated  debate, 
and  for  a  period  produced  great  excitement  throughout  the 
country.  Many  feared  that  the  days  of  the  Republic  were  num 
bered,  and  different  opinions  were  entertained  as  to  the  best 
method  of  averting  the  dangers  that  were  threatening  the  peace 
and  integrity  of  the  Union.  The  North  permitted  itself  to  be 
seduced  into  the  support  of  the  monarchical  measures  recom 
mended  by  President  Jackson,  one  of  which  was  the  coercion  by 
military  force  of  a  State  by  the  General  Government.  This  had 
ever  been  a  cherished  principle  of  the  Federal  Consolida- 
tionists,  and  in  this  instance  was  seized  upon  by  Gen.  Jackson  as 
a  weapon  by  which  to  defeat  his  political  enemy,  John  C.  Cal- 
houn,  the  philosophic  statesman  of  South  Carolina,  who  was  the 
ablest  defender  of  State  Sovereignty,  and  the  admitted  father  of 
nullification.  In  enforcing  the  view  of  the  General  Government 
held  by  Webster  and  the  other  leaders  of  the  Federal  school, 
President  Jackson  placed  himself  in  antagonism  to  the  principles 
he  had  ever  professed  to  advocate,  and  inflicted  upon  free  gov 
ernment  the  severest  blow  it  had  ever  been  compelled  to  endure 
in  America.  Being  a  Southerner  by  birth,  education  and  sympa 
thies,  a  member  of  the  Jeffersonian  State  Right  party,  and  a  man 
whose  military  career  gave  him  a  reputation  with  the  whole 
people  of  the  country ;  the  President  by  the  force  of  his  position 
and  influence,  was  able  to  carry  to  the  support  of  his  measures 
all  except  those  who  had  carefully  studied  the  character  of  the 
General  Government,  and  w^ho  apprehended  danger  to  liberty  in 
the  exercise  of  undelegated  authority ;  and  who,  besides,  had  the 
boldness  to  defend  their  sincere  opinions,  even  in  the  face  of 
controlling  authority.  But  the  obsequious  vassals  of  party  are 
ever  ready  to  truckle  before  the  throne  of  power,  and  pay  their 
obeisance  to  any  despot  who  may  for  the  time  happen  to  fill  it. 
It  was  so  in  this  case.  Power  emenated  from  the  Federal  Execu 
tive,  and  obedience  to  his  dictates  was  the  surest  method  of 
securing  power. 

Besides  humbling  his  bitter  enemy,  the  great  statesman  of 
South  Carolina,  President  Jackson,  in  asking  power  to  enforce 
the  laws  against  the  nullifiers,  doubtless  desired  nothing  more 
than  to  be  able  to  preserve  the  Union  of  the  States.  This  was 
the  opinion  of  the  Northern  people,  and  also  of  many  in  the 
South ;  but  the  real  danger  existed  in  the  establishment  of  an 


220  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

unconstitutional  precedent.  Rome  was  perfectly  safe  when  she 
called  Cincinnatus  from  his  plow,  and  clothed  him  with  unlimited 
powers ;  but  she  had  cause  to  grieve  long  when  she  gave  the  dic 
tatorship  to  Sylla  and  Marius,  whose  legions  overthrew  the  bul 
warks  of  liberty,  and  rioted  in  the  blood  of  their  countrymen. 
But  a  resolute  band  of  Southern  statesmen,  seeing  the  danger 
that  threatened  freedom,  boldly  arrayed  themselves  in  opposition 
to  the  demands  of  Executive  power,  and  though  prostrated, 
placed  upon  record  the  unmistakable  words  of  truth,  which  will 
live  and  be  cherished  whilst  republics  endure.  They  declined 
clothing  President  Jackson  with  power  to  coerce  South  Carolina, 
not  because  (as  most  of  them  declared)  they  favored  nullification, 
but  because  the  Constitution  granted  no  authority  for  this  pur 
pose.  All  power  granted  to  the  Federal  Government  was  of  a 
civil  nature,  and  it  was  never  contemplated  by  the  framers  of  the 
Government  that  the  military  authority  should  be  exerted  save 
as  auxiliary  to  the  civil,  and  in  that  case  as  the  Constitution 
specified.  In  the  debate  upon  that  occasion,  Judge  Bibb,  of 
Kentucky,  spoke  as  follows : 

"  It  seemed  to  him  that  a  falsa  issue  was  presented.  The  question  of 
war  against  South  Carolina  is  presented  as  the  only  alternative.  The 
issue  was  false.  The  first  question  was  between  justice  and  injustice. 
Shall  we  do  justice  to  the  States,  who  were  united  with  South  Carolina 
in  complaint,  and  remonstrance  against  the  injustice  and  oppression  of 
the  tariff?  Shall  we  cancel  the  obligations  of  justice  to  five  other  States, 
because  of  the  impetuosity  and  impatience  of  South  Carolina,  under 
wrong  and  oppression  ?  The  question  ought  not  to  be,  whether  we  have 
the  physical  power  to  crush  South  Carolina,  but  whether  it  is  not  our 
duty  to  heal  her  discontents,  to  conciliate  a  member  of  the  Union,  to  give 
peace  and  happiness  to  the  adjoining  States  which  have  made  common 
cause  with  South  Carolina,  to  compel  her  to  remain  in  the  Union  ?  Shall 
we  keep  her  in  the  Union  by  force  of  arms  for  the  purpose  of  compelling 
her  submission  to  the  tariff  laws  of  which  she  complains  ? 

"My  creed  is,  that  by  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  the  States  were 
declared  to  be  free  and  independent  States,  thirteen  in  number,  not  one 
nation, — that  the  old  articles  of  Confederation  united  them  as  distinct 
States,  not  as  one  people  ; — that  the  treaty  of  peace  of  1783,  acknowledged 
their  independence  as  States,  not  as  a  single  nation  ;  that  the  Federal 
"Government  was  formed  by  States  ;  submitted  by  States  ;  and  adopted 
by  the  States  as  distinct  nations  or  States  ;  not  as  a  single  nation  or  people. 

"  He  would  like  to  know  when  and  where  South  Carolina  surrendered 
the  right  to  secede  from  the  Union  in  case  of  a  dangerous  invasion  of  her 
rights  by  the  Federal  Government."* 

•Stephens'  War  between  the  States.    Vol.  1,  pp.  425-27. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  221 

John  Tyler,  of  Virginia,  said  : 

"The  idea  that  ours  is  a  National  Government,  has  lately  received 
much  encouragement  from  high  sources,  The  President  in  his  procla 
mation,  speaks  of  the  people  as  one  mass,  and  of  the  Government  as 
forming  us  into  one  Nation.  When  were  the  States,  he  would  ask, 
welded  together  ?  Was  ic  before  or  since  the  revolution  ?" 

Further  speaking  of  the  overthrow  of  the  principles  of  Fed 
eralism,  Tyler  says : 

"In  the  year  1798,*  all  these  doctrines  were,  he  had  thought,  put  down 
completely  and  forever.  He  had  not  expected  to  be  obliged  to  renew  the 
cont:st.  For  thirty  years  they  had  now  been  in  obscurity,  but  suddenly 
they  are  waived  into  life,  and  brought  into  daylight  by  the  President's 
proclamation. 

"  The  President  of  the  United  States  had  declared  against  the  doctrines 
of  secession.  But  the  President  should  not  decide  that  doctrine  for  him. 
The  military  power  was  called  for,  to  support  this  foregone  conclusion  of 
the  President  of  the  United  States.  If  South  Carolina  secede,  he  is  to  be 
armed  with  military  and  naval  power  to  subdue  her." 

Mr.  Tyler  speaks  of  the  dangerous  precedent  that  would  be 
established  by  acquiescing  in  the  executive  demands.  He  said : 

"  He  had  all  proper  confidence  in  the  Executive,  but  he  was  not  dis 
posed  to  confer  very  great  powers  upon  any  Executive.  If  they  should 
even  be  used  by  tiie  present  President  for  the  common  good,  and  our 
institutions  should  come  out  safe  from  the  trial,  the  precedent  would  be 
left  standing  on  the  statute  book,  and  other  Presidents  might  not  use  the 
power  so  beneficially."! 

Mr.  Poindexter,  of  Mississippi,  deduced  the  origin  of  the  un 
constitutional  power  claimed  by  Gen.  Jackson,  as  follows.  He 
said: 

"  But  this  extra  official  document  (JacksanTs  proclamation  to  the  people 
of  South  Carolina)  owes  its  origin,  in  reference  to  the  political  heresies  it 
cjntains,  to  the  speech  of  the  Honorable  Senator  (Mr.  Webster)  of  Massa 
chusetts,  delivered  in  this  body  in  1830,  on  what  were  familiarly  called 
'•  Foot  s  Resolutions,"  These  principles  have  never  before  been  avowed 
by  any  political  party  in  this  country.  They  leave  the  old  Federal  School 
far  in  the  rear,  in  their  utter  con  .oxidation  tendencies,  and  were  for  the? 
first  time  introduced  to  the  notice  of  the  American  people,  in  the  speech 
of  the  Honorable  Senator  to  which  I  have  referred/'^ 

Several  other  distinguished  statesmen  of  the  South,  with  John 
C.  Calhoun,  took  the  ground  that  no  power  had  been  delegated 
to  the  Federal  Government  to  exert  the  military  arm  against 
a  State  in  its  sovereign  capacity,  the  people  of  which  had  assumed 

*He  refers  to  the  Kentucky  and  Virginia  resolutions, 
^National  Intelligencer,  Feb.  6th.  1833. 
\National  Intelligencer,  March  19,  1833, 


*C3  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

either  a  nullifying  or  seceding  attitude.  Even-  the  Virginia 
House  of  Delegates  condemned  the  doctrines  contained  in  the 
President's  Proclamation,  characterizing  them  as  the  product  of 
Federal  inspiration.  John  Floyd,  Governor  of  Virginia,  in  his 
Message  of  December  13th,  1832,  said ; 

"Many  questions  of  deep  import  have  heretofore  agitated  these  States, 
but  none  have  equalled  this  in  importance,  either  in  the  interest  it  ought 
to  excite  among  the  people  or  the  effect  it  may  produce  upon  the  Confed 
eracy  A  sovereign  State  has  spoken  her  sentiments  in  relation  to  this 
subject,  and  has  pronounced  those  laws  unconstitutional.  Should  force 
be  resorted  to  by  the  Federal  Government,  the  horror  of  the  scenes  here 
after  to  be  witnesse  1  cannot  now  be  pictured,  even  by  the  affrighted 
imagination. 

"  The  genius  and  spirit  of  our  institutions  are  wholly  adverse  to  such  a 
step,  and  ought  not  to  permit  the  mind  of  any  to  look  in  that  direction— 
for  what  safety  has  any  State  of  her  existence  as  a  sovereign,  if  differ 
ence  of  opinion  should  be  punished  with  the  sword  as  treason?  Surely, 
civil  war  is  not  a  remedy  for  wrongs  in  a  country  where  the  people  are 
recognized  as  sovereign,  and  each  individual  has  the  right  to  the  full  and 
free  expression  of  his  opinions,''* 

But,  although  the  Force  Bill  became  a  law,  reason  and  good 
sense  still  whispered  that  the  only  proper  way  to  preserve  the 
Republic,  was  by  the  removal  on  the  part  of  the  General  Gov 
ernment  tof  those  features  of  the  tariff,  which  had  occasioned  the 
discontent  in  South  Carolina  and  the  other  Southern  States. 
Measures  introduced  into  Congress  for  that  purpose,  and  which 
received  the  approbation  of  those  bodies,  satisfied  the  South 
Carolinians  that  it  was  the  desire  of  the  General  Government  to 
respect  their  rights,  and  without  delay  they  yielded  all  further 
resistance  to  the  national  authority. 

As  soon  as  the  storm  of  nullification  had  spent  its  strength,  the 
Virginia  and  Kentucky  resolutions  became  again  the  acknowledged 
creed  of  the  Democratic  party  both  North  and  South.  Even 
President  Jackson,  through  his  political  organs,  attempted  to 
satisfy  public  opinion,  that  no  doctrine  enunciated  in  his  procla 
mation  to  the  people  of  South  Carolina  was  repugnant  to  the 
principles  of  Jeffersonian  State  Sovereignty.  But  all  such 
attempts  failed  to  convince  the  logical  understanding  of  the  small 
band  of  bold  adherents  of  State  rights,  whom  the  popular  storm 
had  well  nigh  overborne,  because  of  their  firm  defense  of  the 
principles  upon  which  Republican  Government  rested.  The 

*Nattowd  Intelligencer,  December  18,  1832. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  223 

staunch  defenders  of  principle  saw  the  fatal  stabs  that  Jeffer- 
sonianism  had  received,  and  the  danger  that  threatened  liberty 
in  the  coercion  precedent  which  had  been  established.  The  re- 
endorsement  of  the  resolutions  of  170 S  by  the  Democratic  party, 
was  unable  to  give  ample  assurance  of  safety  to  the  sincere  be- 
Jievers  in  State  Sovereignty,  in  view  of  the  manner  those  doc 
trines  had  been  trailed  in  the  dust  in  obedience  to  the  demands 
of  impassioned  excitement  and  popular  phrensy. 

A  lesson  had  been  learned  by  the  friends  of  Free  Government 
not  soon  to  be  forgotten.  That  little  reliance  was  to  be  placed 
upon  the  declarations  of  politicians,  when  interest  admonished 
their  repudiation,  was  a  demonstrated  truth.  It  was  also  ascer 
tained  that  the  will  of  a  people,  expressed  in  times  of  great  com 
motion,  is  not  the  utterance  of  convictions  based  upon  reason 
and  justice  ;  but  rather  the  effervescence  of  passion  and  vindictive 
hatred.  The  vast  influence  of  position  on  such  occasions  was 
likewise  clearly  perceived  ;  and  it  was  observed  that  one  man 
may  have  it  in  his  power,  to  so  arouse  a  whole  people  that  the 
compacts  of  liberty  afford  no  protection  to  guaranteed  rights. 
What  assurance  of  safety  had  those  who  dreaded  consolidation, 
when  the  very  party  itself  which  came  originally  into  power 
upon  the  principles  of  the  Virginia  and  Kentucky  resolutions, 
could  be  induced,  through  Presidential  influence,  to  repudiate  its 
cardinal  doctrine ;  and  the  one  of  all  others  that  distinguished  it 
from  its  Federal  antagonist.  But  the  deed  was  done,  the  prin 
ciples  upon  which  the  Constitution  was  founded  were  prostituted 
at  the  anarchical  cry  of  national  preservation  ;  and  it  but  re 
mained  for  the  enemies  of  the  Federal  Union,  like  the  conquer 
ors  at  Phillippi,  to  overwhelm  in  a  general  collision  the  defenders 
of  constitutional  republicanism. 

It  was  not  difficult  for  State  Sovereignty  in  the  forum  of  rea 
son  to  maintain  its  ascendency,  while  statesmen  were  permitted 
to  rule  in  the  Halls  of  the  nation.  In  peaceful  times  this  prin 
ciple  triumphed,  and  no  party  in  America  could  have  sustained 
itself  that  would  have  openly  endorsed  the  contrary  opinion.  It 
was  only  in  the  Northern  wing  of  the  Whig  party  that  the 
Hamiltonian  principles  were  still  visible.  But  the  Abolition 
party  and  its  successor,  the  Republican,  were  based  upon  a  pure 
monarchical  creed,  which  stamped  them  as  the  legitimate  deendsc- 
ants  of  Federal  ancestors.  The  avowed  and  leading  principle  of 


224  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

lliat  party,  wliicli  declared  that  no  more  slave  States  should  be 
admitted  into  the  Union,  was  itself  a  plain  repudiation  of  the 
principles  of  Free  Government,  which  assumes  that  all  authority 
flows  from  consent.  And  even  the  agitation  of  slavery  by  the 
Northern  people  was  an  interference  with  the  rights  of  those  of 
the  Southern  States,  over  whom,  under  the  Constitution,  they* 
had  no  control. 

The  known  principles  of  the  Republican  party  were  sufficient 
to  determine  the  people  of  the  South,  after  the  election  of  Abra 
ham  Lincoln  in  1860,  to  seek  their  safety  in  the  exercise  of  those 
reserved  rights  which  they,  as  States,  had  never  surrendered  to 
the  General  Government.  The  preparations  that  from  that 
period,  began  to  be  made  throughout  the  whole  of  the  Cotton 
States,  again  made  the  question  of  State  Sovereignty  a  leading 
subject  of  discussion  in  all  parts  of  the  Union.  That  portion  of 
the  Democratic  party  in  the  North  which  still  adhered  to  Jeffer- 
sonian  principles,  viewed  the  Constitution  as  a  compact  between 
the  States,  and  that  no  power  could  be  exerted  agaiost  the  States 
or  the  people  thereof,  save  as  had  been  already  expressed  and 
delegated.  According  to  this  view  of  the.  Constitution,  in  case 
one  or  more  of  the  States  should  choose  to  secede  from  the  Gen 
eral  Government,  no  authority  was  believed  to  exist  by  which 
these  seceding  members  of  the  Confederated  Republic  could  be 
coerced  back  into  the  Union.  James  Buchanan,  in  his  last  Annual 
Message,  gave  the  following  opinion  with  reference  to  the  coer 
cion  of  the  seceding  States  : 

"The  question  fairly  stated  is:  Has  the  Constitution  delegated  to 
Congress  the  power  to  force  a  State  into  i  ubmission,  which  is  attempting 
to  withdraw  or  has  actually  withdrawn  from  the  Confederacy  ?  If  an 
swered  in  the  affirmative,  it  must  be  on  the  principle  that  the  power  has 
been  conferred  upon  Congress  to  declare  and  make  war  against  a  State. 
Alter  much  serious  reflection  I  have  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  no 
such  power  has  been  delegated  to  Congress  or  to  any  other  department 
of  the  Federal  Government.  It  is  manifest  upon  an  inspection  of  the 
Constitution,  that  this  is  not  amongst  the  specific  and  enumerated  pow 
ers  granted  to  Congress ;  and  it  is  equally  apparent  that  its  exercise  is 
not  "nece  sary  and  proper  for  carrying  into  execution"  any  one  of 
these  powers.  So  far  from  this  power  having  been  delegated  to  Congress, 
it  was  expres  ly  refused  by  the  convention  which  framed  the  Consti 
tution." 

Mr.  Buchanan  had  taken  the  precaution  to  consult  Jeremiah 
S.  Black,  his  Attorney-General,  and  one  of  the  ablest  lawyers  of 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA,  223 

the  nation,  as  to  the  powers  of  the  General  Government,  with 
reference  to,  the  question  of  secession .  The  Attorney  General  in  his 
reply  to  the  President,  showed  clearly  that  military  force  could 
only  he  used  to  aid  in  the  execution  of  civil  powers,  and  only 
then,  when  the  civil  officers  would  be  resisted  in  their  duties,  and 
the  appropriate  State  official  would  call  upon  the  President  for 
assistance  as  the  Constitution  specifies,  "  But,"  says  the  Attorney- 
General,  "  what  if  the  feeling  in  any  State  against  the  United 
States  should  become  so  universal  that  the  Federal  officers  them 
selves,  (including  Judges,  District-Attornies  and  Marshals)  would 
be  reached  by  the  same  influence,  and  resign  their  places  ?  Of 
course,  the  first  step  would  be  to  appoint  others  in  their  stead,  if 
others  could  be  got  to  serve.  But  in  such  an  event,  it  is  more 
than  probable  that  great  difficulty  would  be  found  in  filling  the 
offices.  We  can  easily  conceive  how  it  might  become  altogether 
impossible.  We  are,  therefore,  obliged  to  consider  what  can  be 
done  in  case  we  have  no  courts,  judicial  process,  and  no 
ministerial  officer  to  execute  it.  In  that  event,  troops  would 
certainly  be  out  of  place,  and  their  use  wholly  illegal.  If 
they  are  sent  to  aid  cgurts  and  marshals,  there  must  be  courts  and 
marshals  to  be  aided.  Without  the  exercise  of  these  functions, 
which  belong  exclusively  to  the  civil  service,  the  laws  cannot  be 
executed  in  any  event,  no  matter  what  may  be  the  physical 
strength  which  the  Government  has  at  its  command.  Under 
such  circumstances,  to  send  a  military  force  into  any  State  with 
orders  to  act  against  the  people,  would  be  simply  making  war 
upon  them, 

"  If  it  be  true  that  war  cannot  be  declared,  nor  a  system  of 
general  hostilities  be  carried  on  by  the  Central  Government 
against  a  State,  then  it  seems  to  follow  that  an  attempt  to  do  so 
would  be  ipso  facto  an  expulsion  of  such  State  from  the  Union, 
Being  treated  as  an  alien  and  an  enemy,  she  would  be  compelled 
to  act  accordingly.  And  if  Congress  shall  break  up  the  present 
Union  by  unconstitutionally  putting  strife,  and  enemity,  and 
armed  hostility,  between  sections  of  the  country,  instead  of  the 
domestic  tmnquility  which  the  Constitution  was  meant  to  insure, 
will  not  all  the  States  be  absolved  from  their  Federal  obligations  ? 
Is  any  portion  of  the  people  bound  to  contribute  their  money  or 
their  blood  to  carry  on  a  contest  like  that  ?" 

Without  a  further  attempt  to  specify  the  names  of  leading 


226  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

^Northern  Democrats,  who  maintained  the  doctrine  of  State  Sov 
ereignty  ;  and  that  the  General  Government  was  clothed  v^ith 
no  power  to  exert  the  coercive  arm  against  States  in  case  of  their 
secession,  it  can  be  affirmed  with  confidence,  that  this  was  the 
accepted  doctrine  of  the  great  body  of  the  party  in  the  North, 
as  well  as  in  the  South.  This  was  the  opinion  of  all  who,  in  any 
wise,  were  conversant  with  the  history  of  the  formation  of  the 
Federal  Constitution ;  and  wTho  were  disposed  to  resist  the  mon 
archical  tendency,  which,  from  the  origin  of  the  Republic,  had 
shown  its  workings ;  and  which,  to  sagacious  minds,  seemed  to 
threaten  entire  overthrow  to  the  Constitutional  Government.  The 
American  Union  was,  as  they  conceived,  the  product  of  the  ad 
vanced  intelligence  of  the  age  and  founded  upon  the  principle 
of  consent  alone.  Experience  had  taught  mankind  to  believe 
that  republican  institutions  could  endure  in  their  simplicity  only 
in  the  government  of  small  countries  and  States ;  and  that  if 
they  were  to  be  extended  over  large  territories,'  this  must  be 
accomplished  by  means  of  confederations  amongst  these,  still  per 
mitting  the  several  allied  States  to  remain  sovereign  as  to  all 
power  not  expressly  delegated  to  the  Federal  Union.  That  this  was 
the  character  of  the  American  Confederacy,  had  been  the  received 
and  steadily  avowed  opinion  of  all  who  maintained  rank  amongst 
the  sound  thinkers  and  statesmen  of  the  Jefferson  school  of 
politics.  Even  publicists,*  who  were  strictly  members  of  neither 
political  party,  viewed  the  Government  as  a  compact  between  the 
several  States  ;  and  that  as  the  Union  was  constituted,  there  was 
nothing  to  prevent  a  State  from  seceding,  should  she  choose  to 
assume  and  exercise  her  reserved  powers. 

But  such  a  construction  of  the  Constitution  was  never  agree 
able  to  that  party,  which  strove  to  concentrate  power  and  to  dic 
tate  their  opinions  to  the  people  of  the  whole  country.  That 
school  of  politics,  which  have  ever  striven  to  impose  their  views  of 
social  polity  upon  other  States  and  people,  would  necessarily  be 
the  enemies  of  State  rights,  as  declared  in  the  Virginia  and  Ken- 


*Judge  Tucker,  Professor  of  Law  in  the  University  of  William  and 
Mary,  Virginia,  in  his  edition  of  Blackstone's  Commentaries,  issued 
about  1803,  and  Mr.  Eawle,  an  eminent  Jurist  of  Pennsylvania,  in  his 
work  upon  the  Constitution,  published  in  1826,  took  the  view  that  the 
General  Government  was  simply  the  result  of  a  compact  between  the 
States  ;  and  that  the  right  of  secession  was  a  sequence  that  necessarily 
flowed  therefrom,  should  the  States  choose  to  exercise  this  denier  remedy 
for  experienced  or  apprehended  evils. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  227 

tucky  resolutions  of  1T98.     And  hence  Puritanism  from  the  first 
has  been  arrayed  against  them. 

The  doctrine  of  abolitionism  could  derive  its  support  in 
no  other  principle  than  that  of  monarchy ;  even  though  slavery 
should  be  conceded  to  be  a  moral  and  social  evil ;  for  it  was  the 
effort  of  one  people  to  interfere  with  the  affairs  of  another  and 
dictate  how  they  shall  manage  them.  The  principle  thus  assumed 
was  the  same  as  had  ever  enchained  the  nations  of  the  old  world 
and  bound  them  with  the  manacles  of  despotism ;  and  again, 
not  dissimilar  from  that  which  riveted  ecclesiastical  fetters  upon 
independent  thought,  which  modern  ages  have  busied  themselves  in 
disrupting.  The  inquisitorial  judges  and  the  robed  prelates  of  the 
Spanish  Peninsula,  made  no  other  assumption  than  was  claimed 
by  the  abolition  band  infidel  priesthood*  of  the  JS"orth,  when  they 
demanded  the  emancipation  of  the  negro  slaves  in  the  Southern 
States.  And  all  the  blood  that  flowed  on  St.  Bartholomew's 
night,  and  that  in  religious  wars  moistened  the  soil  of  Europe, 
was  shed  in  obedience  to  that  same  dictatorial  spirit,  which  would 
impose  the  conscientious  convictions  of  one  people  upon  the 
minds  of  another. 

The  peaceful  and  conservative  policy  of  the  Democracy  was  des 
tined  to  yield  to  one  of  a  different  character  upon  the  advent  of 
Hamiltonianism  to  power  in  I860,  under  the  assumed  name  of 
Republicanism.  Prior  to  this  time,  the  utterances  of  the  leading 
men  of  the  party  had  been  very  guarded  as  regards  their  inten 
tions,  and  those  of  them  who  had  the  honesty  and  courage  to 
express  their  real  sentiments,  were  popularly  viewed  as  enthusiasts 
and  fanatics,  who  would  possess  no  influence  under  the  new  gov 
ernmental  regime.  Even  Thaddeus  Stevens  himself,  was  re 
garded  as  one  of  those  extreme  men  whose  opinions  would  never 


*  "  Wherever  the  seed  of  Abolitionism  has  been  sown  broadcast,  a 
plentiful  crop  of  infidelity  has  sprung  up.  In  communities  where  Anti- 
Slavery  excitement  has  been  most  prevalent,  the  power  of  the  gospel  has 
invariably  declined  ;  and  where  the  tide  of  fanaticism  begins  to  subside, 
the  wrecks  of  church  order  and  of  Christian  character  have  been 
scattered  on  the  shore.  *  *  *  The  effect  of  abolitionism  upon 
individuals  is  no  less  striking  and  mournful  than  its  influence  upon  com 
munities.  It  is  a  remarkable  and  instructive  fact,  and  one  at  which 
Christian  men  would  do  well  to  pause  and  consider,  that  in  this  country, 
all  the  prominent  leaders  of  abolitionism,  outside  of  the  ministry,  have 
become  avowed  infidels  ;  and  that  all  our  notorious  abolition  preachers 
have  renounced  the  great  doctrines  of  grace  as  they  are  taught  in  the 
standards  of  the  reformed  churches." — Sermon  of  Rev.  J.  Vandyke,  of 
Brooklyn,  New  York  Herald,  December  10th,  1860. 


223  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

become  the  rule  of  the  Republican  party.  But  the  news  of  the 
election  of  Abraham  Lincoln  had  scarcely  flashed  across  the  tele 
graphic  wires  until  a  greater  boldness  of  utterance  was  discernible 
in  the  columns  of  the  Republican  press.  This  party  had  won 
the  political  battle,  and  henceforth,  inspired  with  confidence,  they 
assumed  the  attitute  of  masters  that  must  be  entreated  rather 
than  menaced.  The  exiled  monarch  that  had  wandered  in  dis 
guise,  and  in  varied  habits,  since  the  people  had  elected  Thomas 
Jefferson  to  the  Presidential  Chair,  at  once  returned  and  ascended 
again  the  throne  of  his  federal  ancestors.  The  fiat  was  imme 
diately  issued  to  the  magnates  of  power,  that  the  principles  of 
compromise  should  be  suspended,  and  the  maxims  of  Empire 
substituted. 

But,  that  the  humble  obeisance  of  the  vassals  might  be  secured, 
and  a  ready  obedience  to  the  orders  of  despotism  guaranteed,  a 
preliminary  course  of  instruction  was  required.  The  subjects  so 
long  inured  to  the  policy  of  peace  and  democratic  leniency,  must 
be  indoctrinated  into  the  principles  of  the  new  school,  and  this 
without  delay  was  undertaken.  In  reference  to  the  secession 
commotion,  the  Republican  press  of  the  North  instead  of  discus 
sing  the  reasons  of  Southern  discontent,  and  the  method  to  effect 
its  allayment,  spoke  of  the  powers  of  the  Government,  craftily 
thereby  endeavoring  to  inflame  the  enthusiasm  of  the  unreflect 
ing  masses,  in  behalf  of  national  unity  and  the  perpetuity  of 
the  Republic.  How  captivatingly  were  the  people  admonished, 
that  the  first  question  to  be  decided,  was,  whether  we  have  a  Gov 
ernment  or  not.  The  Union  was  dear  to  the  people  of  the  North, 
save  to  the  abolitionists  themselves,  who  had  now  succeeded  in 
gaining  power  under  the  Republican  banner.  The  first  aim  of 
the  leaders  of  the  triumphant  party,  was  to  arouse  the  people  to 
the  danger  by  which  the  Union  was  threatened  from  Southern 
secession.  By  the  haranguing  of  an  inflamatory  press,  Northern 
sentiment  was  soon  made  almost  unanimous  against  this  dogma 
of  the  State's  Right  School.  No  name  at  this  period  was  so  poten 
tial  with  the  people  as  that  of  Andrew  Jackson,  whose  famous 
declaration  now  formed  the  watch-word  with  the  Constitution 
destructives,  "  the  Federal  Union,  it  must  be  preserved"  Those 
seekino-  to  subvert  the  Constitution  were  now  loudest  in  tlfeir 
cries  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union. 

Gen.  Jackson  in  the  nullification  excitement  had  given  ex- 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  229 

pression,  as  has  been  seen,  to  utterances  for  which  he  afterwards 
had  cause  sincerely  to  repent.  No  man  ever  filled  the  Presiden 
tial  Chair,  who  was  subjected  to  more  malignant  abuse  by  that 
party  which  comprised  in  its  ranks  the  monarchical  or  consolida 
tion  element  of  the  country;  and  yet  when  this  same  school 
succeeded  in  gaining  political  power  in  the  government,  the 
unstudied  expressions  of  this  much  abused  President,  were  re 
hearsed  before  his  admirers,  by  those  who  despised  and  vilified 
all  his  actions ;  save  the  one  in  which  he  unfortunately  erred,  and 
which  was  contrary  to  the  whole  tenor  of  his  political  life,  and  to 
his  subsequently  expressed  convictions.  This  same  party  whilst 
retailing  the  declarations  of  President  Jackson,  studiously  avoided 
circulating  the  following  extract  from  his  farewell  address  to  his 
countrymen : 

*;  It  is  well  known  that  there  has  always  been  those  among  us  who 
wish  to  enlarge  the  powers  of  the  General  Government ;  and  experience 
would  seem  to  indicate  that  there  is  a  tendency  on  the  part  of  this  Gov 
ernment  to  over-step  the  boundaries  marked  out  for  it  by  the  Constitu 
tion.  Its  legitimate  authority  is  abundantly  sufficient  for  all  the  purposes 
for  which  it  was  created  ;  and  its  powers  being  expressly  enumerated, 
there  can  be  no  justification  for  claiming  anything  beyond  them.  Every 
attempt  to  exercise  power  beyond  these  limits  should  be  promptly  and 
firmly  opposed.  For  one  evil  example  will  lead  to  other  measures  still 
more  mischievous  ;  and  if  the  principle  of  constructive  powers,  supposed 
advantages,  or  temporary  circumstances  shall  ever  be  permitted  to  justify 
the  assumption  of  a  power  not  given  by  the  Constitution,  the  General 
Government  will  before  long  absorb  all  the  powers  of  legislation,  and  you 
will  have  in  effect  but  one  consolidated  government.  From  the  extent 
of  our  country,  its  diversified  interests,  different  pursuits,  and  single 
habits,  it  is  too  obvious  for  argument  that  a  single  consolidated  Govern 
ment  would  be  wholly  inadequate  to  watch  over  and  protect  its  interests  ; 
and  every  friend  of  our  free  institutions  should  be  always  prepared  to 
maintain,  unimpaired  and  in  full  vigor,  the  rights  and  sovereignty  of  the 
States,  and  confine  the  action  of  the  General  Government  strictly  to  the 
sphere  of  its  appropriate  duties."* 

The  excitement  throughout  the  country  had  become  intense' 
upon  the  assembling  of  Congress  in  December,  1860.  As  soon 
as  President  Buchanan  had  submitted  the  views  of  the  adminis 
tration  upon  secession  and  coercion,  the  Republican  press  united 
in  a  general  condemnation  of  the  principles  therein  enunciated, 
and  ridiculed  the  Executive  as  a  coward  and  committed  to  the 
interests  of  treason.  Assaults  upon  the  peace  policy  of  the  ad 
ministration,  now  became  one  of  the  means  by  which  the  Eepub- 

*Statesnian's  Manual,  vol.  2,  p.  952. 


230  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

lican  leaders  strove  to  intensify  Northern  sentiment  against 
the  Southern  people ;  and  prepare  the  masses  for  that  bloody 
strife  of  sections  which  they  found  it  necessary  to  foment  in 
order  to  strengthen  their  own  political  power  and  crush  that  of 
their  adversaries.  When  South  Carolina  at  length  seceded,  the 
auroral  star  of  the  millenium  seemed  to  rise  upon  the  vision  of 
those  who  had  for  upwards  of  a  quarter  of  a  century  prayed  for 
a  dissolution  of  the  Union.  ,Weiidel  Phillips  and  his  associate 
band  of  open  and  avowed  Abolitionists,  were  in  exstacies  over 
the  event.  The  harbinger  of  the  new  epoch  was  announced. 
The  emancipators  shouted  huzzas  when  the  convention  of  South 
Carolina  had  proclaimed  secession.  "  Deck  her  with  garlands — 
lade  her  with  jewels,"  cried  they;  "because  she  has  gone,  and 
God  speed  her  on  her  journey." 

,  But  the  unavowed  Abolitionists,  Republicans  in  name,  Eman 
cipationists  in  principle,  Wade,  Hale,  Stevens,  and  others,  now 
found  a  glorious  opportunity  to  assault  the  South,  the  administra 
tion  and  the  Democratic  party  in  general.  Compromise  with 
traitors  was  ridiculed,  and  all  members  of  the  Republican  party 
favoring  a  conservative  policy  were  denounced  as  derelict  to  the 
principles  of  the  Chicago  platform.  The  strong  current  that  set 
in  shortly  after  the  election  of  Lincoln,  in  favor  of  compromise, 
had 'the  effect  of  intimidating  all  but  the  boldest  Republicans 
from  expressing  freely  their  designs  as  regards  the  coercion  of  the 
Southern  States.  John  P.  Hale,  of  New  Hampshire,  was  one  of 
the  first  who  permitted  it  clearly  to  appear  that  it  was  determined 
by  the  Republican  leaders  to  declare  war  against  the  seceded 
States.  This  announcement  in  the  United  States  Senate  embold 
ened  those  editors  of  like  opinions  to  utter  their  sentiments  with 
less  reserve  ;  and  the  Republican  press  from  this  period  teemed 
with  threats  of  coercion  and  condign  punishment  of  the  rebels. 
As  early  as  December  20th,  1860,  the  Springfield  Journal,  the 
presumed  reflector  of  the  views  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  the  Presi 
dent  elect,  gave  utterance  to  the  following  sentiments: 

•'  She  (South  Carolina)  cannot  get  out  of  this  Union  until  she  conquers 
this  Government.  The  revenues  must  and  will  be  collected  at  her  ports, 
and  any  resistance  on  her  part  will  lead  to  civil  war." 

The  following  extract  from  the  New  York  Herald,  seems  very 
truthfully  to  portray  the  Republican  attitude  at  the  time  of  its 
appearance : 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  231 

"  Because  Mr.  Buchanan  has  adopted  the  peace  policy,  he  is  denounced 
by  the  Republicans  as  a  dotard,  an  imbecile,  a  traitor,  and  a  lunatic. 
*  *  *  The  Republican  journals  of  the  North,  are  daily  becoming 
more  and  more  bitter  in  the  tone  of  their  belligerent  manifestations,  and 
in  their  vituperative  advocacy  of  the  extremest  measures  to  reduce  the 
slave  States  to  submission  to  the  doctrines  laid  down  in  the  Chicago 
platform.  Appeal  to  the  inexorable  logic  or  grooved  cannon,  Sharpe's 
rifles,  and  the  bayonet,  takes  the  place  of  reflection  and  argument  now, 
just  as  cant,  abuse,  calumny  and  diatribe  did  that  of  truth  and  facts  while 
they  were  arousing  their  readers  to  that  pitch  of  Anti-Slavery  excitement 
which  has  produced  the  present  crisis.  They  demand  that  Mr.  Lincoln 
shall  inaugurate  his  administration  with  blockades,  bombardments  and 
invasions,  as  flippantly  and  impudently  as  though  the  welfare  of  the 
country  could  be  promoted  by  conformity  to  such  diabolical  fancies. 
They  decree  that  the  South  shall  be  put  down  as  glibly  as  if  fifteen  States 
were  a  vagrant  to  be  arrested  by  the  first  policeman.  "With  quasi  author 
itative  language,  they  pretend  to  foreshadow  the  policy  of  the  incoming 
administration  as  substituting  the  blood-red  flag  of  civil  war  for  the 
stars  and  stripes  which  float  over  the  Capitol ;  and  confidently  predict 
that  the  '  irrepressible  conflict '  will  be  carried  out  with  a  ruthless  bar 
barity  which  John  Brown  himself  would  have  hesitated  to  sanction. 

"  The  transparent  motive  of  so  much  furious  clamor  on  the  part  of  the 
Republican  press,  is  to  drive  Mr.  Buchanan  into  initiating  aggressive 
measures  against  South  Carolina  and  any  other  States  that  may  secede, 
in  order  that  he  and  his  administration  may  be  charged  with  beginning 
the  war.  He  is  denounced  for  not  sending  troops  to  Moultrie  and  sur 
rounding  Charleston  with  a  naval  cordon.  Should  Buchanan  accede  to 
them,  they  would  be  the  first  to  turn  upon  him  the  full  vials  of  popular 
indignation,  and  charge  him  as  responsible  for  beginning  the  war."* 

The  tide  of  denunciation  against  President  Buchanan  and  his 
peace  policy,  rose  still  higher  and  higher ;  and  broke  upon  the 
public  ear  in  all  its  vindictive  fury  and  tumultuousness.  The 
roar  of  the  Abolition  press  resounded  throughout  the  whole 
length  and  breadth  of  the  Korth ;  a  partisan  malignity  seemed 
as  if  ready  to  engulph  all  reason  and  sobriety  beneath  the  opening 
waves  of  the  social  convulsion.  Henry  Ward  Beecher  regretted 
that  destiny  had  not  vouchsafed  to  America,  at  this  time,  an 
Oliver  Cromwell  for  President;  and  the  Republican  journals 
urged  that  in  the  imbecile  attitude  in  which  the  country  found 
itself,  owing  to  the  treasonable  dereliction  of  the  administration, 
it  behooved  the  loyal  States  of  the  ]^orth  to  act  with  reference 
to  the  emergency  and  prepare  for  the  coming  crisis.  Some  of 
the  Republican  Governors  called  attention  to  the  condition  of  the 
country  and  urged  upon  their  Legislatures  to  place  the  military 

*New  York  Herald,  Dec.  24th,  1860. 


232  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

iorces  of  tlieir  States  upon  such  a  footing  as  to  be  ready  to  respond 
when  called  upon  by  the  Federal  authority.  All  these  move 
ments  in  the  North  served  to  indicate  what  the  proposed  policy' 
of  the  incoming  administration  would  be,  as  regards  the  seceded 
States. 

That  it  was  the  full  intention  of  the  Republican  leaders  after 
their  elevation  to  power,  to  inaugurate  coercive  measures  against 
such  Southern  States  as  might  secede  from  the  Union,  admits  of 
no  reasonable  doubt.  And  although  "William  H.  Seward  and 
other  members  of  the  party,  attempted  to  appear  as  conservative 
in  their  views,  and  willing  to  extend  the  olive  branch  of  peace ; 
yet  all  these  vascillating  .manoeuvres  were  simply  designed  to 
enable  these  diplomatists  to  veer  between  the  Scylla  of  Aboli 
tionism  and  the  Charybdis  of  Conservatism.  The  New  York 
Senator  had  been  selected  as  the  premier  of  the  incoming  admin 
istration  ;  and  yet  in  view  of  the  opposition  that  existed  against 
him  in  his  own  party,  and  the  growing  strength  of  the  movement 
favorable  to  compromise,  he  esteemed  it  prudential  to  feign  con 
ciliatory  sentiments ;  and  at  the  same  time  avoid  committing 
himself  to  any  definite  line  of  policy.  By  this  means  he  sailed 
in  the  centre  current  of  his  own  party  and  avoided  touching  the 
extremes.  As  regards  personal  popularity  and  promotion,  he  felt 
that  this  was  altogether  his  safest  method ;  and  at  the  same  time 
he  was  sufficiently  astute  as  to  perceive  that  in  times  of  commo 
tion,  the  extremists  of  party  always  lead  the  Conservatives.  In 
sentiment  he  either  was  or  had  ever  feigned  himself  an  extremist ; 
but  he  now  chose  to  be  led  to  that  point,  where  in  truth,  he 
wished  to  conduct  others.  On  the  one  hand  his  early  radicalism 
allied  him  with  the  Abolition  wing  of  his  party ;  on  the  other, 
his  sentiments  as  uttered  in  his  speeches  in  the  Senate  and  else 
where,  since  the  election  of  Lincoln,  gained  him  the  confidence 
of  the  Compromisers ;  and  he  therefore  was  prepared  for  leader 
ship  in  the  Cabinet,  should  public  opinion  even  force  a  conserva 
tive  policy  upon  the  new  administration. 

Remembering  that  the  Republican  leaders  almost  unanimously 
resisted  all  compromise  which  might  prove  satisfactory  to  the 
Southern  people,  was  it  not  apparent  in  view  of  events  that  one 
of  two  things  must  occur,  either  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  or 
civil  war  to  prevent  it  3  Must  it  not  then  be  accepted  as  an  un 
deniable  truth  that  they  preferred  either  of  these  results,  rather 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  233 

than  acquiesce  in  a  compromise  ?  And  yet  they  sought  to  'evade 
these  logical  inferences  which  necessarily  flowed  from  their  words 
and  actions.  But  the  popular  mind  was  unable  to  detect  the  real 
aim  of  those  who  despised  the  old  Union,  and  who  simply  sought 
to  arouse  the  Northern  people  to  fight  in  its  defense,  in  order 
that  they  might  effect  its  destruction. 

An  ominous  silence  was  maintained  by  Abraham  Lincoln  as  to 
the  policy  which  would  be  pursued  after  the  Government  came 
into  his  hands.  For  over  three'  months  after  his  election  not  a 
word  was  spoken  by  the  new  President  that  served  clearly  to 
indicate  what  his  future  policy  would  be.  This  silence  was  main 
tained  in  order  that  he  might  be  free  to  accept  that  guidance 
which  the  controling  opinon  of  his  party  might  indicate.  It 
can  not  be  doubted,  but  that  he  with  other  leaders  of  the  party, 
had  fully  agreed  upon  a  course  of  action  after  his  accession  to 
the  Chair  of  State,  and  time  simply  was  permitted  to  determine 
whether  the  proposed  plan  could  be  executed  or  not.  And  this 
silence  was  simply  a  part  of  the  revolutionary  programme,  which 
from  the  organization  of  the  Republican  party  it  was  impolitic 
and  politically  dangerous  to  disclose.  It  was  not  believed  by 
the  Southern  leaders,  and  by  many  in  the  Korth,  that  there  was 
doubt  as  to  the  course  the  new  administration  would  pursue 
when  once  installed  in  power.  The  unanminity  of  the  Republican 
party,  favoring  the  coercion  of  the  seceded  States  by  military  power, 
made  it  sufficiently  clear  what  the  policy  of  the  Lincoln  Admin 
istration  would  be.  This  unanimity  was  but  the  echo  of  the  well 
understood  views  and  expressions  of  Members  of  Congress  and 
other  leaders  of  Republican  opinion.  Any  one,  at  all  attentive  to 
the  discussions  which  took  place  in  the  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives  during  the  second  session  of  the  Thirty-sixth 
Congress,  would  have  shown  remarkable  obtuseness  not  to  have 
discovered,  that  war  was  the  policy  determined  upon  by  the 
Republican  leaders.  The  following  extract  would  seem  to  indi 
cate  that  the  sentiment  on  this  point  was  almost  unanimous: 

"  The  Republican  leaders  and  journalists,  with  one  or  two  exceptions, 
insist  upon  holding  the  Chicago  platform,  the  whole  platform,  and  noth 
ing  but  the  platform,  no  matter  what  may  be  the  consequences  to  the 
party,  the  country,  or  the  human  race.  *  *  *  *  They  de 
clare  they  will  maintain  it  to  the  bitter  end,  though  civil  war  should  be 
the  consequence.*'* 

*  New  York  Herald,  January  21st,  1861. 


£34  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

The  great  difficulty,  with  which  the  Republican  leaders  had  to 
contend,  was  the  growing  current  of  conservatism  that  set  in  after 
the  Presidential  election  in  November,  1860,  and  which  flowed 
in  opposition  to  their  wishes,  and  which  they  feared  might  bear 
their  revolutionary  bark  upon  the  rocks  of  political  disaster. 
This  current  showed  itself  in  the  numerous  petitions  that  flooded 
Congress  in  favor  of  compromise  with  the  South,  in  the  mani 
fest  changes  which  marked  the  local  elections  in  many  sections 
of  the  North,  and  also  in  the  breaking  up  of  Abolition  assem 
blages  and  John  Brown  demonstrations,  which  six  months  before 
had  been  popular  and  held  without  interruption.  It  was  the 
general  belief  of  all  the  conservative  classes,  that  the  troubles 
likely  to  burst  upon  the  country  had  been  produced  by  the  fanati 
cal  agitation  of  the  slavery  question,  and  respectable  citizens,  in 
different  places,  aided  in  dispersing  meetings  of  Abolitionists, 
believing  that  such  were  but  gathering  additional  fuel  for  the 
flames  of  civil  discord  now  threatening  to  consume  the  fair  fabric 
of  the  American  Republic.  But  this  popular  opposition  only 
served  the  more  to  intensify  the  efforts  of  the  whole  radical 
school  of  the  Republican  party ;  unite  the  better  in  one  com 
pact  band,  the  avowed  and  secret  Abolitionists,  and  give  this 
faction  the  leadership  and  entire  control  of  the  political '  ma 
chinery  of  the  organization.  "Wendel  Phillips,  Beecher,  Sumner, 
Hale,  Ilickman,  Howard,  Stevens,  Love  joy  and  others  were  com 
pactly  united  together  in  a  band  of  brotherhood,  pledged  by 
mutual  consent  to  unite  their  forces  in  a  general  assault  upon  the 
citadel  of  State  Rights  and  Southern  Slavery.  It  was  soon 
manifest  that  the  radicals  were  master  of  the  situation,  and 
Thurlow  Weed  *  and  other  Republicans  who  had  advocated  com 
promise  were  threatened  with  ostracism  for  the  their  opinions. 
Even  the  editor  of  the  New  York  Tribune,  the  pretended 
staunch  advocate  of  principle,  after  having  declared  in  favor  of 
peaceable  secession,  was  compelled  by  the  radical  conclave  to 
espouse  the  policy  of  coercion  against  the  seceded  States.  Arid 
after  permitting  himself  to  be  made  the  mere  mouthpiece  of  the 


*  "  Thurlow  Weed  has  been  denounced  and  his  peace  propositions  repu 
diated  by  the  journals  and  leaders  of  the  Republican  party."  Movements 
were  even  made  to  start  a  new  paper  in  Albany  opposed  to  him,  and 
which  the  leaders  promise  shall  be  conducted  "  ivithout  temporizing  con 
cessions  and  vacillating  expediencies." — New  York  Herald,  December  17, 
18GO. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  20o 

ruling  faction,  lie,  to  whom  the  editorial  fraternity  gave  the 
name  of  philosopher,  became  the  bitterest  amongst  his  country 
men  in  resisting  a  compromise  with  the  Southern  people,  and  the 
most  ardent  in  hounding  on  the  masses  of  the  JSTorth  to  a  conflict 
that  must  work  the  prostration  of  the  principles  of  Free  Govern 
ment,  and  the  downfal  of  the  Constitutional  Union. 

At  length  the  pilgrimage  of  the  new  President,  from  his  home 
in  Springfield,  Illinois,  to  Washington,  began  on  the  llth  of 
February,  1S61 ;  and  the  people  of  all  sections  of  the  country 
now  looked  with  anxiety  for  a  disclosure  of  the  views  of  the  man, 
who  more  than  all  others  held  the  future  destiny  of  the  Union 
in  his  hands.  But  the  country  was  sadly  disappointed.  At  a 
time  when  double-dealing  should  have  been  laid  aside,  and  when 
manhood  and  honor  demanded  a  clear  and  explicit  declaration  of 
the  future  intentions  of  the  Chief  Magistrate,  we  iind  him  in 
his  speeches  made  to  the  crowds  that  flocked  to  see  him,  giving 
utterance  to  ambiguous  expressions ;  and  such  as  but  served  to 
conceal  his  real  intentions.  His  home  organ,  the  Springfield 
Journal,  about  the  time  of  his  departure  for  the  Seat  of  Govern 
ment,  contained  the  following  enunciation  of  policy,  which  doubt 
less  expressed  the  intentions  of  the  journeying  President :  but 
which  State  craft  and  perfidy  would  not  permit  him  openly  to  dis 
close.  The  Journal  said : 

"  The  seceding  States  are  in  rebellion  against  the  Federal  Government, 
and  it  is  the  duty  of  this  Government  to  put  down  rebellion.  Away  with 
compromises.  We  should  not  talk  of  compromises  while  the  flag  of 
traitors  floats  over  an  American  Fort,  and  the  flag  of  our  country  trails  in 
the  dust.  Until  that  flag  is  unfurled  over  Moultrie  and  every  other  stolen 
Fort,  Arsenal,  Custom  House  and  Navy  Yard — until  the  laws  of  this 
Government  are  obeyed  and  its  authority  recognized,  let  us  never  talk 
of  compromise.  Let  the  stolen  Forts,  Arsenals  and  Navy  Yards  be  re 
stored  to  the  rightful  owners, — tear  down  your  rattlesnake  and  pellican 
flags,  and  run  up  the  ever  glorious  stars  and  stripes,  —  disperse  your 
traitorous  mobs  and  let  every  man  return  to  his  duty."* 

But  the  only  competency  shown  by  the  'New  President  on  his 
journey  to  Washington,  was  the  proficiency  he  displayed  in  the 
science  of  Machiavelism,  by  which  he  was  enabled  to  discourse  to 
the  people  concerning  the  brewing  troubles,  and  yet  conceal  from 
them  his  opinions.  Otherwise  his  speeches  gave  no  evidence  of 
intellect ;  but  were  interspersed  with  the  flinisey  jests  of  the  low 


^'Extracted  in  New  York  Herald,  Feb.  14,  1861. 


C33  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

politician,  altogether  unbecoming  the  man  that  was  chosen  to 
succeed  the  honored  statesmen,  who,  from  Washington  to  Bu 
chanan,  had  graced  the  Presidential  Chair.  In  his  harrangues  to 
the  crowds  which  intercepted  him  on  his  journey,  at  a  time  when 
the  country  was  in  revolutionary  chaos ;  when  commerce  and 
trade  were  prostrated,  and  when  starving  women  and  idle  men 
were  among  the  very  audiences  that  listened  to  him,  he  declared 
to  them,  in  his  peculiar  phraseology,  that  " nobody  was  hurt" 
that  "  all  would  come  out  right"  and  that  there  was  "  nothing 
going  wrong"  Nor  was  his  rhetoric  the  only  entertainment  he 
afforded  those  who  flocked  to  hear  the  new  Sovereign. 

His  conduct  and  speeches  disclosed  the  demagogue  ;  and  evinced 
his  admirable  adaptedness  to  be  the  President  of  the  radical  con 
clave,  that  was  to  dictate  to  him  as  a  subaltern  the  duties  required 
of  him  to  be  performed.  As  President,  he  was  the  creature  of 
and  for  the  occasion.  He  was  chosen  in  revolutionary  times,  for 
revolutionary  purposes,  and  by  the  revolutionary  element  of  the 
country.  Statesmanship  was  at  a  discount ;  the  destructive  in 
politics  ruled,  and  reason  and  reflection  must  of  necessity  be  laid 
aside.  A  conservative  President  was  not  wanted  by  the  men 
who  controlled  affairs  in  the  new  party ;  and  Lincoln  was  known 
to  be  of  that  pliable  disposition  which  would  allow  himself  and 
his  policy  to  drift  with  the  current. 

In  his  Indianapolis  speech,  the  touring  President  sufficiently 
disclosed  his  sentiments  for  esoteric  ears,  but  which  the  uninitiated 
mass  accepted  simply  as  interrogatories.  He  said  : 

"  If  the  United  States  should  merely  hold  and  retake  its  own  Forts  and 
other  property,  and  collect  the  duties  on  foreign  importations,  or  even 
withhold  the  mails  from  places  where  they  are  habitually  violated, 
would  any  of  these  things  be  invasion  on  coercion  ?  Would  the  march 
ing  of  an  army  into  South  Carolina  be  invasion  ?" 

By  these  and  many  other  similar  remarks,  it  was  ascertained 
that  coercion  had  been  determined  upon  by  the  radical  Repub 
licans.  Senator  Chandler,  during  the  last  days  of  the  Thirty- 
sixth  Congress,  declared  that  the  Republican  party  were  ready  to 
stand  in  blood.  Fessenden,  of  Maine,  remarked  "  that  if  the 
time  was  coming  to  use  force,  he  was  perfectly  ready  to  do  it." 
Thaddeus  Stevens,  in  the  course  of  the  debate  upon  the  Navy 
Bill,  expressed  it  to  be  the  intention  of  his  party  to  retake  the 
Southern  forts.*  A  volume  might  be  filled  with  similar  declara- 


York  Herald,  February  22nd,  1861. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  237 

tions,  all  to  the  same  purport,  showing  that  civil  war  was  the 
pre-determined  policy  of  the  radical  school. 

The  first  distinct  enunciation  by  Abraham  Lincoln  of  the 
course  he  would  pursue  was  made  in  his  inaugural  address,  wherein 
he  says : 

*'It  follows  from  these  views  that  no  State,  upon  its  own  mere  motion, 
can  lawfully  get  out  of  the  Union  ;  that  resolves  and  ordinances  to  that 
effect  are  legally  void,  and  that  acts  of  violence  within  any  State  or 
States  against  the  authority  of  the  United  States  are  insurrectionary, 
according  to  circumstances. 

"I,  therefore  consider,  that  in  view  of  the  Constitution  and  the  Laws, 
the  Union  is  unbroken,  and  to  the  extent  of  my  ability  I  shall  take  care, 
as  the  Constitution  expressly  enjoins  upon  me,  that  the  laws  of  the  Union 
shall  be  faithfully  executed  in  all  the  States. 

''In  doing  this  there  need  be  no  bloodshed  or  violence,  and  there  shall 
be  none  unless  it  be  forced  upon  the  national  authority." 

Did  despot  ever  lay  down  more  dogmatic  and  authorative 
dicta  than  are  contained  in  the  extracted  portion  of  this  inaugural  ? 
Without  condescending  to  consider  the  alleged  grievances  of 
the  Southern  people,  or  recommend  any  terms  of  concession,  as 
a  wise  and  virtuous  ruler,  master  of  his  own  thoughts,  would 
have  done,  the  Republican  President  proceeds  in  one  sentence  to 
declare  State  Sovereignty,  the  cardinal  doctrine  of  the  Jeffer- 
sonian  school  of  politics,  as  baseless  and  unfounded.  Was  greater 
presumption  ever  manifested  ?  The  matured  thought  of  a  whole 
school  of  distinguished  American  statesmen  was  not  to  be  over 
thrown  by  the  mere  declaration  of  a  man,  whom  accident  rather 
than  intellect  had  elevated  to  power.  But  presumptuousness 
and  conceit  were  the  characteristics  of  the  party  to  which  he  was 
indebted  for  the  position  he  occupied,  and  he  must  necessarily 
display  a  similar  pretentiousness  with  that  of  his  compeers. 

He  next  declared  that  he  would  cause  the  laws  of  the  Union 
to  be  faithfully  executed,  as  the  Constitution  expressly  enjoins, 
which  to  the  American  ear  was  more  palatable,  than  to  have  told 
them  what  he  meant,  which  was  that  he  and  his  party  had  deter 
mined  to  conquer  by  military  force  the  Southern  States.  But 
the  Constitution  did  not  permit,  much  less  enjoin  him  to  make 
war  upon  the  seceding  States  in  order  to  preserve  the  laws,  and 
purposing  to  do  so,  as  his  party  leaders  had  resolved,  he  falsely 
accepted  his  obligation  to  the  Constitution,  which  he  pretended 
to  obey.  But  a  part  of  the  secret  programme  still  remained  to 
be  performed.  This  consisted  in  sending  a  naval  squadron,  under 


203  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

the  pretence  of  relieving  the  Southern  garrisons,  when  in  truth 
designed  to  provoke  an  attack  upon  the  American  flag,  and  thus 
obtain  a  pretext  for  declaring  war  against  the  South,  under  the 
plea  of  defending  the  Union.  This  scheme,  which  was  craftily 
planned,  was  entirely  successful,  and  on  the  12th  of  April,  1861, 
the  attack  upon  Fort  Sumpter  lighted  up  the  flames  of  civil 
revolution,  and  the  triumph  of  centralization  was  now  assured. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  239 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

WAR  FOR  THE  UNION. 

The  news  of  the  attack  on  Fort  Sumpter  aroused  the  demon  of 
the  North,  in  all  his  ferocious  hate  and  unreasoning  madness. 
Revenge,  deep  and  bitter,  was  resolved  upon  in  every  hamlet  and 
village  from  the  most  remote  corner  of  Maine  to  the  furthest 
extremity  of  California.  The  Southern  secessionists  who  had 
dared  to  question  the  National  authority  and  fire  upon  the  flag 
of  the  Republic,  became  at  once  in  the  public  mind,  the  objects  of 
malediction  and  of  the  most  burning  execration ;  and  resolves  of 
vengeance  seemed  for  the  time  written  upon  nearly  every  coun 
tenance.  Insanity,  in  truth,  ruled  the  hour.  It  was  a  people  at 
length  fully  awakened  to  a  realization  of  the  dangers,  of  which 
they  had  often  been  admonished,  but  which  they  as  repeatedly  had 
been  assured,  were  groundless  and  without  foundation.  Like  a 
mob  destitute  of  that  reflection  by  which  it  should  weigh  causes 
and  consequences,  the  people  were  everywhere  borne  in  blind  zeal 
to  oppose  resistance  to  the  immediate  agent  of  their  dread.  The 
Government  was  threatened ;  the  Southern  people  had  turned 
their  cannon  upon  a  Federal  Fortress  and  forced  its  evacuation ; 
and  all  the  sacred  associations  of  the  Union,  Constitution  and 
National  integrity  were  jeoparded.  At  once  they  forgot  the 
lesson  of  philosophy,  that  "  the  aggressor  in  a  war  is  not  the  first 
who  uses  force,  but  the  first  who  renders  force  necessary."* 

Although  the  people  of  the  North  had  been  admonished  by 
patriots  and  Statesmen,  from  Washington  to  Buchanan,  that  the 
formation  and  success  of  sectional  parties  could  not  but  endanger 
the  perpetuity  of  the  American  Republic ;  still  all  their  counsel 
was  rejected  and  their  admonitions  unheeded.  Men  had  arisen 
vdio  repudiated  the  wisdom  of  former  generations ;  and  who  had 
succeeded  in  securing  followers,  a  majority  in  the  Northern 


'Hallam's  Constitutional  History. 


240  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

States.  The  most  studied  efforts  had  been  made  by  leading  Re 
publicans,  in  their  speeches  and  through  their  presses,  to  convince 
the  people  that  the  object  of  the  Southern  secessionists  was  to  extort 
from  a  passive  North,  further  guarantees  for  slavery,  as  they  had 
succeeded  in  doing  on  former  occasions.  And  they  were  also 
told  that  even  should  actual  resistance  occur :  and  the  South  be 
found  to  be  in  earnest  in  their  determination  to  sever  their  con 
nection  with  the  Union  by  force  of  arms,  the  collision  would 
prove  one  of  short  duration ;  and  that  a  month,  or  at  furthest, 
ninety  days  would  end  the  struggle.  Believing  these  declara 
tions,  the  mass  of  both  political  parties  in  the  North,  regarded 
the  suppression  of  the  rebellion  as  an  undertaking  of  no  great 
difficulty. 

Now  was  the  opportunity  for  the  deep,  crafty  schemes  of 
Abolition  consolidation ;  and  with  admirable  adroitness  was  it 
seized.  With  a  full  knowledge  of  the  delusion  which  reigned  in 
the  public  mind,  as  regarded  the  rebellion,  and  for  the  purpose  of 
still  farther  strengthening  this  false  impression,  Abraham  Lin 
coln,  as  President  of  the  United  States,  on  the  15th  of  April, 
1861,  issued  his  proclamation  calling  for  seventy-live  thousand 
men  to  suppress  the  insurrection  in  the  seceded  States.  Assum 
ing  to  treat  the  Southern  revolt  as  mere  insurrectionary  resist 
ance,  he  ordered  the  seceders  to  disperse  in  twenty  days  from 
the  issue  of  his  mandate.  Will  posterity  ever  give  him  credit 
for  believing  that  the  rebels  would  disperse  at  his  bidding,  or 
that  his  quota  of  soldiers  would  prove  sufficient  to  overthrow  the 
armed  resistance  of  the  South  ?  If  matured  reflection  shall 
satisfy  coming  ages  that  the  role  he  played  on  this  occasion  was 
not  an  hypocritical  one,  then  the  only  alternative  to  be  accepted 
will  be,  that  his  party  made  a  great  mistake  in  selecting  one  of  no 
superior  sagacity  for  President  of  the  United  States.* 

The  idea  promulgated  at  Washington  of  a  ninety  days'  com 
motion  was  encouraged  by  the  Northern  press,  with  the  same 


*The  great  admirers  of  the  Sage  of  Springfield,  in  justification  of  the 
call  for  seventy-five  thousand  men  for  tnree  months,  will  attempt  to  de 
fend  him  in  asserting  that  he  acted  in  accordance  with  the  law  of  1795, 
in  calling  out  the  militia  and  ordering  the  dispersal  of  the  insurgents  in  a 
specified  time.  It  is  true  that  he  did  model  his  call  for  troops  after  an 
Act  which  contemplated  simply  the  raising  of  armed  posses,  in  aid  of 
the  civil  authorities.  In  doing  so,  however,  he  disclosed  the  desperate 
length  that  he  and  his  party  were  ready  to  go  for  the  purpose  of  carrying 
cut  their  designs. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  241 

design  as  had  influenced  the  Executive  Chief  in  the  Federal 

o 

Capitol.  It  was  all  done  to  continue  the  deception  that  had  heen 
practised  from  the  organization  of  the  Republican  party.  The 
rebellion  was  derided  as  a  matter  of  mere  insignificance,  and 
belittled  in  language  which  no  sane  men  but  imposters  could 
utter.  The  New  York  Tribune,  the  leading  organ  of  the  Re 
publican  party,  declared  that  it  was  nothing  "  more  or  less  than 
the  natural  recourse  of  all  mean  spirited  and  defeated  tyrannies, 
to  rule  or  ruin,  making  of  course  a  wide  distinction  between  the 
will  and  power,  for  th  hanging  of  traitors  is  sure  to  begin  before 
one  month  is  over.  The  nations  of  Europe,"  it  continued,  "  may 
rest  assured  that  Jeff.  Davis  &  Co.,  will  be  swinging  from  the 
battlements  at  Washington  at  least  by  the  4th  of  July.  We  spit 
upon  a  later  and  longer  deferred  justice." 

The  New  York  Times  expressed  the  following  confident 
opinion : 

"  Let  us  make  quick  work.  The  '  Rebellion,'  as  some  people  designate 
it,  is  an  embryo  tadpole.  Let  us  not  fall  into  the  delusion,  noted  by 
Hallam,  of  mistaking  a  *  local  commotion '  for  a  revolution.  A  strong, 
active  pull  together  will  do  our  work  effectually  in  thirty  days. 
We  have  only  to  send  a  column  of  twenty -five  thousand  men  across  the 
Potomac  to  Richmond,  and  burn  out  the  rats  there  ;  another  column  of 
twenty-five  thousand  to  Cairo,  seizing  the  cotton  ports  of  the  Mississippi, 
and  retaining  the  remaining  twenty-five  thousand  included  in  Mr.  Lin 
coln's  call  for  seventy -five  thousand  men  at  Washington,  not  because 
there  is  need  for  them  there,  but  because  we  do  not  require  their  services 
elsewhere." 

The  Philadelphia  Press  declared  that  no  man  of  sense,  could 
for  a  moment  doubt,  that  this  much-a«o-about-nothing  would  end 
in  a  month.  The  Northern  people  were  "  simply  invincible." 
"  The  rebels,"  it  predicted,  "  a  mere  band  of  ragamuffins,  will 
fly  like  chaff  before  the  wind  on  our  approach." 

The  people  of  the  West  in  no  wise  flagged  in  their  competency 
to  depreciate  the  magnitude  of  the  troubles  that  awaited  the 
country.  It  was  necessary  for  the  political  success  of  the  Re 
publican  party  to  under-rate  the  impending  evils  that  were 
threatening  the  nation ;  for  had  the  people  fully  realized  the 
magnitude  of  the  undertaking  they  were  entering  upon,  the  Peace 
party  would  have  been  too  potential  to  have  permitted  the  inau 
guration  of  the  carnage  that  was  to  drench  the  land  in  blood. 
The  Chicago  Tribune,  the  valorous  sheet  of  the  Lake  City,  in 
sisted  that  alone  and  unaided,  the  West  should  be  permitted  to 


243  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

fight  the  battle  through,  since  she  was  probably  most  interested 
in  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion  and  the  free  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi.  "Let  the  East,"  demanded  this  warlike  organ,  "get 
out  of  the  way ;  this  war  is  of  the  West.  We  can  light  the 
battle  and  successfully,  within  two  or  three  months  at  the  furthest. 
Illinois  can  whip  the  South  by  herself.  We  insist  upon  the 
matter  being  turned  over  to  us." 

Horace  Greeley,  the  editor  of  the  New  York  Tribune,  who 
skillfully  performed  his  part  in  helping  to  deceive  the  masses  of 
the  North  into  the  belief  that  the  rebellion  would  melt  away  in 
sixty  days,  was  willing,  however,  to  be  judged  in  history  as  an 
imposter  rather  than  a  fool.  In  his  history  of  the  war  he  says : 

"  The  original  call  of  President  Lincoln  on  the  States  for  75,000  militia, 
to  cerve  for  three  months,  was  a  deplorable  error.  It  resulted  naturally 
from  that  obstinate  infatuation  which  would  believe  in  defiance  of  all 
history  and  probability,  that  an  aristocratic  conspiracy  of  thirty  years 
standing,  culminating  in  rebellion  based  on  an  artificial  property  valued 
at  four  thousand  millions  of  dollars,  and  wielding  the  resources  of  ten 
or  twelve  States,  having  nearly  ten  millions  of  people,  was  to  be  put 
down  in  sixty  or  ninety  days  by  some  process  equivalent  to  the  reading 
of  the  Riot  Act  to  an  excited  mob,  and  sending  a  squad  of  police  to  dis 
perse  it."* 

After  the  fall  of  Sumpter,  it  was  indeed  esteemed  disloyal  to 
even  intimate  a  doubt  of  the  speedy  overthow  of  the  rebellion- 
Many  a  patriotic  citizen  was  branded  as  a  traitor,  because  his 
reason  admonished  him  that  the  conquest  of  a  people  so  united 
as  were  the  Southern  Confederates,  would  be  an  undertaking  requir 
ing  years,  and  also  vast  outlays  of  blood  and  treasure.  Many, 
who  in  other  matters  were  endowed  with  excellent  sense,  either 
really  agreed  with  the  short-sighted  rabble  in  believing  that  the 
South  would  soon  be  conquered,  or  for  the  sake  of  selfish  interests 
permitted  themselves  to  drift  with  the  current  of  public  opinion. 

Such  an  apparent  change  of  sentiment  as  took  place  upon  the 
fall  of  Sumpter,  perhaps  never  was  before  witnessed  in  any 
country.  Newspaper  editors,  who  up  to  this  period  had  battled 
the  positions  of  the  Abolition  party,  and  pointed  out  the  dangers 
into  which  their  anti-compromise  policy  would  drift  the  country, 
shifted  their  positions  without  delay  into  the  advocacy  of  war 
against  the  South.  Notwithstanding  they  had  contended  that 
the  coercion  of  the  seceding  States  was  altogether  unconstitutional, 


*Greeley's  American  Conflict.    Vol.  1,  p.  551. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA,  243 

yet  in  obedience  to  selfish  aspirations,  or  induced  by  fears  of  mob 
violence,  war  for  the  Union  was  now  urged  by  them  with  as 
much  vehemence  and  zeal  as  before  had  been  conciliation. 
Other  leading  citizens,  who  before  had  been  prominent  and 
influential  members  of  the  Democratic  and  old  Whig  parties; 
and  who  had  never  sympathised  with  the  abolition  movement, 
immediately  changed  positions ;  and  permitted  themselves  to  be 
made  instruments  of  fanaticism  to  unite  the  North,  in  a  war 
against  the  Southern  people  and  their  institutions*  Democratic 
ex-Governors,  Mayors,  Members  of  Congress  and  other  influential 
men  of  the  party,  presided  at  war  meetings,  and  thus  lent  their 
aid  and  encouragement  to  the  war  party,  Daniel  S,  Dickinson, 
of  New  York,  who  had  even  enjoyed  the  reputation  of  a 
"  Northern  man  with  Southern  principles,"  became  one  of  the 
fiercest  advocates  of  war,  and  consigned  his  former  friends  in 
the  South  to  fire  and  sword,  Edward  Everett,  the  scholarly 
orator  of  New  England,  who  a  few  months  before  declared  that 
the  Southern  States  should  be  permitted  to  secede  in  peace,  be 
came  an  apostle  of  coercion,  and  exhausted  his  beautiful  rhetoric 
in  proclaiming  the  new  gospel  of  subjugation.  The  conversions 
of  this  character  were  remarkably  abundant,  indeed;  and  men  of 
all  professions  and  occupations  received  the  outpouring  of  the 
war  spirit,  and  became  new  creatures  in  their  whole  walk  and 
conversation,  No  doubt  their  olfactories  scented  the  sweet  per 
fumes  of  power,  and  they  forgot  the  past  in  anticipations  of  the 
future.  So  manifest  and  mighty  w^as  the  change  that  had  been 
wrought,  that  the  unregenerate  could  but  look  with  amazement 
upon  the  scenes  in  which  their  eyes  and  ears  were  unable  to 
deceive  them. 

The  crusade  of  passion,  fury  and  blasphemy,  which  set  in 
against  the  South  is  entirely  undescribable.  It  would  have 
seemed  as  if  the  fiends  of  Pandemonium  had  burst  forth  from 
their  confines  and  were  exciting  the  frenzied  multitudes  of  the 
North  to  deeds  of  hate  and  cruelty.  The  infidel  clergy  of  New 
England,  #nd  their  pious  brethern  of  the  modern  ecclesiastical 
schools,  feasted  their  souls  in  the  holy  anticipations  of  humani 
tarian  elevation,  through  the  blood  and  carnage  of  their  Northern 
and  Southern  countrymen.  The  holiness  of  the  war  was  pro 
claimed  from  the  pulpit  as  well  as  from  the  hustings.  Dr.  Tyng, 
a  distinguished  divine  of  New  York,  assembled  certain  ferocious 


214  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

ciit-tliroats  of  that  city,  commonly  known  as  "  Billy  Wilson's 
men,"  presented  them  bibles,  and  declared  to  them  that  in  carry 
ing  fire  and  sword  into  the  rebellious  States  they  would  propitiate 
Heaven,  and  would  go  far  to  assure  the  salvation  of  their  souls. 
Were  the  dark  ages  ever  guilty  of  more  uugodlike  and  unchris 
tian  abomination  ?  But  this  is  but  an  illustration  of  the  senti 
ments  that  were  popular  and  lauded  to  the  skies  throughout  the 
Northern  States. 

A  like  madness  seized  the  people  in  their  seeming  adoration  of 
the  flag  of  their  country.  The  national  emblem  was  flung  to  the 
breeze  in  nearly  every  street  of  the  Northern  towns  and  cities ; 
and  floated  from  the  house-tops  and  windows  of  the  most  intensely 
loyal  of  the  people.  When  these  signs  of  war  ardor  made  no 
voluntary  appearance  from  a  residence,  a  committee  of  patriotia 
citizens  often  deemed  it  their  duty  to  admonish  the  inmates  that 
a  token  of  loyalty  should  be  displayed.  Some  few  bold  men, 
however,  who  claimed  to  have  opinions  of  their  own,  and  who 
believed  that  they  still  lived  in  a  free  country,  refusing  to  be 
driven  into  an  apparent  endorsement  of  an  inquitous  and  uncon 
stitutional  war,  declined  to  display  any  other  insignia  of  patriot 
ism  than  the  laws  of  their  country  demanded.  But  those 
manifesting  such  independence,  in  all  cases  did  so  at  the  risk  of 
life,  property,  business  and  reputation;  and  were  sure  to  be 
branded  as  sympathisers  with  treason,  and  desirous  of  seeing  the 
Government  overthrown.* 

Up  to  this  period  in  the  history  of  the  country,  one  oath  to 
support  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  was  deemed  suf 
ficient  ;  but  this  opinion  also  underwent  a  change  at  the  outbreak 
of  the  rebellion.  Men  whose  intelligence  and  self-respect  should 
have  shielded  them  from  the  commission  of  acts  only  designed 
to  win  popular  applause,  permitted  themselves  to  assume  the 
patriotic  attitude  of  moving  that  all  the  members  of  their  bar 
renew  their  official  oaths,  and  swear,  more  firmly  than  ever,  that 
they  would  support  the  Federal  Constitution.  An  instance  of 
this  superflous  swearing  was  enacted  in  the  Court  Room  in  Lan- 


*The  portraits  of  Isaac  Toucey,  of  Connecticut,  Secretary  of  the  Navy 
under  James  Buchanan,  of  C.  L.  Vallandingham,  and  other  eminent 
Democrats  of  the  North,  were  placed  in  the  Rogue's  Gallery  of  New  York 
with  the  design  of  blackening  their  reputations  with  the  unthinking 
masses.  And  journals  like  the  New  York  Tribune  endorsed  such  malig 
nant  partisan  conduct  as  higlily  becoming  and  creditable. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  245 

caster  City,  one  morning  after  the  reduction  of  Fort  Sumpter ; 
and  clone  at  the  instance  of  Benjamin  Champneys  and  seconded 
by  Thaddeus  Stevens.  TThat  a  prostitution  of  the  sacredness  of 
an  oath  to  attempt  to  render  that  more  binding  which  was  already 
sealed  before  Heaven  as  the  holiest  obligation  which  humanity  is 
capable  of  attesting.  The  annals  of  the  French  revolution  would 
be  scanned  in  vain  for  an  instance  of  greater  mockery  of  sacred 
solemnities. 

It  is  not  strange,  that  with  the  prospect  of  a  short  war,  given 
out  from  Washington  and  encouraged  by  the  whole  Republican 
press,  the  rage  for  volunteering  would  be  immense.  Going  to 
the  war  for  three  months,  under  the  first  call  of  Abraham  Lincoln, 
was  viewed  as  a  sort  of  holiday  excursion ;  and  had  peculiar  at 
tractions  for  large  numbers  of  the  fast  youth  in  the  Northern 
cities.  From  this  material  it  was  boasted  that  the  North  could 
gather  the  most  terrible  and  invincible  army  that  ever  enacted 
deeds  of  war.  Some  of  these  adopted  the  Zouave  costume  in 
order  to  gratify  their  desire  for  singularity,  and  add  to  their  fero 
cious  appearance ;  and  a  company  of  them  even  went  through  the 
ceremony  of  being  sworn,  in  a  public  hotel  in  New  York,  to  "  cut 
off  the  head  of  every  d secessionist  in  the  war."  Such  exhi 
bitions  of  ferocity  were  retailed  with  glee  and  devoured  with  the 
most  gratifying  satisfaction  by  the  most  saintly  advocates  of  the 
war.  These  valiant  defenders  of  liberty  were  extolled  for  their 
burning  patriotism,  after  having  plundered  the  stores  of  some 
sympathizers  with  treason ;  and  prostrated  the  persons  of  others 
who  presumed  to  question  their  inalienable  right  to  act  as  they 
saw  proper  in  the  city  of  their  birth.  They  were  simply  giving 
evidence  of  the  manner  they  could  handle  Southern  traitors ;  and 
these  experiments  upon  Northern  sympathizers  afforded  the 
greatest  satisfaction  to  their  admirers.  These  acts  were  retailed 
with  the  most  fiendish  pleasure  by  the  Loyalists,  as  they  termed 
themselves,  and  were  cited  as  proof  that  the  crusading  army  from 
the  North  would  strike  terror  into  the  secession  bands,  and  win 
the  brightest  and  bloodiest  laurels  on  the  fields  of  battle. 

But  it  was  not  the  vagrant  and  unrully  classes  of  the  Northern 
cities  alone  that  enrolled  themselves  in  the  war  for  the  ^Jnion ; 
the  quiet  and  orderly  young  merchants,  clerks,  printers,  farmers 
and  others,  entered  the  race  for  glory.  The  North  was  full  of 
martial  courage,  and  war  ardor  animated  both  rich  and  poor. 


246  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

Gov.  Dennison,  of  Ohio,  telegraphed  to  Washington,  tendering 
thirty  thousand  troops  for  the  service.  Weston,  the  Governor  of 
Indiana,  received  assurances-  that  a  like  number  of  soldiers  was 
eager  for  enlistment  in  his  State.  A.  G.  Curtin,  the  Executive 
of  Pennsylvania,  was  not  to  be  outdone  in  his  promises  to  the 
Washington  authorities.  Massachusetts  and  New  York  were 
pressing  in  their  offers  of  men  for  tt  the  three  months  war." 

The  deceptions-  conduct  of  Abraham  Lincoln  and  his  coun 
sellors,  gradually  displayed  itself  as  time  advanced.  The  second 
call  of  the  President  of  May  4th,  1861,  for  forty-two  thousand 
volunteers,  for  three  years  or  during  the  war,  besides  the  twenty- 
two  thousand  called  for  at  the  same  time  for  the  regular  army, 
and  eighteen  thousand  seamen,  would  on  its  face  seem  to  evince 
that  the  Federal  authorities  had  rapidly  changed  their  views  as 
regards  the  magnitude  of  the  conflict  that  was  to  be  encountered. 
The  truth,  however,  simply  was  that  the  administration  feared  to 
alarm  the  country  by  calling  at  first  for  a  large  force  of  volun 
teers,  until  the  sections  had  become  so  far  involved  in  the  strife 
as  to  preclude  all  further  efforts  of  the  Peace  party  at  accommo 
dation.  This  is  clear  from  the  endeavors  which  were  quietly 
made  to  induce  the  three  months'  soldiers,  soon  after  their  enrol 
ment,  to  re-enlist  for  three  years,  even  under  pain  of  dishonorable 
dismissal  from  the  army.  The  Lancaster  Express  correspondent 
of  May  15th,  1861,  says : 

"The  call  was  for  three  months,  but  we  are  now  asked  to  serve  for 
three  years  ;  should  we  decline  the  latter  proposition,  we  are  told  that  we 
will  be  discharged  in  such  a  way  as  not  to  leave  the  service  with  honor.'* 

So  great  had  been  the  willingness  of  the  administration  to 
enroll  a  large  army,  and  one  much  greater  even  than  its  several 
calls  would  indicate  that  by  the  middle  of  June,  1861,  it  was 
estimated  that  the  number  of  men  already  in  the  Government 
service  amounted  to  308,875. 

But  an  administration  that  was  inaugurating  a  policy  in  viola 
tion  of  solemn  obligation  and  constitutional  warrant,  and  striving 
for  the  utter  overthrow  of  Republican  Government,  was  not  one 
to  hesitate  at  any  stage  of  periidy,  that  might  be  required  for  the 
accomplishment  of  its  designs.  It  was  but  in  harmony,  there 
fore,  with  a  well-matured  and  pre-arranged  programme  when 
President  Lincoln,  in  the  presence  of  Gen.  Scott  and  his  Cabinet, 
and  in  conflict  with  his  proclamation  calling  for  75,000 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  247 

solemnly  assured  the  Mayor  of  Baltimore  and  other  leading 
men  of  that  city,  that  the  troops  called  for  were  simply  for  the 
protection  of  the  Federal  Capital.  Of  this  assurance  Mayor 
Brown  said : 

"The  protection  of  Washington  he  (the  President)  asseverated  with 
great  earnestness,  was  the  sole  object  of  concentrating  troops  there,  and 
he  protested  that  none  of  the  troops  brought  through  Maryland  were  in 
tended  for  any  purposes  hostile  to  the  State,  or  aggressive  as  against  the 
Southern  States."* 

That  William  H.  Seward  was  well  skilled  in  the  tortuous  ways 
of  perfidious  diplomacy,  and  admirably  suited  to  be  the  colleague 
of  a  President  who  would  deny  his  public  record  and  intentions, 
no  evidence  from  Judge  Campbell  was  needed  to  determine. 
The  Premier's  letter  to  Governor  Hicks,  of  Maryland,  furnishes 
abundant  testimony  on  this  point.  "With  reference  to  the  passage 
of  the  troops  through  Baltimore,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Gov 
ernor,  April  22d,  in  which  he  says : 

"  The  force  now  sought  to  be  brought  through  Maryland  is  intended 
for  nothing  but  the  defense  of  the  Capitol." 

Horace  Greeley,  the  editor  of  the  Tribune,  perceiving  the 
bald  untruth  of  the  Secretary's  declaration,  and  with  reference 
to  it,  said : 

"Is  this  true  ?  Is  it  safe  ?  It  certainly  is  not  very  consistent  with  the 
President's  Proclamation,  which  Governor  Seward  countersigned.  The 
militia  of  the  loyal  States  were  called  out  to  suppress  combinations  that 
defy  the  laws  and  obstruct  their  execution — not  in  Washington,  but  in 
the  disloyal  States.  Having  reached  Washington,  they  are  several  hun 
dred  miles  on  their  way  to  those  States — not  to  speak  of  the  rebellion 
that  has  suddenly  broken  out  in  Virginia  and  Maryland.  Having  drawn 
men  enough  to  Washington  to  repel  the  apprehended  attack,  is  it  prob 
able  that  they  will  be  sent  home  without  even  attempting  to  effect  the 
object  for  which  they  were  expressly  called  out?  And  if  not,  will  not 
the  Government  be  accused  of  bad  faith  in  giving  the  assurances  em 
bodied  in  Governor  Seward's  letter,  and  then  acting  in  defiance  of  them  ?"{• 

The  "War  against  the  seceded  States  was  inaugurated  by  Abra 
ham  Lincoln  and  his  party,  for  the  purpose  as  they  declared  of 
preserving  the  integrity  of  the  Union.  But  the  maintenance  of 
a  Union  and  Constitution  that  guaranteed  the  existence  of  slavery 
could  not  be  desired  by  any  save  a  hyprocritcal  member  of  a 
party,  whose  animating  principle  was  opposition  to  the  Southern 
institution.  Every  sincere  and  honest  leader  in  the  Republican 

*  Annual  Cyclopaedia,  1861,  P.  717. 
f  New  York  Tribune,  April  26th,  1861. 


243  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

organization,  had  avowed  the  mission  of  his  party  to  be  tlio 
eradication  of  Southern  Slavery,  and  it  was  left  to  state  craft 
and  deception  to  devise  a  policy  which  could  carry  to  its  support 
sufficient  strength  to  accomplish  the  party  aim.  Had  not  Abra 
ham  Lincoln  and  the  members  of  his  Cabinet,  repeatedly  declared 
their  antipathy  to  the  institution  of  slavery,  and  that  its  existence 
was  incompatible  with  republican  institutions  ?  And  yet  when 
war  was  proclaimed,  did  not  these  same  statesmen  avow  that  the 
object  of  the  administration  was  simply  to  preserve  the  Union 
and  the  Constitution,  and  that  the  destruction  of  slavery  was 
altogether  out  of  their  power  and  foreign  from  their  intentions  ? 
On  the  contrary,  however,  the  honest  and  manly  avowals  of 
Wendel  Phillips,  Gerrit  Smith  and  others,  proved  that  the 
administration  was  sailing  under  false  colors  in  order  to  catch 
the  popular  gale.  In  his  speech  of  Apr'.l  27th,  Gerrit  Smith  said: 
"  The  end  O.L  slavery  is  at  hand.  If  we  suffer  it  to  live,  it  may  return 
to  torment  us.  Let  no  Northern  man  henceforth  propose,  for  any  reasons 
whatever,  the  sparing  of  slavery.  Such  measure,  such  insult,  such  con 
tempt  of  her  interests  and  rights  and  honor,  the  North  will  stand  no 
longer.  Thank  God  !  the  spirit  of  the  North  is  at  last  aroused  at  this 
point.  She  is  determined  to  kill  slavery,  and  she  will  be  patient  with  no 
man  who  shall  thrust  himself  between  her  and  her  victim."* 

"With  the  above  compare  the  following  words  from  Abraham 
Lincoln's  inaugural : 

"I  have  no  purpose,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  interfere  with  the  insti 
tution  of  slavery  in  the  States  where  it  exists.  I  believe  I  have  no  lawful 
right  to  do  so  ;  and  I  have  no  inclination  to  do  so." 

Which  of  these  two  men,  will  posterity  determine,  expressed 
most  sincerely  and  honestly  his  convictions  ?  Which  of  them 
must  forever  bear  the  brand  of  hypocrite  upon  his  brow,  and  be 
enrolled  in  the  category  of  those  who  deserve  the  execration  of 
mankind  ? 

Influenced  with  the  same  design  as  President  Lincoln,  his  Sec 
retary  of  State,  William  H.  Seward,  in  his  letter  of  instructions, 
in  April,  1861,  to  the  Federal  Minister  in  Paris,  says : 

"  The  condition  of  slavery  in  the  several  States  will  remain  just  the 
same,  whether  it  (the  rebellion)  succeeds  or  fails.  The  rights  of  the 
States,  and  the  condition  of  every  human  being  in  them,  will,  remain 
suoject  to  exactly  the  same  laws  and  form  of  administration,  whether 
the  revolution  shall  succeed  or  whether  it  shall  fail.  Their  Constitutions 
and  forms  and  customs,  habits  and  institutions,  in  either  case  will  remain 

*New  York  Tribune,  May  3d,  1861. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  249 

the  same.  It  is  ha "dly  necessary  to  add  to  this  incontestible  statement, 
the  further  fact  that  the  new  President,  as  well  as  the  citizens  through 
whose  suffrages  he  has  come  into  the  administration,  has  always  repudi 
ated  all  designs  whatever  and  wherever  imputed  to  him  and  them,  of 
disturbing  the  institution  of  slavery  as  it  is  existing  under  the  Constitu 
tion  and  laws,  The  case  however,  would  not  be  fully  presented  were  I 
to  omit  to  say,  that  any  such  effort  011  his  part  would  be  unconstitutional, 
and  all  his  acts  in  that  direction  would  be  prevented  by  the  judicial  au 
thority,  even  though  they  were  assented  to  by  Congress  and  the  people." 

But  the  political  Abolition  editor  of  the  Xew  York  Tribune 
discloses  the  reason  which  detered  the  administration  from  allow 
ing  the  war  to  appear  as  waged  for  the  destruction  of  slavery. 
He  says : 

"  This  war  in  truth  is  a  war  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union — not  for 
the  destruction  of  slavery  ;  and  it  would  alienate  many  ardent  Unionists 
to  pervert  it  into  a  war  against  Slavery."* 

This  humane  editor  and  would-be  philosopher ',  this  wise  and 
sagacious  statesman,  like  the  administration,  through  dread  of 
antagonizing  the  conservatives  of  the  country,  declares  that  the 
war  is  prosecuted  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union  ;  and  yet,  in 
an  issue  of  four  days  earlier,  he  eulogizes  Daniel  S.  Dickinson, 
who  had  advocated  the  extermination  of  the  Southern  people  in 
order  to  eradicate  slavery,  the  germinating  root  of  the  revolt.  It 
was  this  philosophic  editor  who  first  of  all  the  members  of  his 
party  most  clearly  explained  the  policy  of  the  administration  war 
for  the  Union ;  and,  calmed  by  the  following  arguments,  the 
complaints  of  those  who  early  demanded  that  it  should  be 
directed  for  the  emancipation  of  the  Southern  slaves.  The  war 
for  the  Union,  argued  he,  is  sure  to  ultimate  in  the  destruction  of 
slavery,  and  therefore  it  behooves  all  Abolitionists  to  give  it  their 
support.  Do  not  strive  to  have  emancipation  proclaimed,  for  by 
doing  so  many  friends  of  the  Union  will  be  turned  into  enemies 
of  the  war,  which  will  only  procrastinate  the  overthrow  of  the 
Southern  institution.  Let  those  fight  for  the  Union  who  will, 
for  in  doing  so  they  likewise  aid  the  cause  of  emancipation. 
Many  patriots  do  not  desire  the  liberation  of  the  slaves,  and  it 
is  necessary,  therefore,  that  the  war  be  waged  in  behalf  of  the 
Union  and  the  Constitution ;  and  in  this  manner .  the  enemies  of 
emancipation  really  aid  the  movement  of  abolition.  We  who 
perceive  the  results  to  follow  the  war,  favor  it  because  of  these ; 

*New  York  Tribune,  May  14th,  1861. 


250  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

and  lience  both  Unionists  and  Abolitionists  can  unite  in  its  prose 
cution.  This,  in  brief,  was  the  whole  secret  and  philosophy  of 
the  Abolition  enthusiasm  in  the  war  for  the  Union. 

The  first  acts  of  the  Federal  authority,  in  the  prosecution  of 
the  war  touching  the  institution  of  slavery,  were  made  to  con 
form  strictly  to  the  assurances  that  had  been  given.  An  extrav 
agant  zeal  was  shown  by  Federal  officials  to  prove  that  the  war 
was  prosecuted  alone  for  the  restoration  of  the  Union.  Fugitive 
slaves  were  not  only  arrested  within  the  Federal  military  lines 
and  returned  to  slavery,  but  were  taken  in  the  streets  of  Wash 
ington  and  surrendered  by  judicial  process  to  their  masters.  On 
the  26th  of  May,  1861,  General  McClellan  issued  an  address  to 
the  people  of  Western  Virginia,  assuring  them  that  not  only 
would  his  troops  abstain  from  any  interference  with  their  slave 
property,  but  that  they  were  ready  likewise  to  assist  in  quelling 
any  efforts  at  servile  insurrection.  General  McDowell  issued  an 
order  prohibiting  fugitive  slaves  from  coming  into,  or  being  har 
bored  within  his  lines.  All  these  acts  were  permitted  by  the 
Federal  administration,  in  order  to  disprove  the  assertion  of  the 
Southern  people,  and  of  those  in  the  North  who  charged  the 
Republicans  as  secretly  designing  the  overthrow  of  slavery. 

But  the  administration  and  the  Republican  leaders  awaited 
with  impatience  for  an  opportunity  to  allow  the  commencement 
of  that  line  of  policy  which  was  to  ultimate  in  the  entire  over 
throw  of  slave  institutions.  The  war  had  been  inaugurated  for 
the  avowed  maintenance  of  the  Union  and  the  Constitution; 
but  other  aims  animated  most  of  the  sincere  friends  of  the 
coercive  policy.  The  first  opportunity  which  permitted  a  change 
of  base  for  the  administration,  was  furnished  by  General  B.  F. 
Butler,  a  former  member  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  one  high 
in  its  confidence.  Some  fugitives  had  made  their  way  into  the 
camp  of  General  Butler  at  Fortress  Monroe ;  and  being  demanded 
by  an  officer  of  a  Confederate  force  in  the  neighborhood,  Butler 
declined  to  surrender  these ;  choosing  to  consider  them  contra 
band  of  war,  as  being  the  property  of  rebels.  He  placed  the 
able-bodied  negroes  at  work  upon  his  fortifications,  and  immedi 
ately  notified  the  War  Department  of  his  action  as  regards  the 
fugitives.  Other  fugitives,  men,  women  and  children,  shortly 
afterwards  came  to  his  camp,  and  he  now  chose  to  consult  the 
War  Department  as  to  his  duty  under  the  circumstances.  The 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  231 

administration  felt  itself  safe  in  accepting  and  endorsing  the 
views  of  a  States  Right  Jeffersonian  Democrat,  who  was  fighting 
for  the  Union  and  the  Constitution.  Gen.  Cameron,  Secretary 
of  War,  under  date  of  May  30th;  1861,  replied  to  our  Contraband 
General  as  follows : 

"Your  action  in  respect  to  the  negroes  who  came  within  your  lines, 
from  the  service  of  the  rebels,  is  approved.  The  Department  is  sensible 
of  the  embarrassments  which  must  surround  officers  conducting  military 
operations  in  a  State  by  the  laws  of  which  slavery  is  sanctioned.  The 
Government  cannot  recognize  the  rejection  by  any  State  of  its  Federal 
obligations,  nor  can  it  refuse  the  performance  of  the  Federal  obligations 
resting  upon  itself.  Among  these  Federal  obligations,  however,  none 
can  be  more  important  than  that  of  suppressing  and  dispersing  armed 
combinations,  formed  for  the  purpose  of  overthrowing  its  whole  consti 
tutional  authority.  While,  therefore,  you  will  permit  no  interference 
by  persons  under  your  command  with  the  relations  of  persons  held  to 
service  under  the  laws  of  any  State,  you  will,  on  the  other  hand,  so  long 
as  any  State  within  which  your  military  operations  are  conducted,  is 
under  the  control  of  such  armed  combinations,  refrain  from  surrendering 
to  alledged  masters,  any  persons  who  may  come  within  your  lines.  You 
will  employ  such  persons  in  the  services  to  which  they  may  be  best 
adapted,  keeping  an  account  of  the  labor  by  them  performed,  of  the 
value  of  it,  and  the  expenses  of  their  maintenance.  The  question  of 
their  final  disposition  to  be  reserved  for  future  determination." 

This  decision  of  the  administration,  which  touched  the  slaves 
of  rebels  voluntarily  seeking  refuge  within  the  Federal  lines, 
was  reached  with  great  misgivings  at  the  time  as  to  the  effect  it 
might  have  upon  public  sentiment  and  the  prosecution  of  the 
war.  The  aim  of  Abraham  Lincoln  and  his  Cabinet  was  to 
so  conduct  the  Government  policy,  with  reference  to  the  slavery 
question,  as  to  follow  rather  than  lead  popular  opinion  in  the 
Xorth  ;  and  which  was  steadily  being  shaped  by  abolition  agita 
tion.  Aware  that  in  civil  convulsions  the  radical  revolutionists 
ever  triumph  over  the  moderates,  the  same,  it  was  believed  by 
President  Lincoln  and  his  counsellors,  would  happen  in  the  Re 
publican  party.  They  could,  therefore,  afford  to  permit  events 
to  dictate  the  varied  changes  of  policy  to  effect  the  cherished 
objects ;  yet,  nevertheless,  aiding  by  every  means  in  their  power, 
to  hasten  the  steps  that  would  permit  their  open  espousal  of  the 
changed  schedule. 

But  Congress,  at  its  extra  session  in  1861,  aided  the  adminis 
tration  in  making  a  new  advance  towards  its  destined  goal,  in  the 
enactment  of  the  first  Confiscation  Bill,  which  the  President, 


232  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

with  great  hesitation,  approved.  This  bill  "  limited  the  penalty 
of  confiscation  to  property  actually  employed  in  the  service  of 
the  rebellion,  with  the  knowledge  and  consent  of  its  owners ; 
and  instead  of  emancipating  slaves  thus  employed,  left  their 
status  to  be  determined  either  by  the  Courts  of  the  United  States 
or  by  subsequent  legislation."*  This  was  as  bold  a  move,  at  so 
early  a  period  in  the  history  of  the  war,  as  dared  be  hazzarded ; 
and  was  only  engineered  through  the  Senate  and  House  of  Rep 
resentatives  amidst  the  greatest  misgivings  upon  the  part  of 
many  Republicans,  and  after  the  defeat  of  the  Federal  army  at 
Bull  Run  had  aroused  the  country  to  the  necessity  of  putting 
forth  every  effort  that  might  weaken  the  rebellion.  It  was  con 
tended  by  the  political  Abolitionists,  that  the  rebel  property, 
including  slaves,  should  all  be  confiscated,  in  order  to  aid  in 
breaking  the  strength  of  their  enemy  in  arms  against  the  Gov 
ernment.  Whilst  really  striving  to  effect  in  this  way  the  eman 
cipation  of  the  slaves  by  confiscation,  they  streriously  maintained 
that  the  object  of  the  war  was  simply  the  maintenance  of  the 
Union  ;  and  that  negro  liberation  was  only  one  of  the  means  to  be 
made  use  of  to  put  a  termination  to  the  conflict.  This  disguise 
was  well  made  up,  and  prevented  those  who  could  not  penetrate 
the  veil  from  showing  to  the  dim-eyed  masses  the  naked  skeleton 
^emancipation  that  stood  in  the  background. 

During  the  extra  session  of  Congress  in  1861,  the  conservative 
patriot  of  Kentucky,  John  J.  Crittenden,  on  the  19th  of  July, 
1861,  asked  the  unanimous  leave  of  the  House  of  Represetatives 
to  submit  the  following  resolution : 

"Resolved,  By  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States,  that  the  present  deplorable  civil  war  has  been  forced  upon 
the  country  by  the  disunionists  of  the  Southern  States  now  in  revolt 
against  the  Constitutional  Government,  and  in  arms  around  the  Capitol ; 
that  in  this  national  emergency  Congress,  banishing  all  feeling  of  mere 
passion  and  resentment,  will  recollect  only  its  duty  to  the  whole  country ; 
that  this  war  is  not  waged  on  our  part  in  any  spirit  of  oppression,  nor  for 
any  purpose  of  conquest  or  subjugation,  nor  for  the  purpose  of  over 
throwing  or  interfereing  with  the  rights  or  established  institutions  of  the 
States,  but  to  de'end  and  maintain  the  supremacy  of  the  Constitution, 
and  to  preserve  the  Union,  with  all  the  dignities,  equality  and  rights  of 
the  seceded  States  unimpaired,  and  that  as  soon  as  these  objects  are 
accomplished,  the  war  ought  to  cease." 

The  most  thoroughly  consistent  member  of  the  Republican 
*Letter  of  Joseph  Holt,  of  Sepembter  12,  1861. 


ft- 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  253 

party  in  the  House  at  that  time,  (Thaddeus  Stevens)  objected  to 
the  reception  of  the  above  resolution,  and  when  it  passed  by 
an  almost  unanimous  vote,  he  declined  to  allow  his  name  to 
be  recorded,  either  affirmatively  or  negatively.  The  cowards 
and  hypocrites  of  his  party  in  Congress,  like  Abraham  Lincoln 
and  William  H.  Seward,  feared  to  disclose  their  real  designs  of 
emancipation,  and  supported  a  resolution  which  expressed  senti 
ments  contrary  to  their  feelings,  and  by  which  they  never  meant 
to  be  obligated.  That  negro  freedom  was  the  darling  goal  of 
aspiration  of  the  Republican  party,  the  following  from  "  Occa 
sional  "  in  the  Philadelphia  Press  of  August  31st,  1861,  would 
seem  to  attest : 

"Thousands  who  have  recoiled  from  a  mere  Anti-Slavery  war,  now 
advocate  emancipation  as  an  imperative  necessity." 

Although  Thaddeus  Stevens,  Owen  Lovejoy,  Charles  Sumner, 
and  a  few  other  radicals,  had  somewhat  partially  disclosed  the 
designs  of  the  Republican  party,  it  was  altogether  too  soon  for 
the  Administration  to  show  its  hand  upon  the  slavery  issue. 
These  men  though  the  soul  of  their  party,  were  represented  by 
the  crafty  Republican  leaders  as  extremists,  whose  views  would 
never  be  adopted  by  any  organization ;  and  much  less  by  the 
conservative  administration  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  Such  were  the 
stereotyped  reiterations  of  the  Republican  press  of  the  !N"orth. 
But  time  disclosed  whose  sentiments  really  represented  the  heart 
of  the  party  in  power;  and  to  what  point  the  highly  Conservative 
Republican  administration  was  drifting. 

On  the  10th  of  August,  1861,  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior, 
Caleb  Smith,  in  an  address  to  the  citizens  of  Providence,  Rhode 
Island,  declared  the  policy  of  the  Government  in  the  following 
language : 

"  The  minds  of  the  people  of  the  So^iith  have  been  deceived  by  the  artful 
representations  of  demagogues,  who  have  assured  them  that  the  people  of 
the  North,  were  determined  to  bring  the  power  of  this  Government  to 
bear  upon  them  for  the  purpose  of  crushing  out  the  institution  of  slavery. 
I  ask  you,  is  there  any  truth  in  this  charge  ?  Has  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  in  any  single  instance,  by  any  one  solitary  act,  interfered 
with  the^  institutions  of  the  South  ?  No,  not  one.  The  theory  of  this 
Government  is,  that  the  States  are  sovereign  within  their  proper  sphere. 
The  Government  of  the  United  States  has  no  more  right  to  interfere  with 
the  institution  of  slavery  in  South  Carolina  than  it  has  to  interfere  with 
the  peculiar  institutions  of  Rhode  Island."* 

'^'Annual  Cyclopedia,  1861,  p.  643. 


2t4  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

But  it  remained  for  General  Fremont  to  strike  the  key  note  of 
Kepublican  sentiment,  when  in  his  proclamation  of  August  30th, 
1861,  he  said : 

"Real  and  personal  property  of  those  who  shall  take  up  arms  against 
the  United  States,  or  who  shall  be  directly  proven  to  have  taken  an  active 
part  with  their  enemies  in  the  field,  is  declared  confiscated  to  public  use, 
and  their  slaves,  if  any  they  have,  are  hereby  declared  free  men." 

From  this  period  the  famous  explorer,  in  Abolition  estimation, 
became  the  'beau  ideal  of  an  American  General  and  Statesman ; 
and  the  laudations  that  were  showered  upon  him  by  the  Republi 
can  press,  were  almost  bewildering*  The  chord  of  radical  aspira 
tion  had  been  touched ;  and  the  harmony  that  followed  showed 
the  real  motives  of  the  revolutionists,  much  as  they  had  endeav 
ored  to  conceal  them.  But  the  border  States  and  the  conserva 
tives  of  the  Korth  were  yet  an  object  that  could  not  be  dispensed 
with  by  the  war  party*  Abraham  Lincoln  and  his  counsellors 
deemed  it  too  soon  to  permit  the  aim  of  their  party  to  appear  before 
the  vision  of  all ;  and  the  avowed  emancipationists  now  had  the 
bitter  mortification  of  seeing  the  confiscation  order  of  their 
favorite  general  rescinded,  The  President,  under  date  of  Sep 
tember  llth,  issued  to  John  C.  Fremont  the  following  order; 

"  Yours  of  the  8th,  in  answer  to  mine  of  the  2d,  is  just  received.  As 
sured  that  you,  upon  the  ground,  could  better  judge  of  the  necessities  of 
your  position  than  I  could  at  this  distance,  on  seeing  your  proclamation 
of  August  30th,  I  perceived  no  general  objection  to  it ;  the  particular 
•clause,  however,  in  relation  to  the  confiscation  of  property,  and  the 
liberation  of  slaves,  appeared  to  me  to  be  objectionable  in  its  non-con- 
formity  to  the  Act  of  Congress,  passed  the  6th  of  last  August,  upon  the 
same  subjects  ;  and  hence  I  wrote  you  expressing  my  wish  that  the  clause 
should  be  modified  accordingly.  Your  answer  just  received,  expresses 
the  preference  on  your  part,  that  I  should  make  an  open  order  for  the 
modification,  which  I  very  cheerfully  do.  It  is  therefore  ordered  that 
the  said  clause  of  the  said  proclamation  be  so  modified,  held  and  con 
strued,  as  to  conform  with  and  not  to  transcend  the  provisions  on  the 
same  subject  contained  in  the  Act  of  Congress,  entitled,  '  An  Act  to  con 
fiscate  property  used  for  insurrectionary  purposes,"  approved  August  6th, 
1861,  and  that  said  Act  be  published  at  length  with  this  order," 

Events  now  sped  with  a  rapid  gait,  and  upon  the  assembling 
of  Congress,  in  December,  1861,  it  was  discovered  that  legislative 
timidity  was  being  laid  aside,  and  frank  avowals  were  made  by 
Thaddeus  Stevens  and  other  bold  leaders,  showing  still  more 
clearly  the  objects  of  the  war.  The  session  was  a  long  and 
active  one,  and  the  administration  gathered  strength  and  conti- 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  253 

dence  as  one  legislator  after  another  expressed  himself  as  regards 
the  exigencies  of  the  occasion.  By  the  middle  of  February, 
1862,  the  Marat  of  the  revolution,  the  editor  of  the  New  York 
Tribune,  was  able  to  make  the  following  announcement : 

"  Some  of  our  readers  will  have  noticed  with  interest,  a  recent  promi 
nently  published  despatch  of  a  Washington  letter  writer,  whose  correct 
ness  has  never  been  denied,  announcing  that  President  Lincoln  had,  in  a 
conversation  with  Gen.  Lane,  declared  that  after  much  deliberation  he 
had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  he  could  not  recognize  the  existence  of 
slavery  in  the  seceded  States.  Slavery  must  be  deemed  to  be  abolished 
within  those  States  by  the  very  action  of  the  State  seceding  ;  and  of 
course  there  can  be  no  return  of  the  fugitives  from  those  States  nor  any 
constitutional  recognition  of  the  institution."* 

At  length  the  bold  attitude  of  the  radical  leaders  in  Congress, 

O  O  ' 

the  tone .  of  the  radical  press,  and  the  recollection  of  the  eulo 
gistic  praise  which  had  been  heaped  upon  Fremont  by  the  Aboli- 
itonists,  coupled  with  a  Jiolij  zeal  for  negro  freedom,  induced 
General  Hunter,  commanding  the  Department  of  the  South,  to 
essay  emancipation  in  order  that  his  name  likewise  might  be 
enrolled,  as  one  of  the  distinguished  commanders  of  the  world, 
along  with  the  great  California  explorer.  For  this  purpose,  he 
issued  an  order  putting  the  States  of  Georgia,  South  Carolina  and 
Florida  under  martial  law,  and  declaring  that  as  slavery  and 
martial  law  were  incompatible,  the  slaves  of  those  States  should 
be  forever  free.  If  the  exuberant  commendations  of  the  Eepub- 
lican  press  were  sufficient  to  place  General  Hunter  in  the  category 
of  famed  military  heroes,  then  had  he  truly  reached  the  height 
of  his  ambition,  for  his  eulogists  assigned  the  zealous  foe  of 
Southern  serfdom  to  a  rank  with  the  Cromwells  and  Napoleons 
of  history.  With  the  patriot  daughters  of  the  North  he  was  the 
valorous  knight,  sans  peur  et  sans  reproche,  and  far  eclipsed  all 
the  Bayards  of  chivalry.  But  Abraham  Lincoln  was  Com- 
mander-iu-Chief  of  the  American  armies,  and  some  glory  was 
his  due.  Were  he  to  permit  his  pragmatical  subordinates  one  after 
another,  to  strike  off  the  chains  of  slavery  in  their  different  de 
partments,  nothing  would  remain  for  himself,  the  Jupiter  tonans 
of  the  abolition  camp,  to  perform.  He  needed  no  council  from 
Generals  Fremont  and  Hunter ;  wiser  and  more  cautious  intel 
lects  supplied  him  with  advice.  No  threats  by  infidel  orators  of 
New  England  of  encircling  his  brow  with  a  slave  hound  wreath* 

*2sew  York  Tribune,  February  12th,,  1862. 


250  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

would  induce  him  to  yield  to  the  hasty  behests  of  hair-brained 
enthusiasts  who  were  unable  to  preserve  their  own  secrets,  much 
less  dictate  his  governmental  policy.  When  the  omens  gave 
assurance  that  a  servile  and  degraded  people  would  fully  sustain 
his  decree,  the  grand  jubilee  of  freedom  would  be  proclaimed. 
They  did  not  as  yet  so  admonish  him.  General  Hunter's  procla 
mation  of  freedom  was  accordingly  set  aside,  and  the  officious 
commander  rebuked. 

But  during  all  this  time,  the  fruit  was  maturing,  and  the  fields 
of  abolition  were  rapidly  ripening  for  the  harvest.  The  long 
period  of  growth  was  ended.  The  husbandmen-  had  watched 
and  waited  with  patience,  and  the  reapers  would  soon  be  called 
to  finish  the  work,  The  call  of  the  master  was  now  looked  for 
with  longing  anxiety. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA,  207 


CHAPTER  XV. 

EMANCIPATION  DECREED. 

The  shock  of  war  which  aroused  the  nation  from  its  slumber, 
had  for  a  time  a  depressing  effect  upon  abolition  agitation  and 
the  utterances  of  the  school.  An  upheaval  of  union  aspiration 
arose  in  the  Northern  breast,  all  else  being  stifled  in  the  general 
desire  that  the  compact  of  the  fathers  should  not  be  broken,  and 
the  leaders  of  the  revolutionary  sect  found  it  necessary  to  retreat 
for  a  period  from  the  public  gaze,  and  discuss  their  sentiments  in 
retirement.  It  was  only  in  the  secret  chambers  where  these 
leaders  dared  any  longer  to  give  expression  to  opinions  that  were 
now  perceived  upon  all  hands  as  those  which  had  plunged  the 
nation  into  the  throes  of  intestine  strife  and  bloodly  revolution. 
Gerrit  Smith,  an  honest  pioneer  in  the  cause  of  emancipation,  on 
the  30th  of  October,  1861,  spoke  as  follows : 

"For  months  the  state  of  the  public  mind  has  not  been  such  as  to 
encourage  me  to  speak  or  write  as  an  Abolitionist."* 

Thaddeus  Stevens  was  one  of  the  Members  of  Congress  who 
were  looked  upon  as  the  extemi3ts  of  their  party,  and  the  mantle 
of  power  was  but  cautiously  conferred  upon  him,  and  onjy  when 
it  was  perceived  that  the  night  of  contempt  which  had  weighed 
upon  the  Abolitionists  was  beginning  to  depart,  and  their  aurora 
of  dawn  to  ascend  the  political  horizon. 

The  agitating  crew  began  again  their  movements  with  the  de 
sign  of  influencing  public  thought,  and  preparing  the  nation  for 
the  reception  of  their  views,  which  were  the  emancipation  of  the 
negro  slaves  in  the  Southern  States,  and  their  social  and  political 
equality  with  the  whites.  After  the  battle  of  Bull  Run,  a  plausi 
ble  pretext  was  afforded  them  to  argue  that  slavery  must  be 
destroyed  in  order  to  weaken  an  enemy  that  had  so  contrary  to 
all  expectations  shown  such  dexterity  upon  the  battle-field.  As 
the  preservation  of  the  Union  was  the  sole  object  of  the  masses 

*New  York  Tribune,  November  9,  1861. 


258  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

that  had  espoused  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  the  agitators  had 
the  sagacity  to  perceive  that  they  could  now  urge  with  safety  a 
,  policy  and  measures  that  were  calculated  to  weaken  the  Southern 
Confederates.  The  services  of  the  political  club,  the  abolition 
pulpit  and  the  rostrum  of  the  revolutionary  lecturer  were  again 
brought  into  requisition  to  further  emancipation,  and  intensify 
Northern  hate  against  the  Southern  cause.  The  following  extract 
from  the  New  York  Herald  of  July,  18G1,  shows  the  movement 
of  the  avowed  abolition  school  of  the  Eastern  States : 

"  The  speeches  delivered  at  Framingham,  Massachusetts,  on  the  4th  of 
July  ;  the  resolutions  of  Lovejoy  ;  the  epistolary  manifesto  of  Gerrit  Smith, 
from  Peterboro  ;  and  the  renewed  vigor  in  behalf  of  Abolitionism 
of  Wendell  Phillips,  Garrison,  Chandler  and  Greeley,  with  their  satellites, 
all  prove  that  the  deadly  fear  of  consequences  which  frightened  the 
revolutionary  demagogues  of  the  Northern  States  into  silence,  threo 
months  ago,  is  subsiding,  and  that  they  are  renewing  their  mischievous 
attempts  to  undermine  the  Constitution  and  perpetuate  the  dissolution  of 
the  Union.  They  have  commenced  a  simultaneous  onslaught  upon  Mr. 
Lincoln,  and  abuse  him  openly  for  not  having  made  the  destruction  of 
slave  institutions  and  the  confiscation  of  Southern  property  a  part  of  \\\s 
programme.  Wendell  Phillips,  at  Framingham,  gives  the  President  the 
choice  of  having  'slave-hound'  branded  on  his  forehead,  or  being  the 
liberator  of  four  millions  of  bondmen." 

The  utterances  of  .the  radical  Jacobins,  simply  betokened  that 
the  army  of  revolutionists  were  near  at  hand  and  ready  to  second 
their  most  violent  demands.  The  New  York  Republican  Cen 
tral  Club,  |in  influential  organization,  petitioned  Congress  soon 
after  the  battle  of  Bull  Run,  to  pass  a  law  abolishing  slavery  ; 
and  letters  began  to  come  in  inquiring  why  Government  would 
not  destroy  the  root  of  the  evil  to  save  the  nation. *  By  the 
middle  of  September,  the  Northern.  Abolition  pulpit  was  fully 
freighted  for  the  crusade,  and  performed  its  full  share  of  service 
in  shaping  opinion  to  subserve  the  objects  of  the  timid  political 
leaders  that  stood  at  the  helm  of  Government.  The  following 
extract  of  a  sermon  of  Dr.  Cheever,  preached  in  the  Church  of 
the  Puritans,  will  show  the  boldness  of  the  utterances  that  were 
by  this  time  become  current.  Dr.  Cheever  said  : 

"The  desire  in  England  and  in  Europe,  is  to  see  in  us  a  nat:on,  hon 
ored,  great  and  noble,  by  abolishing  slavery  and  putting  away  the 
accursed  thing  from  among  us.  This  is  it,  which  chids  Christian  sym 
pathy  and  draws  upon  us  instead,  the  rebukes  of  the  English  people. 
•*  *  *  There  can  be  no  peace — there  must  be  none  till  this  rebellion  13 

*New  York  Tribune,  August  2d  and  3d,  1861. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  259 

put  down.  *  ••  *  We  say  to  England,  give  us  your  sympathy,  for 
ours  is  a  holy  conflict,  we  are  fighting  the  battle  of  ages  ;  the  battle  of 
humanity  and  mankind  against  the  most  odious  and  wicked  rebellion  the 
world  ever  saw.  But  to  the  South  we  say,  down  with  your  rebellion,  we 
do  not  object  to  slavery,  we  have  never  interfered  with  it.  Why  the 
newspapers  load  their  columns  with  arguments  to  prove  that  we  never  in 
tended  to  interfere  against  slavery,  and  that  we  do  not  mean  to  interfere. 
They  say  to  the  South,  you  may  keep  your  slaves,  and  if  you  return  to 
your  allegiance  we  will  assist  you  in  keeping  them.  The  declaration  that 
you  may  keep  your  slavery  in  the  Union  !  What  an  attitude  to  hold  be 
fore  the  world  I  In  God's  name,  the  people  demand  emancipation,  not 
only  as  an  act  of  beneficence  to  the  slaves,  but  as  their  right.  Tho.=e  only 
are  traitors  who  refuse  this  ;  and  the  only  treason  that  can  destroy  the 
Government,  is  the  denial  of  this  measure  of  righteousness.  This  meas 
ure  can  only  save  the  country  engaged  against  the  most  wicked  and 
atrocious  Confederacy  of  hell.  We  must  not  loose  sight  of  the  fact  that 
this  is  God's  war  against  slavery.  He  has  given  to  us  the  means  of  putting 
an  end  to  slavery,  through  the  rebellion.  *  *  *  If  the  people  are 
faithful  and  resolute,  they  will  petition  and  memorialize  the  President 
until  he  issues  a  proclamation  to  all  the  bond  of  the  country.  The  Church 
must  do  this.  If  the  Church  takes  a  lead  in  it,  the  masses  will  follow. 
There  must  be  an  uprising  in  the  Church,  in  the  demand  for  justice  to 
the  slaves,  as  there  was  an  uprising  when  the  booming  of  the  first  cannon 
was  heard  from  Sumpter.  It  is  said  on  all  sides  that  the  force  of  circum 
stances  must  be  relied  on  for  bringing  about  the  emancipation  of  the 
slaves.  This  is  a  false,  cowardly  way  of  dealing  with  the  great  question."* 

Xo  man,  perhaps,  in  the  nation,  since  the  outbreak  of  hostili 
ties,  had  done  more  to  strengthen  the  courage  of  the  Abolitionists 
throughout  the2s"orth,  and  add  new  fuel  to  the  flame  of  agitation 
that  set  in  after  the  battle  of  Bull  Run,  than  Thaddeus  Stevens, 
Although  he  himself  labored  tinder  the  suspicions  of  his  party 
friends  of  being  too  outspoken  in  his  views ;  jet  he  was  an  hon 
ored  and  influential  member  of  a  body  that  represented  the  voice 
of  the  Northern  people.  At  the  extra  session  of  Congress  even, 
called  in  July,  1861,  he  maintained  the  bold  and  independent 
attitude  of  one  who  had  little  desire  to  conceal  that  so  far  as  he 
could  influence  events,  the  war  should  be  engineered  in  the  interest 
of  emancipation  and  negro  elevation.  And  when  the  distin 
guished  John  J.  Crittenden,  of  Kentucky,  offered  his  famous 
resolve  in  Congress,  on  the  19th  of  July,  1861,  that  "whenjhe 
Union  should  be  restored  by  force  of  arms,  the  war  ought  to 
cease"  Mr.  Stevens  was  the  only  member  of  his  school  who  was 
unwilling  to  be  enrolled  as  a  hypocrite.  In  manly  utterances  he 

*New  York  Herald,  September  16th,  1861. 


2GO  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

objected  to  the  reception  of  a  resolution  which  lie  could  not 
approve  ;  for  with  him  the  war  meant  something  more  than  the 
simple  restoration  of  the  Union.  Again,  during  the  same  session 
when  the  bill  was  before  the  House  to  confiscate  property  used 
for  insurrectionary  purposes,  he  had  given  utterance  to  the  follow 
ing  sentiments,  that  by  no  means  were  heard  with  patience  by 
his  more  cautions  compeers.  Mr.  Stevens  said  : 

"  If  this  war  is  continued  and  is  bloody,  I  do  not  believe  that  the  free 
people  of  the  North  will  stand  by  and  see  their  sons,  brothers  and  neigh 
bors  slaughtered  by  thousands  and  tens  of  thousands  by  rebels  with  arms 
in  their  hands,  and  forbear  to  call  upon  their  enemies  to  be  our  friends, 
and  help  us  in  subduing  them.  I  for  one,  if  it  continues  and  has  the 
consequences  mentioned,  shall  be  ready  to  go  for  it,  let  it  horrify  the 
gen  ileman  from  New  York  or  anybody  else.  That  is  my  doctrine;  and 
that  will  be  the  doctrine  of  the  whole  free  people  of  the  North  before 
two  years  roll  around,  if  this  war  continues. 

"  As  to  the  end  of  the  war,  until  the  rebels  are  subdaed  no  man  in  the 
North  thinks  of  it.  If  the  Government  are  equal  to  the  people — and  I 
believe  they  are — there  will  be  no  bargaining  ;  there  will  be  no  negotia 
tion  ;  there  will  be  no  truces  with  rebels,  except  to  bury 'the  dead,  until 
every  man  shall  have  laid  down  his  arms,  disbanded  his  organization, 
submitted  himself  to  the  Government  and  sued  for  mercy.  And,  sir,  if 
those  who  have  the  control  of  the  Government  are  not  fit  for  the  task 
and  have  not  the  nerve  and  mind  for  it,  the  people  will  take  care  that 
there  are  others  who  are — although,  sir,  I  have  not  a  bit  of  fear  of  the 
present  administration  or  of  the  present  Executive." 

"I  have  spoken  more  freely,  perhaps,  than  gentlemen  within  my 
hearing  might  think  politic  ;  but  I  have  just  spoken  what  I  felt.  I  have 
spoken  what  I  believe  will  be  the  result  \  and  I  warn  Southern  gentlemen 
that  if  this  \var  is  to  continue,  there  will  be  a  time  when  my  friend  from 
New  York  will  see  it  declared  by  this  nation,  that  every  bondman  in  the 
South — belonging  to  a  rebel  recollect ;  I  confine  it  to  them— shall  bs 
called  upon  to  aid  us  in  war  against  their  mas,ers  and  restore  this  Union." 

It  was  to  be  expected  that  speeches  such  as  the  above  from 
men  of  the  conceded  capacity  of  Mr.  Stevens,  would  embolden 
Abolitionists  everywhere  to  utter  their  opinions  with  more  free 
dom  than  they  had  as  yet  been  able  to  do  since  the  outbreak  of 
the  war.  A  writer  in  the  New  York  Tribune  in  November, 
1861,  spoke  as  follows  of  the  growing  sentiment  of  the  people, 
which  in  other  words  was  simply  abolitionism  gradually  with 
drawing  the  mask  which  it  had  hitherto  carefully  worn.  This 
writer  says : 

"  We  do  not  think  we  over-estimate  the  rapid  march  of  public  sentL 
ment  in  this  direction.  Cautious  and  conservative  men  are  going  forward 
faster  than  they  imagnine.  All  now  conceive,  "  if  Slavery  or  the  Union 


POLI1ICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  201 

must  fall,  then  let  Slavery  instantly  perisli.  And  the  number  of  those 
who  believe  that  this  alternative  is  close  upon  us  is  multitudinous,  and 
increases  with  every  reverse  of  our  arms,  and  with  every  day  that  post 
pones  a  decisive  victory  of  our  forces. 

"  When  the  Confiscation  of  August  last  was  passed,  discharging  from 
labor  or  service  every  slave  who  had  been  used  by  the  rebels,  directly  or 
indirectly  for  carrying  on  the  war,  the  President  even  hesitated  to  sign 
it  Weeks  rolled  on,  our  arms  encountered  reverses,  the  rebellion  assumed 
gigantic  proportions.  At  length  Fremont's  proclamation  appeared. 
After  a  little  breathing  spell,  and  when  the  President  resolved  to  modify 
it  so  as  to  make  it  conform  exactly  to  the  Act  of  Congress,  these  timid 
and  conservative  classes,  who  had  stigmatised  this  law  as  an  abolition 
scheme,  rushed  to  the  defense  of  the  President,  and  eulogized  the  Act  of 
Congress  as  a  wise  measure. 

"And  we  recollect  how  cautiously  the  people  received  and  how  gin 
gerly  the  administration  handled  the  contraband  proposition  which  Gen. 
eral  Butler  let  fly  at  the  public  from  Fortress  Monroe.  The  War  Depart 
ment,  after  much  painful  cogitation,  and  despite  not  a  few  misgivings  in 
conservative  circles,  restricted  the  application  of  this  novel  doctrine 
exclusively  to  the  slaves  of  rebels  who  voluntarily  sought  shelter  within 
the  walls  of  the  fort,  and  were  then  to  be  set  at  work  only  in  pacific 
employments.  But  we  now  find  the  department  applauded  in  all  quar 
ters,  while  instructing  commanders  invading  the  South,  not  only  to 
receive  and  arm  them  in  companies  to  aid  in  crushing  the  rebellion — in  a 
word,  to  convert  them  into  military  auxiliaries.  This  rule  is  to  be  ap 
plied  not  to  the  slaves  of  rebels  only,  but  to  those  of  loyal  citizens,  giving 
assurance  to  the  latter  that  Congress  will  pay  them  for  their  losses."* 

By  the  time  the  Thirty-seventh  Congress  assembled  in  Decem 
ber,  1861,  the  current  of  agitation  had  become  quite  rapid,  and 
every  day  added  to  its  velocity.  Yast  armies  had  been  called 
from  both  sections  of  the  country  to  meet  each  other  in  mortal 
combat,  and  many  a  field  had  been  drenched  with  American  blood 
without  any  decided  advantage  having  been  secured  up  to  this 
period  by  either  of  the  contestants.  The  flag  of  the  Xorth  was, 
however,  rather  in  the  ascendant.  Severe  blows  had  been  dealt 
to  the  Southern  Confederacy  in  Missouri,  Kentucky,  and  West 
Virginia  ;  and  the  stars  and  stripes  were  floating  over  Hatteras 
and  Port  Royal  on  the  Eastern  coast. 

The  conflicting  sentiments  that  had,  from  the  formation  of  our 
Constitution,  formed  the  basis  of  the  two  political  parties  of  the 
nation,  with  the  meeting  of  Congress,  in  December,  1861,  were 
again  brought  forward  in  marked  contrast.  The  unanimity  of 
approval  that  the  prosecution  of  the  war  for  the  Union  seemed 


York  Tribune,  November  12th,  1861. 


2G3  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

to  Lave  secured,  after  the  assault  upon  Sumpter,  began  now  to 
disappear ;  and  the  leaders  assumed  in  somewhat  disguised  bear 
ings,  before  the  country,  the  respective  positions  that  marked 
their  several  views.  The  radicals  of  each  of  the  divergent  par 
ties  were  the  first  to  display  their  positions.  Clement  L.  "Vallan- 
dignam  and  George  II.  Pendleton,  of  Ohio,  and  ex  Governor 
"Wickliffe,  of  Kentucky,  were  conspicuous  amongst  those  who 
undisguisedly  maintained  the  old  attitude  of  the  Democratic  party, 
that  the  war  against  the  South  was  an  encroachment  upon 

the  Federal  Constitution,  and  an  invasion  of  State  rights  and  of 

t 

the  immunities  of  the  Southern  people.  It  was  an  unpopular 
position  for  a  statesman  to  defend  in  the  midst  of  the  excitement 
of  war;  for  the  people,  the  large  proportion  of  whom  are  in 
capable  of  reasoning  and  deducing  logical  conclusions,  were 
already  carried  away  by  their  zeal  in  behalf  of  the  Union,  as 
they  conceived ;  and  which  they  now  regarded  as  in  great 
jeopardy  and  danger  of  dissolution.  It  was  indeed  with  the 
greatest  difficulty  that  these  men  and  the  few  who  heartily  co 
operated  with  them,  wrere  able  to  unite  all  the  Democratic  Rep 
resentatives  of  Congress  in  a  phalanx  of  solid  resistance  to  the 
unconstitutional  measures  of  the  dominant  party.  Their  resist 
ance,  however,  was  but  ciceronie  and  vain  in  its  results.  They 
simply  could  enter  their  protests  against  the  behests  of  power 
sustained  by  the  bristling  bayonets  of  a  hireling  soldiery  ;  and  in 
doing  so  they  periled  their  reputations  and  future  political  pros 
pects  before  their  several  constituencies,  to  such  an  extent  that 
most  of  them,  by  degrees,  sunk  beneath  the  waves  of  a  boisterous 
political  ocean.  They,  however,  are  the  politioaJ  patriots  and 
martyrs  whom  truthful  history  will  enroll  on  the  same  pages  with 
Cicero,  Brutus  and  Cassius  ;  and  with  the  patriots  who  sunk  with 
Eoman  liberty  on  the  field  of  Phillippi. 

Civil  war  was  no  period  for  calm  reflection,  and  for  the  suc 
cessful  display  of  considerative  statesmanship,  such  as  is  needed 
to  guide  the  affairs  of  States  and  Nations.  But,  upon  the  other 
hand,  it  was  the  epoch  for  bringing  to  the  surface  of  the  political 
caldron,  the  revolutionary  and  fanatical  leaders  whose  mission 
in  life  wrould  seem  to  be  most  appropriately  characterized  by  styl 
ing  it  the  destructive.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  Charles  Sumner  and 
Owen  Lovejoy  arose  to  the  ascendant,  as  leaders  of  their  party, 
and  displayed  a  disregard  of  inherited  rights  and  of  the  man- 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  203 

dates  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  that  find  no  parallel  in  Ameri 
can  history ;  and  to  be  equalled,  must  be  found,  if  at  all,  on  the 
dark  and  bloody  pages  of  the  French  Revolution.  These  men 
came  to  Washington,  all  of  them,  for  one  reason  or  another, 
freighted  with  cargoes  of  gall  and  bitterness  to  pour  upon  the 
heads  of  the  Southern  people  driven  to  rebellion ;  and  now  the 
opportunity  was  fully  come  for  such  a  display  of  partisan  tactics, 
as  would  enable  them  to  triumph  over  their  ancient  foes,  and 
ultimate  the  struggle  in  universal  emancipation.  Thaddeus 
Stevens,  the  dreaded  extremist  of  his  party,  was  at  length  har- 
nassed  by  his  coadjutors  in  the  glittering  armor  of  strength, 
being  now  the  honored  Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means  of  the  Lower  House  of  Congress.  Representing  a 
constituency,  in  which  his  party  could  figure  five  thousand  ma 
jority,  he  was  the  representative  of  all  others  who  dared  to  be 
frank  in  his  public  expressions,  and  bold  in  his  recommendations 
of  measures  to  accomplish  the  objects  of  the  revolutionary  school.* 
And,  instead  of  being,  therefore,  any  longer  the  shunned  North 
ern  radical,  he  now  towered  in  his  strength  as  Achilles  on  the 
plain,  and  his  blows  were  dealt  with  unerring  aim  upon  slavery, 
his  Hectorean  antagonist.  At  the  beginning  of  Congress,  he 
was  one  of  the  first  members  of  the  House  to  open  his  batteries 
upon  his  foe,  and  indicate  the  aim  of  the  war  party.  On  the 
first  day  of  the  session,  he  submitted  the  following  preamble  and 
resolutions : 

"  WHERE  A.S,  Slavery  has  caused  the  present  rebellion  in  the  United 
States ;  and  whereas,  there  can  be  no  solid  and  permanent  peace  and 
union  in  this  Eepublic  so  long  as  that  institution  exists  within  it ;  and 
whereas,  slaves  are  now  used  by  the  rebels  as  an  essential  means  of  sup 
porting  and  protracting  the  war  ;  and  whereas,  by  the  law  of  nations  it 
is  right  to  liberate  the  slaves  of  any  enemy  to  weaken  its  power  ;  there 
fore, 

1st.  "  Be  it  resolved,  By  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States  of  America,  in  Congress  assembled,  that  the  President  be 

*"Some  of  our  public  men  do  not  hesitate  to  say,  that  rather  than 
bring  back  the  seceded  Slave  States  into  the  Union,  they  would  agree  to 
a  peaceful  and  prompt  separation.  They  contend* that  in  the  event  of  a 
reunion,  the  slave  despotism  would  rule  by  its  unity  and  with  the  aid  of 
the  Breckinridge  Democrats  of  the  Free  States  ;  and  by  means  of  the 
divisions  of  the  Republicans,  th?  destinies  of  the  future  of  our  country 
will  be  completely  controlled  by  traitors  to  the  Federal  Constitution. 
Although  no  open  demonstration  in  favor  of  this  theory  has  yet  been 
made,  it  is  undoubtedly  sincerely  entertained  in  certain  influential 
quarters," — "  Occasional,"  in  Philadelphia  Press,  January  21,  1862. 


2G4  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

requested  to  declare  free,  and  to  direct  all  our  gencrnls  and  officers  in 
command,  to  order  freedom  to  all  slaves  who  shall  leave  their  masters, 
or  who  shall  aid  in  quelling  this  rebellion. 

2d.  "  Be  it  further  resolved,  That  the  United  States  pledge  the  faith  of 
the  Union  to  make  full  and  fair  compensation  to  all  loyal  citizens  who 
are,  or  shall  remain  active  in  supporting  the  Union,  for  the  loss  they 
shall  sustain  by  virtue  of  this  Act."  * 

In  the  above  resolutions,  the  animus  of  the  Republican  party 
was  clearly  betokened ;  yet  the  more  cautious  manipulators  of 
partisan  tactics  contended  that  they  expressed  simply  the  views 
of  the  extreme  Abolitionists;  and  that  they  would  never  be 
made  the  basis  of  the  party  creed.f  Indeed  so  closely  veiled 
had  Abraham  Lincoln  and  his  esoteric  advisers  been  able  to  keep 
their  opinions,  that  the  rash  men  of  the  Abolition  wing  of  his 
party,  came  to  suspect  the  head  of  the  Government  as  lacking  in 
zeal  for  the  cause  of  emancipation.  His  zeal,  however,  was 
equally  ardent  with  their  own,  as  time  at  length  disclosed.  But 
he  was  surrounded  with  an  array  of  counsellors  who  were  sagac 
ious  enough  as  to  perceive  that  the  only  way  by  which  slavery 
could  be  destroyed,  was  to  permit  the  administration  to  appear  as 
if  led  by  public  opinion,  to  lay  the  axe  to  the  root  of  the  insti 
tution  they  were  all  seeking  to  extirpate.  In  one  of  the  earliest 
caucuses  held  by  the  extreme  Abolition  members  of  Congress, 
after  the  assembling  of  that  body  in  December,  1861,  and  con 
vened  for  the  purpose  of  considering  the  emancipation  measures 
already  submitted ;  Mr.  Stevens,  who  was  recognized  as  the  lead 
ing  radical  spirit  of  the  House,  if  not  of  his  party  at  "Washing 
ton,  made  an  attack  upon  the  President  for  refusing  to  acquiesce 
at  once  in  the  expediency  of  the  emancipation  programme.  In 
that  speech  he  is  reported  to  have  said : 

"  That  the  Republican  party  have  been  sold  in  the  election  of  Lincoln 
to  the  Presidency  ;  that  the  North  West  had  deceived  them  by  assur- 


*  Congressional  Globe,  part  1  of  Second  Session  of  37th  Congress,  p.  6. 

•j-The  manner  in  which  the  Republican  papers  deceived  the  country,  is 
seen  in  the  following,  from  "Occasional,"  of  the  Philadelphia  Press,  of 
June  16th,  1862  :  "In  the  campaign  that  is  about  to  be  opened  against 
the  administration  and  the  war.  powerful  emphasis  is  to  be  laid  upon  the 
empty  accusation  that'  the  friends  of  Mr.  Lincoln  favor  unconditional 
emancipation  and  negro  equality.  Contemptible  as  this  accusation  i?,  it 
is  frequently  repeated  by  men  who,  in  their  heated  partisanship,  forget 
that  they  are  intelligent  and  reasonable  beings.  The 

men  in  the  Free  States  who  advocate  unconditional  emancipation,  are 
very  few  in  numbers  ;  and  in  the  Republican  party  they  do  not  number 
one  in  five  hundred." 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  2G5 

ances  that  he  was  a  true  and  sound  Republican  ;  but  that  assurance  had 
failed."* 

"Wendell  Phillips  and  other  ardent  Liberators,  had  before  this 
made  repeated  assaults  upon  the  President,  and  accused  him  of  a 
desire  to  perpetuate  the  institution  of  Southern  Slavery.  Mr. 
Phillips  had  even  been  so  bold  as  to  assert  that  the  President 
had  it  in  his  own  choice,  either  to  wear  a  wreath  of  contempt  or 
be  enrolled  in  history  as  the  destroyer  of  Southern  serfdom. 

The  resolutions,  tactics,  and  tone  of  the  radicals  of  the  Repub 
lican  party  in  this  Congress,  disclosed  that  it  had  been  fully 
determined  that  slavery  should  either  perish  in  the  national 
struggle  then  waging,  or  a  restoration  of  the  old  Union  be  ren 
dered  impossible.  Indeed,  Mr.  Stevens  from  this  period  made 
little  concealment  that  this,  so  far  as  he  could  influence  public 
affairs,  was  his  fixed  and  determined  resolve.  He  and  his  zealous 
coadjutors  should  have  been  less  severe  upon. Abraham  Lincoln 
and  the  administration ;  for  this  official  was  not  in  a  situation  to 
give  as  free  utterance  to  his  opinions  as  others ;  and  besides,  he 
had  dextrously  disclosed  in  his  message  to  Congress  of  December 
3d,  1861,  that  he  was  in  spirit,  in  full  accord  with  the  most 
outspoken  radical  of  his  party.  In  that  message  he  disclosed,  to 
an  observant  mind,  his  Willingness  to  accept  the  most  extreme 
results  of  the  emancipating  crusade,  that  is  to  say  the  social 
equality  of  the  black  race.  He  said : 

"If  any  good  reason  exists  why  we  should  persevere  longer,  in  with 
holding  our  recognition  of  the  independence  and  sovereignty  of  Hayti 
and  Liberia,  I  am  unable  to  discover  it.  Unwilling,  however,  to  inaugu 
rate  a  novel  policy  in  regard  to  them,  without  the  approbation  of  Con 
gress,  I  submit  for  your  consideration  the  expediency  of  an  appropriation 
for  maintaining  a  charge  'd  affairs  near  each  of  those  new  States." 

The  recognition  of  these  States,  and  the  appointment  of  gen 
tlemen  to  fill  the  new  posts  of  honor,  was  a  clear  and  unmistakable 
recognition  of  the  social  equality  of  the  negro  with  the  white  race. 

One  of  the  earliest  measures  submitted  by  the  radical  leaders 
of  the  Republican  party,  in  this  Congress,  was  the  bill  to  punish 
officers  and  privates  of  the  armies  for  arresting,  detaining  or 
delivering  fugitive  slaves  to  their  masters.  But  this,  at  first,  was 
feared  by  many  of  the  party,  as  too  plain  a  disclosure  of  their 
views ;  and  one  that  might  not  meet  with  public  approbation. 
The  Fugitive  Slave  law  stood  yet  unrepealed  upon  the  statute 

*New  York  Herald,  December  10th,  1861. 


2G6  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

books  of  the  nation ;  and  the  bill  now  proposed,  too  clearly,  Imd 
the  appearance  of  conflicting-  with  that  law.  Being  stubbornly 
resisted  by  the  Democrats,  and  also  by  some  Conservative  Re 
publicans,  it  was  defeated  in  its  original  shape ;  but  it  was  after 
wards  in  February,  1862,  reported  from  the  Military  Committee 
as  an  additional  article  of  war  in  the  following  words : 

O 

"All  officers  are  prohibited  from  employing  any  of  the  forces  under 
their'  respective  commands,  for  the  purpose  of  returning  fugitives  from 
service  or  labor,  who  may  have  escaped  from  any  persons  to  whom  such 
service  or  labor  is  claimed  to  be  due.  Any  officer  who  shall  be  found 
guilty  by  court-martial  of  violating  th  is  Article,  shall  be  dismissed  from 
the  service." 

This  bill,  after  having  been  resisted  in  its  new  shape  by  the 
Constitutional  defenders  in  both  Houses,  was  passed  and  received 
the  sanction  of  the  President  on  March  13th,  1862.  Indeed,  it 
seemed  clearly  apparent,  almost  from  the  beginning  of  this  ses 
sion  of  Congress,  that  one  spirit,  without  any  digested  plan, 
animated  the  leading  Abolitionists  in  these  bodies,  inasmuch  as 
innumerable  propositions  one  after  another  were  submitted  in  the 
two  Houses,  all  having  one  general  aim,  negro  emancipation. 

But  the  bill  which,  of  all  others,  was  intended  as  the  real 
entering'  wedge  for  all  subsequent  emancipatory  measures,  was 
that  prepared  as  early  as  December  17th,  1861,  reported  by 
Merrill,  of  Maine,  on  February  13th,  1862,  and  which  was  to 
free  the  slaves  of  the  District  of  Columbia.  The  bill  served  its 
purpose  of  testing  the  sentiment  of  the  country  as  regards  this 
radical  advance,  and  assured  the  extreme  Republicans  how  far 
the  moderate  men  of  their  party  would  follow  them.  They 
were  determined  to  overleap  all  constitutional  barriers  in  their 
way,  and  if  a  sufficient  following  in  their  ranks  would  permit 
the  passage  of  this  radical  measure,  the  future  seemed  clear  for 
them.  This  bold  attempt  to  subvert  the  plain  spirit  of  the  Con 
stitution,  the  Democrats  and  Lorder  State  Representatives  battled 
with  the  most  stubborn  resistance ;  but  their  efforts,  as  on  former 
like  occasions,  were  futile ;  and  they  were  obliged  to  witness 
another  invasion  of  the  constitutional  immunities  of  their  country 
men.  The  arbitrary  assessment  of  $300  as  the  value  of  the  slave 
of  each  loyal  master  in  the  District,  was  a  most  palpable  infrac 
tion  of  the  Constitution,  which  declared  that  no  man  shall  "  be 
deprived  of  life,  liberty  and  property  without  due  process  of 
law."  The  rapid  change  of  base  by  the  Republican  party,  which 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  267 

the  support  of  this  measure  indicated,  did  not  escape  the  animad 
version  and  severe  reproof  of  Senator  Davis,  of  Kentucky,  who 
stood  by  the  landmarks  of  the  Constitution,  and  fought  as  an 
ancient  Roman  in  behalf  of  his  country's  liberty.  He  said  : 

"  There  is  a  very  different  spirit  and  there  are  very  different  purposes, 
now  in  the  dominant  party  in  relation  to  slavery,  to  what  were  declared 
a  few  months  ago." 

This  bill  was  passed  in  both  Houses  by  an  almost  strict  party  vote, 
and  received  the  approval  of  the  President  April  16th,  1862. 
The  abolition  re-echoes  of  approval  to  the  passage  of  this  law, 
giving  freedom  to  the  few  slaves  in  the  District  were  heard 
throughout  the  whole  North,  as  therein  the  fiery  advocates  of 
negro  liberation  recognized  an  assuring  harbinger  of  their  long 
anticipated  millennium. 

In  the  midst  of  the  blows  that  were  falling  thick  and  fast 
upon  the  institution  of  slavery,  it  would  have  indicated  great 
lack  of  ardor  had  not  Abraham  Lincoln,  the  Agamemnon  of 
the  Abolition  host,  shown  some  apparent  readiness,  at  least,  to 
do  his  full  share  in  the  great  battle  of  emancipation.  He  must 
somewhat  keep  pace  with  his  ardent  chieftains,  or  all  the  honor 
of  the  victory  might  be  borne  away  by  others ;  and  he  left  to 
pine  in  grief  because  of  inactivity.  Accordingly,  on  the  6th  of 
March,  1862,  he  submitted  in  a  special  message  the  proposition 
that  Congress  should  pledge  the  Government  as  ready  to  co 
operate  pecuniarily  with  any  State,  that  might  be  willing  to 
inaugurate  measures  for  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves  within 
its  borders,  His  proposition,  as  he  was  well  aware,  could  not 
fail  to  attract  some  agreeable  perfume  in  the  shape  of  abolition 
adulation  to  his  olfactory  sensibilities ;  and  might  in  a  measure 
compensate  for  some  of  a  contrary  character,  to  which  he  had 
been  repeatedly  subjected.  It  is  true  his  proposition  was  not 
composed  of  the  ingredients  coveted  by  the  Stevens  wing  of  his 
party ;  for  this  leader  of  the  House  characterized  it  as  "  the  most 
diluted  milk  and  water-gruel  proposition  that  was  ever  given  to 
the  American  nation." 

Mr.  Stevens,  however,  wrho  by  this  time  had  come  more  fully 
to  realize  the  qualities  of  Darwinian  development  possessed  by 
the  head  of  the  Government,  moved  and  carried  in  the  House,  a 
reference  of  this  message  to  a  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the 
state  of  the  Union.  All  the  unconstitutional  objections  that 


263  A  REVIEW  OF  TUB 

were  urged  against  the  passage  of  this  measure  ;  and  every  lack 
of  warrant  shown  to  draw  money  from  the  National  Treasury 
for  the  purpose  of  freeing  slaves,  were  insufficient  to  swerve  from 
their  purposes  the  reckless  leaders  of  the  Republican  party. 
Emancipation  was  the  first  goal  they  were  bent  upon  reaching ; 
and  all  obstacles  that  stood  in  the  way  of  their  passage  must  be 
removed  at  any  cost.  The  object  must  be  reached  or  the  Union 
of  the  States  must  pay  the  forfeit.  President  Lincoln,  before 
submitting  this  proposition  of  compensated  emancipation,  was 
well  aware  that  no  Southern  State  either  desired,  or  could  be  in 
duced  under  the  existing  circumstances  voluntarily  to  emancipate 
its  slaves.  Honor  and  integrity,  therefore,  should  have  demanded 
of  the  President  to  declare  what  he  really  meant ;  that  if  the 
Southern. States  declined  to  accede  to  the  abolition  demand,  he 
would  shortly  relieve  them  of  that  necessity.  But  the  subject 
afforded  the  President  an  excellent  opportunity  to  exhibit  him 
self  as  disposed  to  be  fair  and  generous  to  the  loyal  slave  holders 
of  the  South ;  whereas,  neither  he  nor  his  party  ever  meant  that 
the  proposition  should  be  accepted.  The  measure,  however, 
passed  both  Houses,  and  received  the  assent  of  its  proposer, 
President  Lincoln. 

The  abolition  current  was  by  this  time  become  a  rapid  tide, 
and  was  washing  away  one  constitutional  embankment  after 
another.  Every  day  developed  more  clearly  that  the  assurances 
which  had  been  made  by  the  Republican  leaders  and  press,  that 
they  did  not  intend  to  interfere  with  slavery,  were  all  deceptions 
and  intended  to  blindfold  the  nation,  until  it  became  involved  in 
fratricidal  strife  with  the  people  of  the  Southern  States.  One 
Member  of  Congress  after  another  was  disclosing  his  secret  views 
that  the  destruction  of  slavery  with  the  zealous  leaders  had  from 
the  first  been  a  deliberate  and  well  matured  resolve.  Members 
no  longer  hesitated  to  declare  upon  the  floor  of  Congress,  that 
they  would  not  vote  a  man  or  a  dollar  for  the  further  prosecution 
of  the  war,  unless  it  be  made  one  for  the  emancipation  of  slavery, 
clearly  expressed. 

Even  the  attitude  that  the  party  had  assumed  in  the  36th 
Congress, 'in  the  organization  of  the  new  Territories  of  Colorado, 
Nevada  and  Dacotah,  was  hypocritical  and  false.  These  Territo 
ries  had  been  organized  after  the  withdrawal  of  the  Representa 
tives  from  the  Cotton  States ;  and  by  Acts  which  maintained  a 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  2f>9 

profound  silence  as  regarded  slavery.  These  Acts  Were  passed  at 
a  time  when  Abolitionism  was  rather  at  a  discount,  in  view  of 
the  calamities  it  was  bringing  upon  the  nation.  But  as  soon  as 
its  former  strentgh  was  regained,  and  it  became  apparent  that  the 
nation  was  intoxicated  with  the  fumes  of  blood  and  fratricidal 
strife,  this  territorial  legislation  must  undergo  a  like  metamor 
phose.  For  this  purpose,  Owen  Lovejoy  reported  a  bill  at  this 
session  of  Congress  for  the  abolition  or  prohibition  of  slavery  in 
all  the  Territories  of  the  United  States.  This  Bill  after  having 
passed  the  ordinary  ordeal  of  resistance,  as  the  other  measures 
already  alluded  to,  became  a  law  in  the  Abolition  sense,  though 
stigmatized  as  unconstitutional. 

Affairs  were  now  nearing  a  crisis.  Congress  had  shown  itself 
ready  to  endorse  the  most  extreme  measures  of  the  radicals  of 
the  Republican  party.  All  the  extreme  measures  seemed  to  em- 
enate  from  the  representatives  of  the  people ;  and  the  President 
had  hitherto  been  fortunate  in  being  able  to  appear  before  the 
country  as  a  Union  man,  with  or  without  slavery.  He  and  his 
advisers  were  sufficiently  shrewd  to  have  him  preserve  an  equi 
poise  amidst  the  extremes.  While  therefore,  the  President  stood 
before  the  friends  of  the  Union,  as  a  Union  man,  Senator  Sumner 
who  could  communicate  with  the  inner  recesses  of  his  soul,  was 
early  in  1862,  able  to  assure  his  Abolition  friends  in  the  East. 
that  they  need  not  be  solicitous  as  to  the  views  of  the  Commander 
in  Chief.  That  personage  was  all  right,  as  time  would  fully 
disclose.  Time  did  precisely  what  the  Senator  had  promised. 
The  country  was  fully  committed  to  the  task  of  subjugating  the 
Southern  States.  A  people  cannot  reason  amidst  the  strife  of 
warfare.  All  this  the  President  or  his  advisers  knew ;  and  the 
long  anticipated  opportunity  seemed  near  at  hand  when  the  curtain 
could  with  safety  be  raised. 

In  an  interview  with  the  Representatives  from  the  Border 
States,  the  President  urged  them  to  accept  compensated  emanci 
pation  for  their  several  States ;  but  these  men,  educated  in  schools 
in  which  a  reverence  for  right  and  obedience  to  the  Constitution 
had  been  taught,  spurned  an  offer  that  they  felt  no  other  save  a 
usurper  of  his  country's  liberty  was  able  to  tender.  A  fitting 
parallel  to  this  proposition  of  the  American  President  is  found 
in  the  instance  of  that  individual  who  escorted  the  Son  of  Man 
to  the  pinacle  of  the  Temple,  and  temptingly  proposed, "  all  these 


£70  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

will  I  give  thee"  Neither  in  the  one  case  nor  the  other,  was  it 
in  the  power  of  the  proposer  to  execute  his  promise  ;  but  in  the 
modern  instance  it  was  designed  to  enable  the  deceiver  the  better 
to  devclope  his  contemplated  programme. 

Northern  arms  on  the  battle-iield  were  still  slowly  penetrating 
the  rebellion,  and  General  Lee,  the  commander  of  the  Southern 
invading  army,  had  left  the  field  of  Antietam  with  no  advantage. 
The  President  was  buoyant  with  a  victor's  joy,  and  four  days 
after  this  sanguinary  contest,  on  the  22d  of  September,  1862,  he 
issued  his  famous  emancipation  decree,  to  take  effect  with  the 
beginning  of  the  coming  year.  The  edict  of  the  master  was  at 
length  issued ;  the  goal  of  emancipation  had  been  reached ;  and 
like  death  upon  the  pale  horse  of  apocalyptic  vision,  the  abolition 
fiend  went  forth  conquering  and  to  confer. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

EXECUTIVE  ^CONSTITUTIONALISM. 

The  declaration  of  war  by  President  Lincoln  against  the  people 
of  the  seceded  States,  was  in  conflict  with  the  letter  and  spirit  of 
the  Federal  Constitution ;  which  was  but  the  receptacle  of  such 
clearly  specified  powers,  as  the  framers  of  that  instrument,  the 
States,  through  their  Representatives,  had  deemed  it  expedient 
to  delegate.  But  the  party  to  which  he  owed  his  election  as  the 
Chief  Magistrate  of  the  nation  was  the  legitimate  successor  of 
Federalism  and  its  descendants  ;  that  party  which  during  all  the 
anterior  history  of  the  Government  had  struggled  for  a  liberal 
interpretation  of  the  Constitution,  as  it  was  termed,  in  opposition 
to  the  strict  construction  of  the  Democracy.  Indeed,  this  principle 
of  constitutional  construction  with  the  new  party  was  a  necessity, 
as  otherwise  the  institution  of  slavery,  whether  in  the  States  or 
Territories,  was  invulnerable.  It  came  into  power,  therefore, 
bearing  upon  its  front  the  clear  and  unmistakable  evidence  of 
Ilamiltonian  parentage  ;  and  the  period  now  seemed  to  have 
arrived  that  promised  verification  to  the  anticipations  of  the  an 
cient  monarchist. 

The  leading  patriots  of  the  nation,  Clay,  Webster,  Calhoun, 
Benton  and  Buchanan,  had  from  the  inception  of  the  Anti- 
Slavery  agitation,  clearly  perceived  the  tendency  of  the  new 
school  of  theorists,  should  they  ever  succeed  in  grasping  the 
reins  of  government.  And  now,  when  this  at  length  had  taken 
place  in  the  election  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  the  declarations  of 
these  philosophic  statesmen  were  verified.  The  Constitution,  as 
they  had  predicted,  was  trampled  upon,  and  the  laws  of  the 
Government  set  at  defiance.  This  was  worse  than  monarchy 
itself — it  was  the  inauguration  of  the  despotism  that  followed. 
The  monarchical  Alexander  Hamilton,  and  these  later  American 
patriots,  were  equally  logical  and  sagacious.  Both  perceived 
that  the  future  of  America  was  freighted  with  dangers  to  the 


272  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

perpetuity  of  free  Constitutional  Government ;  equally  was  it 
manifest  to  their  logical  visions  that  under  republican  institutions 
wild,  turbulent  and  selfish  leaders  would  be  able  to  seduce  the 
people,  and  ascend  the  seats  of  power  ;  and  fully  conscious  of  these 
dangers,  the  one  foresaw  the  eventual  overthrow  of  the  Republic, 
and  the  others,  hoping  against  hope,  still  fondly  clung  to  their 
darling  favorite  and  strove  in  vain  to  battle  the  rising  fanaticism 
that  endangered  it. 

But  the  unconstitutional  declaration  of  war  against  the  seceded 
States,  was  simply  the  commencement  of  the  despotic  power  of 
the  party  calling  itself  Republican.  The  great  inheritance  of 
English  liberty,  the  culmination  of  individual  rights,  the  famous 
privilege  of  Habeas  Corjyus  that  had  been  wrested  by  the  staunch 
freemen  of  the  mother  country  from  the  Sovereigns  of  Great 
Britain,  was  next  to  fall  before  the  usurping  despot,  who  had 
been  chosen  by  a  revolutionary  party  to  trample  upon  the  inherited 
rights  of  his  countrymen,  and  give  freedom  to  a  race  of  men, 
whom  history  had  shown  to  be  incapable  of  building  up  or  sus 
taining  civilization  But  usurpers  usually  proceed  with  cautious 
steps,  and  it  was  so  in  this  case.  In  the  name  of  libery  and 
clothed  with  the  sanctimonious  garb  of  humanitarianism,  the 
ancient  inheritance  is  invaded.  The  American  President,  with 
out  any  legislative  sanction,*  directs  the  suspension  of  the 


*The  su-pGnsion  of  the  Habeas  Corpus  by  President  Lincoln,  was  a  bold 
undertaking  for  an  American  Executive  to  assume,  and  one  that  should 
have  caused  his  arrest  as  an  usurper  of  his  country's  liberties.  Up  to 
the  outbreak  of  the  war,  all  the  expository  writers  on  the  Constitution, 
Avithout  exception  ;  all  the  most  eminent  jurists  of  the  country  ;  and  all 
the  Members  of  the  only  Congress  in  which  the  question  was  fully  dis 
cussed  (during  the  Burr  conspiracy),  had  agreed  that  this  extraordinary 
power,  the  suspension  of  the  Habeas  Corpus,  was  lodged  in  Congress 
alone.  It  was  regarded  as  a  legislative  power,  but  one  which  no  former 
Congress  deemed  it  expedient  to  exercise.  The  exertion  of  this  power, 
by  President  Lincoln,  from  the  first  met  with  the  steady  and  almost 
unanimous  opposition  of  the  best  legal  minds  of  the  nation  of  both  politi 
cal  parties  ;  and  it  was  only  a  few  second-rate  lawyers  (anxious  to  sup 
port  revolutionary  principles)  whose  legal  endorsement  in  this  particular 
the  Pr.  sident  ever  received.  Attorney-General  Bates,  and  the  octogena 
rian,  Horace  Binney,  of  Philadelphia,  were  conspicuous  amongst  the 
President's  defenders. 

In  the  celebrated  Merryman  case,  Rodger  B.  Taney,  Chief-Justice  of 
the  Supreme  Court,  clearly  enunciated  the  doctrine  that  the  suspension 
of  the  Habeas  Corpus  by  President  Lincoln  was  unconstitutional  and 
void.  This  same  view  was  expressed  by  Chief-Justice  Dixon,  as  the 
unanimous  opinion  of  the  highest  Court  of  the  State  of  Wisconsin. 
Judge  Dixon  says  :  "  And  first,  I  think  the  President  has  no  power  in 
the  sense  of  the  Ninth  Article  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
to  suspend  the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus.  Upon  this  ques- 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  213 

Habeas  Corpus  in  a  specified  district,  by  virtue  of  which  a  citizen 
of  Maryland  was  seized  and  incarcerated,  who  was  guilty  of  110 
defined  le<ral  offence — and  an  inhabitant  of  this  State  was  made 

o 

the  object  of  despotic  power,  because  of  the  strong  sympathy  of 
its  people  with  those  who  had  raised  the  banner  of  revolt  to 
abolition  domination ;  and  because,  in  phrenzied  Northern  opin 
ion,  the  people  of  these  States  should  be  held  in  the  strictest  reins. 
The  President  and  the  powers  behind  the  throne,  felt  assured 
that  the  abrogation  of  the  privilege  of  the  time-honored  writ  of 
Habeas  Corpus  in  behalf  of  a  citizen  of  Maryland,  would  be  less 
resented  in  the  condition  of  public  opinion  that  then  obtained, 
than  were  the  like  attempted  in  New  York  or  Pennsylvania. 
This  first  essay  of  such  <power  was  wholly  experimental,  but  the 
result  justified  further  advances.  Sustained  by  his  obsequious 
Attorney-General  and  a  maddened  public  sentiment,  President 
Lincoln  was  able  to  set  at  defiance  the  mandate  of  the  learned 
and  venerated  Rodger  B.  Taney,  the  Chief-Justice  of  the  highest 
court  of  the  nation  j  and  it  was  then  apparent  that  no  bounds 


tion.  it  seems  to  me  that  the  reasoning  of  Chief -Justice  Taney,  in  ex- 
•parie  Merryinan.  is  unanswerable." — Annual  Cyclopaedia,  18b2,  p.  515. 

Judge  Hall,  in  the  Northern  District  of  New  York,  in  a  case  tiiat  came 
before  him,  expressed  the  same  opinions  and  fortified  the  same  by  a  vast 
array  of  legal  learning.  Judge  Curtis,  of  Boston,  one  of  the  dissenting 
members  of  the  Supreme  Court  in  the  Dred  Scott  case,  published  a  strong 
argument  combatting  the  position  of  President  Lincoln  in  assuming  the 
right  to  suspend  the  writ.  Even  the  ablest  Republican  lawyers  0:  Con 
gress  were  unwilling  to  advocate  a  view  of  constitutional  law  which  was 
repugnant  to  their  legal  understandings,  and  to  all  just  theories  of  inter 
pretation.  Senator  Sherman,  of  Ohi  >,  in  his  speech  of  December  9th, 
186:4,  said  :  "Oar  attention  was  called  to  this  question  at  the  extra 
session  by  the  opinion  of  the  Attorney-General,  that  the  President  had 
the  power  and  by  the  actual  exercise  of  it  by  his  proclamation,  of  suspend 
ing  the  writ  in  certain  cases.  I  formed  and  expressed  tue  opinion,  at  an 
early  period  of  the  session,  that  this  power  was  purely  a  legislative 
power,  to  be  exercised  by  Congress  with  the  approval  of  the  President. 
This  opinion  has  been  strengthened  by  subsequent  reflection,  by  the  able 
criticisms  of  lawyers  and  statesmen,  which  the  discussion  has  elicited 
and  by  the  decisions  of  some  of  the  Courts.  It  is  apparent  from  the 
context  in  which  this  power  is  found,  that  the  framers  of  the  Constitution 
classed  it  with  the  delegated  powers  of  Congress.  In.  its  nature  it  is  a 
legislative  power." 

Senator  Trumbull,  in  a  speech  of  December  9, 1862,  said  :  "  The  better 
opinion,  as  has  been  stated  here  to-day  among  judges,  lawyers  and  con 
stitutional  commentators,  surely  is  that  the  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus  was 
never  intended  by  the  Constitution  to  be  suspended,  except  in  pursuance 
of  an  Act  of  Congress." 

John  Merrymau  was  the  party  arrested,  and  in  behalf  of  whom  Rodger 
B.  Taney  issued  a  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus,  but  which,  in  pursuance  of 
instructions  from  President  Lincoln,  was  not  obeyed.  A  full  report  of 
this  case  is  found  in  the  9th  Volume  of  American  Law  Register,  p.  524. 


274  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

could  be  placed  to  his  usurpations.  The  renowned  Massachusetts 
Senator's  prediction  was  thus  early  fulfilled,  that  if  ever  the 
fanatical  Abolition  party  came  into  power,  the  Constitution  would 
perish,  the  Supreme  Court  be  overthrown,  and  its  decrees 
repudiated. 

Another  unconstitutional  stretch  of  executive  authority,  was 
the  Presidential  Proclamation  of  the  blockade  *  of  April  19th, 
1861,  along  the  whole  seceded  coast,  and  which  afterwards,  upon 
the  secession  of  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Tennessee  and  Arkansas, 
was  enlarged  so  as  to  embrace  the  sea-coast  of  these  latter  States 
that  had  united  their  fortunes  with  the  new  Confederacy.  In. 
support  of  these  infractions  of  the  Federal  compact,  the  tyrant's 
plea  of  necessity  was  omnipotent  to  refute  every  argument  that 
could  be  urged  against  the  President's  illegal  assumption  of  power. 
An  observer,  even  at  this  early  period,  might  have  reflected  in 
the  following  strain.  The  weakness  of  free  government  is  strik 
ingly  exemplified  in  this  convulsion,  and  this  should  seem  patent 
to  every  reflecting  mind.  Here  is  a  ruler  elected  in  accordance 
with  the  letter,  but  in  violation  of  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution 
of  the  country,  and  who  has  sworn  to  defend  it,  striking  down 
that  same  Constitution,  in  order  that  he  and  his  party  may  be 
able  to  grasp  objects,  which  are  unattainble  as  long  as  the  old 
Magna  Charta  subsists.  The  friends  of  the  Constitution  are  in 
banishment,  in  apparent  array  against  the  Government,  though  in 
truth  fighting  its  battles,  and  Cataline  holds  the  gates  of  the 
city.  The  people  are  in  confusion ;  have  mistaken  their  enemies 
for  their  friends ;  are  crusading  under  the  banners  of  duplicity, 
and  fast  digging  the  graves  of  constitutional  republicanism  and 
free  government.  But  the  elected  ruler  is  guilty  of  no  higher 
offence  than  all  the  other  leaders,  who  have  sworn  allegiance  to 
the  governmental  compact;  but  who  like  him  were  too  cowardly 
to  openly  assail  it,  yet  who  gained  control  of  affairs  by  falsehood 


*  Thaddeus  Stevens  was  too  able  a  lawyer  to  be  willing  to  acknowledge 
that  the  General  Government  could  blockade  its  own  ports.  In  his 
speech  of  December  9th,  1862,  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  he  said  : 
"  We,  ourselves,  by  what  I  consider  a  most  unfortunate  act,  not  well 
considered — declared  a  blockade  of  their  (the  Confederate  States)  ports- 
have  acknowledged  them  as  a  power.  We  can  not  blockade  our  own 
ports.  It  is  an  absurdity.  We  b'ockade  an  enemy's  ports.  The  very 
fact  of  declaring  this  blockade,  recognized  them  as  a  belligerent  power 
entitled  to  all  the  privileges  and  subject  to  all  the  rules  of  war,  accord 
ing  to  the  law  of  nations." 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA,  275 

and  fraud ;  and  then,  as  matricides,  stab  the  kind  parent  who 
nourished  them  and  shielded  their  ascent  to  power.  A  people 
that  can  be  seduced  by  such  leaders,  and  induced  to  light  fo.% 
principles  they  utterly  abhor,  neither  deserve  nor  or  they  compe 
tent  to  preserve  the  inheritances  of  freedom.  They  evince  this 
inability  in  disclosing  the  simplicity  and  weakness  here  presented, 
and  time  is  but  required  to  fasten  the  rivets  of  Imperialism  upon 
their  social  structure. 

But  madness  and  fury  had  carried  reason  away,  and  the  masses 
seemed  bent  upon  their  own  downfal  and  destruction.  The  sac 
rifice  of  peace,  liberty  and  prosperity  were  insignificant,  provided 
only  the  subjugation  of  the  Southern  Confederates  could  be 
effected.  This  object  in  the  general  fanatical  opinion,  was  worth 
all  it  might  cost,  though  the  Union  and  Free  government  itself 
should  perish  in  the  achievement.  Even  the  breaches  made  by 
Lincoln  and  his  administration  in  the  walls  of  the  Federal  Con 
stitution,  were  greeted  with  shouts  of  applause  by  an  infatuated 
populace ;  and  with  still  greater  huzzas,  should  some  honest 
defender  of  that  ancient  heritage,  utter  his  feeble  protest  against 
the  Presidential  usurpation.  The  impotent  friend  of  his  country's 
liberty  was  execrated  as  a  traitor;  whilst  the  cool,  calculating 
tyrant  who  had  fraudulently  seized  the  helm  of  State,  was  ap 
plauded  as  Honest  Abe, 

At  the  extra  session  of  Congress,  which  assembled  on  the  4th 
day  of  July,  1861,  little  else  was  transacted  save  that  men  and 
money  were  freely  voted  to  the  Administration  for  the  prosecu 
tion  of  the  war  against  the  South;  and  the  infractions  of  the 
Federal  Constitution  were  also  condoned.  A  larger  appropriation 
of  money,  and  a,  greater  number  of  soldiers  even,  were  granted 
by  Congress  for  the  war,  than  Lincoln  had  asked  for  in  his 
message  ;  and  a  resolution  was  introduced  in  the  Senate  by  Wil 
son,  of  Massachsetts,  and  pressed  for  a  considerable  time  with 
the  greatest  zeal  to  legitimate  the  confessedly  illegal  acts  of  the 
President,  But  this  body,  although  overwhelmingly  Eepublican, 
was  unwilling  as  yet  to  place  itself  upon  record  as  openly  en 
dorsing  the  plainest  violations  of  the  Constitution,  and  such  as 
no  partisan  justification  would  serve  to  exculpate.  Public  senti 
ment  was  not  yet  clear  upon  this  point  The  manner,  however, 
in  which  the  leaders  of  the  Eepublican  party  in  both  Houses  of 
Congress,  chose  in  their  conduct  to  excuse  the  unconstitutional 


273  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

acts  of  the  President,  demonstrated  tliat  instead  of  censure  being 
intended  for  him,  his  whole  course,  since  his  elevation  to  power, 
met  with  their  warmest  approval.  No  necessity,  therefore,  dic 
tated  to  him  to  be  at  all  guarded  in  his  further  advances  on.  the 
highway  of  despotism,  and  he,  himself,  was  sufficiently  shrewd 
as  to  perceive  that  a  general  Congressional  permit  was  now 
granted  to  him  to  strike  down  without  reserve  the  remaining  lib 
erties  of  his  countrymen. 

President  Lincoln,  as  the  Chief  Executive  of  the  Northern 
and  of  such  Southern  States  as  the  Government  had  been  able 
to  retain  in  its  military  grasp,  with  the  adjournment  of  this 
Congress,  began  through  his  Secretaries  to  order  with  less  hesi 
tation  the  arrest  and  imprisonment  of  prominent  Democratic 
citizens;  and  those  who  disbelieved  in  the  war  against  the 
seceded  States.  The  hated  bastile,  that  relic  of  barbarism,  which 
had  sunk  amidst  the  upheaval  of  the  French  revolution,  arose  on 
the  Western  continent,  and  became  the  receptacle  of  those 
Americans  who  feared  not  a  despot's  oppression,  because  they 
loved  the  institutions  of  the  country  under  which  they  had  been 
reared  and  educated,  Arbritrary  arrests  of  prominent  individu 
als  in  all  sections  of  the  country,  subject  to  the  Lincoln  adminis 
tration,  were  matters  of  common  occurrence  in  nearly  every 
community ;  and  the  little  bell  of  Secretary  Seward  became  an. 
instrument  of  daily  requisition  in  the  overthrow  of  the  people's 
inalienable  rights.  Instead  of  Americans  being  free,  by  virtue 
of  a  written  Constitution,  which  guaranteed  to  all  life,  liberty, 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness ;  the  further  enjoyment  of  these 
rights  depended  upon  the  individual  will  of  a  ruler  and  his 
satellites.  Men  who  had  ranked  as  eminent  and  worthy  states 
men,  were  without  warrant  seized  in  the  seclusion  and  sanctity 
of  their  homes,  and  dragged  thousands  of  miles  and  immured  in 
loathsome  cells — yea,  at  times  in  dungeons,  because,  perhaps, 
they  had  given  expression  to  some  sentiment  unpalatable  to  a 
member  of  the  party  in  power.  Judges,  who  for  years  had 
adorned  the  chairs  of  justice,  were  dragged  from  their  seats  by 
a  ruthless  and  vulgar  squad  of  soldiers,  and  often  brutally 
*  wounded  in  the  struggle  that  occasionally  ensued  on  such  occa 
sions.  Should  the  party  to  be  arrested  demand  the  authority  for 
the  arrest,  and  the  accusation  with  which  he  was  charged,  he 
would  in  all  probability  be  told  that  he  was  a  Democrat,  and  that 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  277 

all  such  were  traitors  and  deserved  not  only  to  be  arrested  but 
'also  to  be  hung.  One  of  the  incarcerated  in  Fort  Lafayette, 
afterwards  describing  his  condition  of  imprisonment,  says : 

'  Here  you  would  see  men  from  almost  all  the  States,  the  largest  por 
tion  of  whom  were  in  the  vigor  of  manhood.  You  would  find  men  who 
had  ably  represented  our  Government  at  foreign  courts,  had  adorned  the 
United  States  Senate,  been  Governors  of  States,  Judges  of  courts,  Mem 
bers  of  Congress,  State  Legislatures,  doctors,  lawyers,  farmers,  and  in 
deed  almost  all  departments  of  business  were  here  represented,  not  one 
of  whom  was  tainted  with  any  crime.''* 

Forts  Lafayette,  "Warren,  McHenry,  the  old  Capitol  at  Wash 
ington,  and  other  places  of  confinement  were  crowed  with  inno 
cent  citizens  who  had  been  arrested  without  legal  warrant  in  all 
sections  of  the  North  and  in  the  border  States ;  and  these  vic 
tims  of  Federal  power  were  subjected  to  indignities  and  outrages, 
the  recital  of  which  yet  fires  a  freeman's  blood  with  honest 
indignation.  Citizens  of  almost  all  ages  and  conditions  of  life 
were  compelled  to  wear  the  chains  of  despotic  power,  such  as 
Americans  in  their  palmy  days  would  have  broken  with  vindic 
tive  fury ;  and  consigned  the  destroyer  of  their  country's  peace 
and  constitutional  liberty  to  ft  felon's  cell,  there  to  await  his  doom 
on,  Hainan's  gallows.  Persons  who  had  the  misfortune  to  be 
incarcerated  in  one  of  these  filthy  Federal  fortresses,  were  for 
months  not  even  informed  of  the  accusations  that  had  been 
alleged  against  them  ;  and  the  most  studied  eiforts  seemed  to  be 
made  by  the  despot  and  his  minions  to  degrade  the  manhood  of 
those  in  their  custody. 

The  miserable  wretches,  clad  in  Federal  uniforms,  who  acted 
the  jailor's  role  in  these  bastiles,  in  guarding  those  who  had  re 
sented  a  tyrant's  will,  conscious  of  their  degredation,  were  but 
too  anxious  to  reduce  to  their  own  level,  the  noble  spirits  they 
held  in  custody.  But  they  found  in  their  keeping  those  whose 
spirit  no  oppression  could  bend ;  and  who  chose  to  endure  for 
months  and  years  the  prison  and  oppression  of  despotism,  rather 
than  gain  their  freedom  by  dishonorable  concessions.  Many  a 
patriot  was  subjected  to  the  rigor  and  petty  tyranny  of  a  shoulder- 
strapped  turnkey  who  compelled  them  to  submit  to  the  taunts 
and  insults  of  the  sentinels  placed  over  them  by  day  and  night. 
The  prisoners  were  reprimanded,  yea,  even  punished,  should 


''American  Bastile,  p.  516. 


278  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

they  dare  to  retort  or  resent  the  scoffs  G£  the  boorish  soldi  ers, 
who  stood  over  them  as  guardsmen.  They  were  not  even  per 
mitted  to  leave  their  quarters  to  visit  a  fellow-prisoner,  unless 
leave  were  granted  them  by  some  sergeant  whose  loyal  uniform 
indicated  his-  master's  service.  The  wives  and  friends  of  the 
inmates,  who  came  to  visit  them,  were  not  allowed  access  until  a 
pass  were  obtained  from  Secretary  Stanton,  or  some  other  mag 
nate  of  Federal  authority.  And  even  when  admitted,  the  con 
versations  of  the  prisoners  with  their  relatives,  were  limited  to  an 
hour,  and  that  in  the  presence  of  the  Commandant. 

The  black  inquisitorial  system  of  incarceration  was  germinated 
in  a  desire  to  repress  all  critical  investigation  of  the  acts  and  con 
duct  of  the  revolutionary  party ;  and  those  especially  were  the 
victims  of  this  species  of  despotism,  who  were  perceived  to  be 
most  likely  to  influence  public  opinion,  and  thus  thwart  perhaps 
the  designs  of  the  revolutionists.  Can  history  determine  aught, 
but  that  the  man  who  wielded  the  whole  executive  power  of  the 
nation,  and  by  whose  sanction  all  these  tyrannous  outrages  upon 
constitutional  freedom  were  enacted,  was  anything  save  a  demon 
incarnate,  who,  under  the  guise  of  humanitarian  impulses,  tramp 
led  upon  the  rights  of  his  countrymen 2  His  name,  in  spite  'of 
all  party  efforts  to  enshrine  it  in  hallowed  recollection,  will  be 
written  upon  the  same  darkened  pages  upon  which  those  of 
Louis  XI  and  Lucretia  Borgia  stand  inscribed. 

Besides  the  restrictions  that  almost  totally  precluded  intercourse 
with  the  friends  and  relatives  of  the  prisoners,  the  interposition 
of  legal  counsel,  that  agreeable  solace  in  times  of  difficulty  was 
peremtorily  forbidden.  In  being  thus  precluded  from  securing 
the  assistance  of  gentlemen  learned  in  the  law,  to  bring  their 
cases  before  the  judicial  tribunals  of  the  country,  another  Article 
of  the  Federal  Constitution  was  trampled  upon,  which  prescribed 
that  in  all  criminal  prosecutions,  "  the  accused  shall  have  the  assist 
ance  of  counsel  for  his  defense."  On  the  3d  of  December,  1861, 
the  commanding  officer  at  Fort  Lafayette  came  to  the  prisoner's 
quarters  and  read  a  document  signed  by  a  Federal  satrap,  in 
which  was  the  following  language  : 

"I  am  instructed  by  the  Secretary  of  State  to  inform  you,  that  the 
Department  of  State  will  not  recognize  any  one  as  an  attorney  for  politi 
cal  prisoners,  and  will  look  with  distrust  upon  all  applications  for  release 
through  such  channels,  and  such  applications  will  be  regarded  as  addi 
tional  reasons  for  declining  to  release  the  prisoners," 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  279 

Of  all  the  States  in  the  Union,  Maryland  suffered  most-  from 
the  tyranny  of  the  Federal  administration.  In  September,  1861, 
the  Democratic  Members  *  of  the  Legislature  of  this  State  were 
arrested  by  orders  of  the  Government,  and  conveyed  to  Federal 
fortresses,  because  of  their  known  sentiments  which  were  hostile  to 
the  party  in  power.  The  pretence  alleged  was,  that  they  were 
concerting  a  scheme  to  have  the  State  secede,  and  unite  its  for 
tunes  with  the  Southern  Confederacy.  But  this  excuse  lacked 
all  basis,  as  at  the  time  of  the  arrest,  the  Northern  Government 
had  its  tyranous  heel  upon  the  neck  of  a  people  who  could  not 
but  revolt  in  sentiment  against  the  invasion  of  its  sister  Southern 
States,  and  the  inauguration  of  the  despotism  they  witnessed. 
The  pretence  of  the  Federal  Administration  was  further  desti 
tute  of  foundation,  because,  that  at  the  Special  Session  of  the 
Maryland  Legislature,  called  by  Governor  Hicks  in  April,  1861, 
the  question  of  secession  was  fully  disposed  of  and  determined. 
The  session  opened  on  the  26th  of  that  month,  and  on  the  follow 
ing  day  a  Select  Committee  of  the  Senate  reported  an  address  to 
the  people  of  the  State,  in  which  occurs  the  following  language : 
"We  cannot  but  know  that  a  large  portion  of  the  citizens  of  Maryland, 
have  been  induced  to  believe  that  there  is  a  probability  that  our  delibera 
tions,  may  result  in  the  passage  of  some  measure,  committing  this  State 
to  secession.  It  is,  therefore,  our  duty  to  declare  that  all  such  fears  are 
without  foundation.  We  know  that  we  have  no  constitutional  authority 

*The  following  is  the  statement  of  S.  T.  Wallis,  Chairman  of  the  Com 
mittee  on  Federal  Relations,  of  the  Maryland  House  of  Delegates  :  "I 
was  a  member  of  the  Maryland  Legislature  in  1861,  and  was  arrested  at 
midnight  at  my  dwelling,  in  the  City  of  Baltimore,  about  the  middle  of 
September,  1861  ;  from  which  time  until  the  27th  of  November,  1862,  I 
was  confined  in  one  or  other  of  the  fortresses  of  the  United  States,  which 
have  been  appropriated  by  Mr.  Lincoln  for  the  use  of  State  prisoners.  I 
have  never  been  informed  of  the  grounds  upon  which  I  was  arrested. 

"  The  commission,  consisting  of  Messrs.  Dix  and  Pierrepont,  which 
was  created  by  the  Secretary  of  War,  for  the  examination  of  the  cases 
of  prisoners  arrested  and  confined  like  myself,  held  a  session  at  Fort 
Warren  in  May,  1862  ;  but  I  was  not  vouchsafed  any  communication  as 
to  the  charges  against  me  or  any  opportunity  of  being  heard  in  my  own 
defense.  The  commissioners,  in  fact,  took  no  notice  of  my  existence. 
Counsel  I  was  not  permitted  to  employ,  for  as  early  as  the  28th  of  Noveml 
ber,  1861,  the  United  States  Marshal,  at  Boston,  visited  Fort  Warren  for 
the  purpose  of  communicating  to  my  fellow  prisoners  and  myself  an 
order  from  Mr.  Seward,  the  Secretary  of  State,  announcing  that  no  one 
would  be  recognized  by  this  Department  (which  then  had  charge  of  us) 
as  attorney  of  any  State  prisoner  ;  and  that  the  employment  of  counsel 
by  any  of  us,  would  be  regarded  by  him  as  a  sufficient  reason  for  the 
prolongation  of  our  imprisonment.  On  the  26th  of  November,  1862,  I 
was  released  from  Fort  Warren  without  conditions  or  explanations  of 
any  sort.  The  authority  for  my  discharge,  as  I  suppose  for  rny  arrest 
was  a  telegram."— .Yew  York  World,  Dec.  30,  1862. 


280  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

to  take  such  action.     You  need  not  fear  that  there  is  a  possibility  that 
we  will  do  so." 

In  the  House  of  Delegates,  at  the  Special  Session,  the  question 
of  secession  also  came  up,  on  the  petition  of  216  voters  of  Prince 
George  County,  asking  of  the  Legislature  of  Maryland  the  pas 
sage  of  an  Ordinance  of  Secession  without  delay.  On  the  29th 
of  April,  this  petition  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Federal 
Relations.  This  Committee  submitted  both  majority  and  min 
ority  reports,  in  the  former  of  which,  the  following  language 
occurred : 

"  That  in  their  judgment  the  Legislature  does  not  possess  the  power  to 
pass  such  an  ordinance  as  is  prayed  for,  and  that  the  prayer  of  the  memo 
rialists  cannot  be  granted." 

The  minority  of  this  Committee  begged  leave  "  to  report  un 
favorably  to  the  prayer  of  the  memorialists."  From  that  period 
down  to  the  forcible  suppression  of  the  Legislature  by  Mr.  Lin 
coln's  orders,  the  subject  was  never  again  mooted,  but  wras  con 
sidered  on  all  hands  as  absolutely  and  permanently  disposed  of. 
With  personal  liberty,  the  freedom  of  the  press  also  sunk 
beneath  the  weight  of  the  Lincoln  despotism.  As  early  as  Sep 
tember,  1801,  several  of  the  leading  Democratic  newspapers  of 
New  York  were  suppressed  by  orders  from  Washington,  and  the 
editors  conveyed  to  Fort  Lafayette,  where  they  were  detained  at 
the  pleasure  of  the  administration.  Many  independent  presses 
in  the  border  States  and  in  other  sections  of  the  JSTorth,  were 
compelled  either  to  moderate  their  tone  of  hostility  to  the  ruling 
powers,  or  suspend  their  publication.  Some  of  the  most  resolute 
editors  chose  the  latter  alternative,  which  was  generally  accom 
panied  with  free  ingress  into  a  governmental  bastile.  To  many  the 
alternative  was  not  presented ;  and  the  doors  of  a  Federal  fort 
ress  fastened  upon  them,  before  they  were  made  aware  of  the 
charges  that  were  preferred  against  them.  The  sum  of  all  their 
sinning  consisted  in  their  belief  in  the  principles  of  the  Virgirii  i 
and  Kentucky  resolutions ;  and  in  occasionally  attempting  to 
argue  in  their  papers  that  the  Constitution  warranted  no  military 
coercive  force  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Union.  Many,  indeed, 
known  simply  to  entertain  these  views  of  the  Constitution,  were 
subjected  to  incarceration  in  a  military  fortress  for  the  utterance 
of  sentiments  that  in  others  would  have  escaped  all  animadver 
sion. 

"  If  a  Democratic  paper  did  not  proclaim  war  with  the  zeal  of 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA,  281 

a  Moharnedan,  and  denounce  all  who  opposed  it  with  the  appro- 
brious  epithet  of  " traitors"  and  recommend  them  as  fit  subjects 
for  the  "rope  and  halter  ":tt\Q  editor  himself  was  liable  to  receive 
these  delicate  attentions."*  Should  a  paper  contain  sentiments 
severely  reflecting  upon  the  Administration,  for  the  inauguration 
of  the  war,  or  otherwise  condemning  its  policy,  a  crowd  of  ex 
cited  citizens,  instigated  by  some  pimp  of  power,  was  likely  to 
assemble  and  demolish  the  office  from  which  the  offending  sheet 
made  its  appearance;  and  likewise  maltreat  the  editor,  should  he 
be  so  unfortunate  as  to  fall  into  their  hands.  Many  papers  in 
different  parts  of  the  Xorth  were  destroyed  by  infuriated  mobs 
of  lawless  citizens,  who  had  been  instigated  in  their  conduct  by 
men  who  stood  high  in  the  confidence  of  Republican  leaders ; 
and  from  whom  a  word  of  dissuasion  would  have  been  sufficient 
to  prevent  the  outrage.  Persons  who  desired  to  figure  in  com 
munity  as  respectable  personages,  would  make  remarks  calculated 
to  inspire  the  mob-element  like  the  Eastern  college  President, 
who  declared  himself  as  "  opposed  to  tarring  and  feathering  trai 
tors  /"  but  who  added  -that  he  "  was  forced  to  admit  that  this 
act  had  at  times  been  well  done."  It  is  apprehended  that  it  would 
require  no  logician  to  deduce  the  intent  of  this  loyal  Puritan's 
remarks.  And  in  scarce  a  single  instance  where  the  law  had 
been  violated,  was  adequate  satisfaction  able  to  be  obtained ;  for 
prejudice  ran  to  such  extremes  that  Democrats,  with  the  greatest 
difficulty,  could  secure  justice  at  the  hands  of  partisan  courts 
and  juries.  Indeed,  citizens  of  all  grades  of  outspoken  anti-war 
opinions,  were  villified  with  all  kinds  of  abuse  during  the  whole 
continuance  of  the  rebellion  ;  and  the  word  traitor  or  copperhead 
would  often  be  heard  by  them,  whilst  walking  the  streets  and 
engaged  in  the  pursuit  of  their  daily  avocations. 

Early  in  1862,  an  order  was  issued  transferring  the  matter  of 
arbitrary  arrests  to  the  War  Department.  From  this  department 
a  proclamation  emenated  by  order  of  President  Lincoln,  which 
in  itself  virtually  subverted  republican  government,  inasmuch  as 
Mr.  Stanton,  the  Secretary  of  War,  was  authorized  to  appoint  a 
number  of  men  to  constitute  a  corps  of  provost  marshals,  clothed 
with  authority,  in  addition  to  their  military  duties,  to  arrest  any 
citizen  throughout  the  country.  These  marshals  were  appointed 

^American  Bastile,  p.  119. 


233  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

and  proved  an  annoyance  to  peaceable  citizens  in  all  sections  of 
the  unrcbellious  States  ;  they  had  it  in  their  power,  upon  indefi 
nite  charges,  to  arrest  any  person  against  whom  accusations 
might  be  alleged,  and  for  this  purpose  they  were  warranted  to 
call  in  military  aid  to  sustain  their  authority.  They  were  required 
to  report  to  the  central  power  at  Washington,  and  hold  prisoners 
in  custody  subject  to  its  authority.  In  truth,  these  provost  mar 
shals  were  vested  with  imperial  power  in  their  respective  dis 
tricts,  and  could  order  the  arrest  of  any  citizen  whatever,  without 
dread  that  their  conduct  would  be  subjected  to  an  investigation. 

In  Maryland,  Missouri  and  other  Southern  States,  commission 
ers  were  appointed,  under  military  authority,  who  proceeded  by 
a  kind  of  illegal  inquisitorial  surveillance,  to  take  cognizance  of 
the  acts  and  even  sentiments  of  their  fellow-countrymen ;  and 
those  whom  these  judges  determined  to  be  sympathizers  with 
treason,  were  arbitrarily  assessed  certain  sums  of  money  by  way 
of  assessments  upon  their  property ;  and  compelled  under  pain 
of  confiscation  to  liquidate  these  assessments.*  Assessments  of 
this  kind,  purporting  to  be  sanctioned  by  marshal  law,  but  in 
flicted  in  districts  where  no  authority  warranted  its  proclamation, 
were  palpable  violations  of  the  Constitution,  which  prescribes 
that  no  individual  shall  be  "  deprived  of  life,  liberty  or  property 
without  due  process  of  law."  And  though  the  establishment  of 
these  extraordinary  tribunals  may  in  many  instances  have  been 
the  work  of  executive  subordinates,  still  their  existence  could  not 
escape  the  notice  of  the  Washington  authorities,  or  endure  with 
out  their  sanction. 

But  as  the  war  against  the  Southern  States  and  people  was 
inaugurated  in  conflict  with  the  plainest  principles  of  republican 
ism,  and  in  accordance  with  those  of  imperialism,  it  must  of 
necessity  be  in  the  same  manner  sustained.  There  was  no  other 
way  of  sustaining  a  war  which  the  frainers  of  the  Constitution 
never  designed  to  be  proclaimed.  When  the  Northern  armies 
had  overrun  portions  of  Tennessee,  North  Carolina,  and  other 
Southern  States,  and  overthrown  the  State  authorities,  President 
Lincoln,  without  any  constitutional  warrant  whatever,  appointed 
Military  Governors  for  those  States,  in  order  thereby  to  re-erect 
State  authority.  Andrew  Johnson  was  appointed  Military  Gov- 


*New  York  World,  Sept.  20th,  1863. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  283 

ernor  of  Tennessee,  and  Edward  Stanley  of  J^orth  Carolina ; 
and  others  were  again  assigned  as  the  Military  Executives  of 
other  States.  Thaddeus  Stevens  was  too  able  a  lawyer  to  be 
willing  to  stultify  himself  by  claiming  that  such  appointments 
found  support  in  the  Federal  Constitution.  He  and  his  special 
school  of  radical  followers  ignored  all  restraint  of  the  Constitu 
tion,  averring  that  they  acted  outside  of  that  charter,  and  in 
accordance  with  the  law  of  nations ;  but  seeing  the  absurdity 
and  hypocritical  audacity  of  President  Lincoln,  who  assumed  to 
be  guided  by  that  instrument,  on  the  9th  of  December,  18625 
he  spoke  as  follows  : 

"  I  see  the  Executive  one  day  saying,  you  shall  not  take  the  property  of 
rebels  to  pay  the  debts  which  the  rebels  have  brought  upon  the  Northern 
States.  Why?  Because  the  Constitution  is  in  the  way.  And  the  next 
day  I  see  him  appointing  a  Military  Governor  of  Virginia,  a  Military 
Govenor  of  Tennessee,  and  some  other  places.  Where  does  he  find  any 
thing  in  the  Constitution  to  warrant  that  ? 

"  If  he  must  look  there  alone  for  authority,  then  all  these  Acts  are 
flagrant  usurpations,  deserving  the  condemnation  of  the  community. 
He  must  agree  with  me,  or  else  his  acts  aie  as  absurd  as  they  are  unlaw 
ful  ;  for  I  see  him  here  and  there  ordering  elections  for  Members  of  Con 
gress,  wherever  he  finds  a  little  collection  of  three  or  four  consecutive 
plantations  in  the  Rebel  States,  in  order  that  men  may  be  sent  here  to 
control  the  proceedings  of  Congress,  just  as  we  sanctioned  the  election 
held  by  a  few  people  at  a  little  watering  place  at  Fortress  Monroe,  by 
which  we  have  here  the  very  respectable  and  estimable  member  from 
that  locality." 

But  the  culminating  point  of  Executive  despotic  innovation  on 
Constitutionalism  was  reached,  when  President  Lincoln  issued  his 
proclamation  declaring  the  emancipation  of  the  negro  slaves  in 
the  rebellious  States.  If  the  ruler  of  a  people  was  ever  guilty 
of  the  violation  of  faith,  solemnly  plighted  in  his  own  and  the 
declarations  of  his  party,  it  was  in  this  instance.  From  the 
origin  of  the  Republican  party  in  1855,  the  only  object  to  be 
obtained  by  this  organization,  as  gathered  from  the  declarations 
of  its  leaders,  the  utterances  of  its  presses,  and  its  so-called 
national  platforms,  was  to  prevent  the  further  extension  of  slavery 
into  free  territory.  During  the  campaign  of  Fremont  in  1856, 
and  again  of  Lincoln  in  1860,  the  Republican  leaders  solemnly 
repudiated  all  designs  of  interfering  with  slavery  in  the  Southern 
States.  They  were  unanimous  in  their  solemn  declarations,  that 
they  neither  possessed  the  power  nor  the  inclination  to  meddle 
with  the  institution  where  it  existed.  The  Constitution  was 


284  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

pointed  to  as  an  obstacle  to  any  apprehended  designs  they  might 
be  supposed  to  entertain,  as  to  the  eradication  erf  slavery  in  the 
States  where  it  already  had  a  legal  existence. 

But  revolutionary  partisans  do  not  stop  for  obstacles.  They 
can  readily  find  excuses  (as  in  the  instance  of  the  wolf  and  the 
lamb)  to  abandon  their  assurances,  and  seize  the  objects  which 
form  the  centre  of  their  designs.  It  was  so  in  the  case  of  the 
Republican  party.  From  the  composition  of  their  party,  and 
the  enthusiasm  which  it  arrouscd  in  the  breasts  of  the  undis- 
sembling  Abolitionists,  it  was  apparent  that  the  ultimate  aim  of 
the  party  was  universal  emanicipation,  much  as  the  leaders  strove 
to  conceal  this.  In  this,  Southern  and  Northern  conservative 
statesmen  were  not  deceived,  as  they  repeatedly  predicted.  But 
the  achievement  of  this  object  must  depend  upon  circumstances. 
That  it  would  surely  be  the  result  of  Republican  success  in  the 
nation  could  easily  be  affirmed,  when  the  principles  were  con 
sidered.  It  was  a  necessary  sequence.  The  poison  lay  in  that 
dogma  of  their  creed,  that  would  give  to  the  majority  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  a  right  to  determine  questions  in 
which  those  of  the  several  States  had  constitutional  interests.  It 
was,  in  a  word,  to  allow  democracy  to  override  constitutionalism. 
This  itself,  an  efflux  of  centralization,  the  product  of  imperialistic 
rule,  was  subversive  of  all  constitutional  guarantee,  and  -calcu 
lated  to  awaken  serious  alarm  in  the  minds  of  thinking  men  both 
North  and  South.  It  was  sure  to  overwhelm  the  ancient  State- 
right  landmarks,  as  soon  as  a  party  of  these  principles  gained 
control  of  the  General  Government.  , 

The  emancipation  decree  of  Abraham  Lincoln  was  simply  the 
legitimate  fruit  of  Republican  teaching,  and  an  aim  of  the  party 
that  was  striving  for  the  social  and  political  equality  of  the  negro 
race.  Though  its  promulgation  had  been  from  the  first  fully 
resolved  upon,  yet  in  the  estimation  of  the  President  and  his 
confidential  advisers,  its  further  postponement  might  have  been 
judicious.  Public  opinion,  as  the  President  feared,  was  scarcely 
prepared  for  the  measure.  But  the  pressure  of  the  ardent  eman 
cipationists,  amongst  whom  Mr.  Stevens  ranked  conspicuous, 
compelled  the  Executive,  as  it  were,  to  issue  a  proclamation 
which  but  a  few  days  before  he  had  declared  could  prove  of  no 
utility  to  the  Abolition  cause.  The  Massachusetts  Republican 
State  Convention,  however,  had  assembled  some  days  prior  to  its 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  285 

issue ;  and  this  body  had  declined  to  give  the  President  the  usual 
resolution  of  confidence,  which  every  Chief  Magistrate  expects  of 
his  party.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  deeply  wounded  by  this  indignity  in 
the  very  citadel  of  Republicanism ;  and  he  must  hasten  to  do 
penance  for  his  transgression.  He  understood  what  the  slight 
of  his  party  betokened.  A  secret  meeting  of  New  England 
Governors  had  also  been  held  which  indicated  no  confidence  in 
the  Administration.  The  Republican  State  Convention  of  the 
Empire  State  was  soon  to  assemble  at  Syracuse ;  and  it  behooved 
the  President  to  endeavor  to  obviate  a  new  animadversion  upon 
his  conduct,  such  as  he  had  experienced  in  the  Bay  State. 

Besides,  the  novelty  of  enlisting  for  the  three  months'  war  had 
subsided.  The  soldiers  and  the  people  had  been  deceived  by  the 
Republican  orators  and  journals ;  and  additional  recruits  were 
needed  to  fill  up  the  depleted  ranks  of  the  Northern  armies,  held 
at  bay  by  the  Confederates.  Additional  deception  was  again 
required.  Indeed,  it  was  the  constant  pabulum  of  the  soldiers, 
and  the  easily  deluded  people,  during  the  struggle.  The  rebel 
lion  was  always  just  upon  the  brink  of  yielding.  Governor 
Andrews,  of  Massachusetts,  and  other  radical  statesmen,  now 
predicted  that  so  great  enthusiasm  would  follow  the  promulgation 
of  emancipation,  that  the  roads  would  be  crowded  with  soldiers 
who  would  flock  to  the  national  escutcheon  to  defend  the  cause 
of  universal  humanity. 

Indeed,  the  deception  practised  by  men  in  power  during  this 
time  was  of  the  very  grossest  character,  and  if  for  no  other 
reason,  the  names  of  those  who  practised  such  fraud  and  imposi 
tion,  should  be  written  upon  tablets  of  contempt,  and  handed 
down  for  execration  to  the  remotest  posterity.  A  worthy  cause 
needs  not  such  means  for  its  execution.  But  the  means  em 
ployed  have  sown  the  seeds  of  such  social  and  national  demorali 
zation,  that  Republican  Government  is  no  longer  able  to  perpet 
uate  liberty,  honor  and  integrity,  and  but  time  is  required  to 
evolve  a  new  order  of  things. 


A  REVIEW  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  XVIL 

LEGISLATIVE  UNCONSTITUTIONALISM, 

When  the  elements  and  fundamental  principles  of  the  Repub 
lican  party  is  considered,  it  will  not  seem  strange  that  the  Con 
stitution,  after  the  inauguration  of  war  against  the  South  was 
found  to  interpose  but  a  slight  check  upon  the  lawless  invasion 
of  civil  rights.  The  enthusiastic,  self-styled  reformers,  whose 
opinions  of  right  can  tolerate  no  contradiction ;  the  Maine  liquor 
advocates  whose  efforts  to  remodel  society  had  for  years  been  dis 
tracting  social  order ;  and  the  narrow  ecclesiastical  sectaries,  who 
can  only  see  moral  evil  in  distorted  visions  ;  all  these  and  others 
of  like  character  had  become  consolidated  into  one  a^orefmted 

Oo        cD 

mass  of  turbulent  agitators.  This  agitating  army  of  fanatical 
sealots,  found  its  home  in  that  political  organization  termed  the 
Republican.  Abraham  Lincoln  and  the  majority  of  the  Thirty- 
seventh  Congress,  were  the  choice  of  that  party  of  the  American 
people  largely  composed  of  the  enthusiastic  classes,  whose  zeal 
ever  surpasses  their  wisdom. 

That  the  Republican  President  and  the  Members  of  Congress 
chosen  on  the  same  ticket  with  him,  should  be  persons  of  the 
same  characteristics  as  the  partisans  to  whom  they  owed  their 
election,  was  to  be  expected.  The  discussion  of  the  slavery 
question  had  largely  eliminated  the  zealous  classes  from  the 
Democratic  party,  and  attached  them  to  the  new  organization 
that  was  combatting  the  institution  of  Southern  slavery.  These 
all  were  fired  by  the  same  zeal  for  the  emancipation  and  eleva 
tion  of  the  negro  race,  as  had  been  Innocent  III.  and  his  coadju 
tors  in  the  establishment  of  the  Roman  inquisition.  The  spirit 
of  persecuting  ecclesiasticism  was  again  to  be  witnessed  upon  a 
new  arena  ;  and  the  maddened  zeal  that  flamed  forth  as  in  fiery 
volumes  from  the  North,  was  the  result  of  the  sincere  desire 
upon  the  part  of  the  ardent  classes  for  the  extirpation  of  the 
Southern  institution.  It  was,  however,  in  itself  that  same  prin- 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  287 

ciple  that  ever  destroys  civil  organism  and  leaves  but  a  wreck  of 
ruins  in  its  path;  and  which,  perhaps,  prepares  the  minds  of 
the  reflecting  classes  for  the  disagreeable  reception  of  imperial 
istic,  when  constitutional  Republican  Government  has  failed. 
The  reformer  and  the  statesman  are  designed  to  occupy  very 
variant  spheres  in  the  world's  life,  and  never  can  with  safety  be 
exchanged.  The  philosophic  ruler  holds  the  scepter  even,  between 
all  conflicting  opinions,  and  permits  none  to  overstep  the  bounds 
of  constitutional  order ;  but  the  zealot  becomes  the  medieval 
iconoclast,  or  the  persecuting  prelate  who  causes  rivers  of  blood 
to  flow,  that  the  souls  of  men  be  not  endangered. 

The  war  from  its  inception  was  waged  with  a  spirit  of  malice 
and  vindictive  hatred,  such  as  had  been  witnessed  in  modern 
warfare  but  once  (during  the  French  revolution)  since  the  period 
of  the  religious  wars  of  Europe,  during  the  16th  and  17th  cen 
turies.  The  ancient  animus  was  revived,  the  dial  of  time  was 
turned  back  for  centuries,  and  all  the  guarantees  of  constitution 
alism  which  philosophic  ages  had  secured,  were  madly  and 
fanatically  overturned  in  the  wild  and  delusive  hope  of  elevating 
to  equality  with  the  Caucasian,  a  race  totally  incapable  of  even 
sustaining  the  fruits  of  civilization.  Negro  liberation  and  eleva 
tion  being  the  sole  objects  to  be  achieved  by  the  fiery  enthusiasts 
who  gave  life  and  soul  to  the  Republican  party,  it  would  have 
been  contrary  to  all  experience  had  not  vindictiveness  ruled  the 
hour.  "Were  it  to  be  expected  that  zealots,  who  esteemed  the 
emancipation  of  four  millions  of  negro  slaves,  the  great  blessing 
of  the  19th  century,  would  at  all  be  lenient  and  tolerant  in  meas 
ures  for  the  achievement  of  the  result  ?  Since  the  commencement 
of  the  civil  war,  the  union  of  the  States  instead  of  being 
any  longer  a  league  with  death  and  a  covenant  with  hell,  had 
become  at  length  the  great  centre  of  their  fondest  hopes.  Men 
of  enthusiastic  aspirations,  had  ascended  the  seats  of  power,  bent 
upon  wresting  the  ancient  fabric  of  the  Republic  from  its  foun 
dations;  and  fully  determined  upon  breaking  down  all  those 
parts  of  the  Constitution  that  interposed  obstacles  to  their  de 
signs.  The  legislation  at  the  extra  session  of  Congress  in  1861, 
was  chiefly  confined  to  the  granting  of  men  and  money  to  the 
Administration  for  the  prosecution  of  the  war  of  invasion  against 
the  South.  But  as  "  out  of  the  abundance  of  the  heart  the  mouth 
speaketk;"  so  from  the  utterances  and  conduct  of  Thaddeus  Ste- 


288  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

vcns,  Sumner  and  other  leading  members  of  Congress,  it  was 
already  clearly  apparent  to  an  observer,  that  the  Federal  Consti 
tution,  would  be  found  to  interpose  slight  resistance  to  the 
designs  of  these  most  extreme  partisans  and  radical  revolutionists, 
who  now  found  themselves  in  position  to  so  shape  the  laws  of  the 
nation,  that  their  emancipating  designs  might  be  fully  ultimated. 
The  Constitution  having  conferred  no  authority  upon  the  Presi 
dent  or  Congress  to  make  war  against  the  seceding  States,  was  it 
to  be  anticipated  that  no  further  invasions  of  that  instrument 
would  take  place  ? 

The  resolutions  submitted  by -Members  of  Congress,  and  the 
majorities  that  endorsed  these,  exculpating  the  blockade  of  the 
Southern  coast,  the  illegal  arrests  of  innocent  citizens  and  other 
unconstitutional  acts  of  President  Lincoln,  clearly  demonstrated 
that  ulterior  objects  to  the  preservation  of  the  Union  and  the 
Federal  Constitution,  were  entertained  by  the  leading  men  of 
both  branches  of  Congress. 

An  initiative  measure  was  enacted  near  the  close  of  the  session, 
which  declared  the  confiscation  of  all  the  slaves  employed  with 
the  consent  of  their  masters  to  further  the  cause  of  the  rebellion. 
The  object  of  the  war  to  a  discerning  eye  was  clearly  portended 
in  this  enactment,  but  the  people  of  the  Border  States  and  the 
Democrats  of  the  North  were  assured  that  this  was  simply  a 
military  measure  that  the  laws  of  war  demanded.  It  was  one, 
however,  that  Napoleon  had  disdained  to  make  use  of  in  his 
wars  with  Russia,  although  repeatedly  solicited  to  employ  it. 
But  the  European  Emperor  w^as  lighting  for  conquest,  the  Ameri 
can  Congress,  though  professing  the  same,  for  emancipation. 

When  the  37th  Congress  assembled  in  December,  1861,  an 
advanced  attitude  on  the  slavery  question,  as  we  have  seen  in  a 
former  chapter,  was  presented ;  and  fully  matured  plans  seemed 
to  have  been  agreed  upon,  by  Sumner,  Wilson,  Stevens,  Lovejoy 
and  other  leading  radicals.  There  was  nevertheless  a  number  of 
conservative  Republicans  in  Congress  who  strove  to  defend  the 
Constitution  to  the  best  of  their  ability ;  but  whom  a  deluded 
public  opinion,  either  kept  for  the  most  part  in  radical  traces,  or 
democratic  quarters  ultimately  gave  them  refuge.  The  Con 
gressmen  of  this  character  were  either  reflective  thinkers  or  sound 
constitutional  statesmen,  whose  districts  and  States  had  become 
abolitionized ;  and  they  as  politicians,  must  either  yield  to  the 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  289 

current  or  retire  from  public  life.     Those  chose  the  latter  alter 
native  with  whom  conscience  ruled  supreme. 

On  the  llth  of  December,  1861,  Senator  Trumbull,  a  Repub 
lican,  offered  the  following  resolution  : 

"  Resolved,  That  the  Secretary  of  State  be  directed  to  inform  the  Sen 
ate,  whether  in  the  loyal  States  of  the  Union  any  person  or  persons  have 
been  arrested  or  imprisoned,  and  are  now  held  in  confinement  by  orders 
from  him  or  his  Department ;  and  if  so,  under  what  law  said  arrests 
have  been  made  and  said  persons  imprisoned." 

In  support  of  his  resolution,  and  speaking  of  illegal  arrests, 
the  Illinois  Senator  said  : 

"  The  unconstitutionally  of  such  action  as  this  seems  to  be  admitted 
by  the  Senator  who  comes  to  the  defense  of  this  despotic  power.  Why, 
sir,  the  power — without  charge,  without  examination,  without  oppor 
tunity  to  reply,  at  the  click  of  the  telegraph — to  arrest  a  man  in  a  peace 
able  portion  of  the  country,  and  imprison  him  indefinitely,  is  the  very 
essence  of  despotism.  "What,  sir,  becomes  of  constitutional  liberty,  what 
are  we  fighting  for  if  this  broad  ground  is  to  be  assumed  and  to  be  jus 
tified  in  this  body,  and  any  man  is  to  be  thanked  for  assuming  an  uncon 
stitutional  and  unwarranted  authority?  What  are  we  coming  to,  if 
arrests  may  be  made  at  the  whim  or  the  caprice  of  a  Cabinet  Minister  ? 
Do  you  suppose  he  is  invested  with  infalibility,  so  as  always  to  decide 
aright?  Are  you  willing  to  trust  the  liberties  of  the  citizens  of  this 
country  in  the  hands  of  any  man  to  be  exercised  in  that  way  ?  May  not 
his  order  send  the  Senator  from  Connecticut  or  myself  to  prison  ?  Why 
not  ?" 

Most  of  the  Republicans  in  the  Senate  opposed  the  above  reso 
lution  of  Senator  Trumbull,  many  of  them  warmly  justifying 
the  President  for  all  the  arrests  he  had  caused  to  be  made  ;  and 
as  only  Democrats,  whom  they  chose  to  entitle  traitors,  had 
been  made  to  suffer,  they  had  no  fault  to  find  with  the 
Executive  Department  of  the  Government.  Senator  Fessenden, 
of  Maine,  expressed  the  sentiments  of  the  majority  in  the  follow 
ing  language : 

"Indeed,  I  know,  that  under  the  directions  from  the  Secretary  of 
State,  certain  individuals  in  the  loyal  States  have  been  arrested  and  im 
prisoned.  That  is  notorious  ;  the  whole  country  is  aware  of  it.  I  will 
eay  here,  that  I  do  not  believe  there  is  the  slightest  warrant  of  law  for 
any  such  proceedings,  and  I  do  not  suppose  that  you  will  find  a  lawyer 
who  does  think  there  is  any  warrant  of  law  for  such  proceedings,  and  yet 
I  do  not  shrink  from  it.  I  justify  the  act,  although  it  was  against  law. 
I  justify  it  from  the  necessity  of  the  case." 

The  resolution  of  Senator  Trumbull  was  consigned  by  a  vote 
of  the  Senate  to  its  lethean  tomb,  the  Committee  on  the 
Judiciary. 


290  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

Besides  the  unconstitutional  measures  passed  at  this  session  of 
Congress,  and  clearly  intended  to  advance  the  cause  of  emanci 
pation,  some  of  which  have  been  detailed  in  a  former  chapter, 
others  of  the  same  character,  both  of  a  direct  and  indirect  nature, 
and  yet  designed  to  effect  similar  aims  were  likewise  enacted.  A 
monetary  crisis  supervened  with  the  close  of  the  year  1861,  in 
the  general  bank  suspension,  and  the  wheels  of  coercive  govern 
ment  were  likely  to  stop,  unless  the  herculean  might  of  despotic 
power  could  be  invoked,  also  to  relieve  the  financial  condition. 
This  crisis  was  enhanced,  because  of  the  constant  delusion  that 
had  been  practised  upon  the  public  mind,  that  the  war  would 
be  of  but  from  sixty  to  ninety  days  duration.  Indeed,  the  men 
at  the  helm  of  government,  dared  not  to  disclose  to  public  view 
the  delusion*  that  had  been  perpetrated,  although  themselves 
well  aware  of  it,  through  fear  of  the  general  alarm  it  would 
occasion.  In  that  event,  they  feared  that  a  peace  party  at  the 
North  would  be  likely  to  grasp  the  reins  of  power,  and  thus  the 
aims  of  the  revolutionists  would  be  baffled.  The  public  for  a 
time  had  freely  loaned  of  their  money  to  support  the  Govern 
ment,  but  Congress  being  as  yet  fearful  to  enact  laws  to  tax  the 
people,  the  sinews  of  war  were  at  length  exhausted. 

But  doubtless  it  had  been  from  the  first  apparent  to  Salmon 
P.  Chase,  the  Head  of  the  Treasury  Department,  that  the  solution 
of  the  problem  committed  to  his  charge  would  necessitate  a 
complete  revolution  in  the  financial  affairs  of  the  country,  in 
order  to  enable  the  government  to  prosecute  the  war  with  sue- 
cess,  against  the  seceded  States ;  and  for  that  length  of  time, 
which  his  discerning  mind  must  have  assured  him,  that  it  would 

*Those  who  had  the  sagacity  to  perceive  the  delusion  and  the  courage 
to  expose  it,  were  denounced  by  the  intensely  loyal  hypocrites,  as  traitors 
and  deserving  of  the  severest  punishment.  It  was  incumbent  upon  one 
who  desired  to  be  esteemed  a  friend  of  the  Union,  that  he  be  willing  at 
all  times  to  deceive  his  countrymen.  As  an  illustration  of  the  deception 
practised  by  the  leading  men,  the  following  extract  from  a  speech  of 
Representative  Merrill,  of  Vermont,  of  February  4,  1862,  is  cited  :  "We 
are  urged  by  the  gentleman  from  New  York  to  pass  this  bill  as  a  war 
measure,  a  measure  of  necessity ;  and  to  enforce  this  idea  he  gives  you 
the  figures  of  our  probable  requirements,  if  the  war  should  be  prolonged 
until  July  1st,  1863.  Sir,  I  have  no  expectation  of  being  required  to  sup 
port  a  war  for  that  length  of  time.  The  ice  that  now  chokes  up  the 
Mississippi  is  not  more  sure  to  melt  and  disappear  with  the  approaching 
vernal  season,  than  are  the  rebellious  armies  upon  its  banks,  when  our 
Western  army  shall  break  from  its  moorings,  and  rushing  with  the  cur 
rent  to  the  Gulf,  baptise  as  it  goes  in  blood  the  people  to  a  fresher  alle 
giance."— Congressional  Globe,  2d  Session  of  Thirty-seventh  Congress, 
Part  1,  p.  630. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA,  291 

be  necessary  to  do  so,  to  effect  their  subjugation.  This  was  in 
deed  a  necessity,  when  our  form  of  Government  be  taken  into 
consideration.  The  principles  upon  which  the  States  had  united 
to  form  a  union,  based  upon  consent,  had,  as  we  have  seen,  been 
violated  by  the  declaration  of  war  to  coerce  those  that  had  seceded. 
That  in  itself  was  the  assumption  of  imperial  power  by  the 
General  Government,  which  had  never  been  delegated  to  it. 
The  war  was  at  first  pretended  to  be  prosecuted  upon  republican 
principles,  and  by  means  of  voluntary  loans*  For  the  first  three 
months  money  was  freely  furnished  to  the  Government,  because 
the  people  expected  its  speedy  termination ;  and  for  the  next  six 
months  loans  were  with  still  increasing  difficulty  secured  upon 
republican  principles.  The  effort  on  the  part  of  the  Government 
to  conduct  a  war,  anti-republican  in  its  character,  by  means  of 
republican  principles,  was  absurd,  self -contradictory,  and  simply 
designed  for  the  delusion  of  the  Northern  people.  This,  Secre 
tary  Chase  and  all  the  leading  officials  of  his  party,  from  the 
first  must  have  clearly  perceived,  otherwise  they  were  utterly 
incompetent  for  the  positions  they  were  chosen  to  fill. 

But  theirs  was  the  party  of  revolution,  and  it  behooved  them  to 
proceed  with  cautious  steps,  so  as  not  to  alarm  the  people,  until 
the  sections  had  become  so  far  entangled  in  the  conflict,  and  the 
Northern  people  so  embittered  in  the  carnage  that  the  peace 
party  would  be  impotent.  The  same  sagacious  shrewdness,  there 
fore,  was  required  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  and  the 
revolutionary  element  in  Congress  to  get  the  financial  affairs  so 
shaped  as  that  the  administration  could  control  the  national  purse, 
as  it  was  also  designing  to  do  with  the  sword. 

The  monetary  crisis  that  took  place  at  the  close  of  the  year 
1861,  was  but  the  natural  sequence,  therefore,  of  the  incongru 
ous  effort  to  wage  a  monarchical  war  upon  republican  principles. 
It  was.  in  short,  only  circumstances  necessitating  the  revolutionary 
monarchists  to  show  their  real  designs ;  and  with  the  greatest 
dexterity  and  adroitness  was  this  essayed  before  the  country. 
Secretary  Chase,  in  his  report  of  July  5th,  1861,  and  also  in  that 
of  December  9th  of  the  same  year,  suggested  his  plans  by  which 
he  deemed  it  feasible  that  the  national  purse  might  be  grasped  in 
order  to  further  the  work  of  abolitionism.  The  great  work  to 
be  achieved  by  his  party  for  this  purpose,  was  to  obtain  the  over 
throw  of  the  principle  of  State  Sovereignty,  so  far  as  the  same 


293  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

in  any  wise  conflicted  with  the  central  authority  now  fully  re 
solved  upon  negro  emancipation.  For  this  purpose  the  currency 
of  the  country  must  undergo  a  radical  change  from  what  it  had 
heretofore  ever  experienced.  Mainly,  therefore,  in  accordance 
with  the  suggestions  of  the  Secretary  in  his  reports,  a  bill  was 
matured  by  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  of  which  Mr. 
Stevens  was  Chairman,  and  submitted  to  the  House  on  the  30th 
of  December,  1861.  This  bill  proposed  the  issue  of  one  hun 
dred  millions  of  Treasury  notes,  which  with  the  fifty  millions 
of  demand  notes  already  in  circulation,  should  be  a  legal  tender 
for  all  claims  due  the  Government,  and  also,  for  all  debts  public 
and  private  within  the  United  States,  whether  the  same  were 
already  due,  or  to  be  collected  in  the  future. 

This  was  indeed  a  revolutionary  movement  of  revolutionary 
men ;  but  many  of  the  conscientious  adherents  of  the  Republi 
can  party  refused  to  give  it  their  sanction,  because  of  its  utter 
violation  of  all  justice  and  equity  and  of  the  whole  spirit  of  the 
Federal  Constitution.  A  cardinal  principle  of  that  fundamental 
charter  wrhich  the  legal  tender  clause  of  this  measure  proposed  to 
repudiate,  was  that  which  declared  that  no  State  shall  pass  any 
law  impairing  the  obligation  of  contracts  ;  and  it  was  one,  the 
denial  of  which  up  to  this  period  no  American  statesman  had 
been  bold  enough  as  to  conceive.  But  because  this  prohibition 
had  not  been  applied  in  express  terms  to  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  the  Republican  majority  in  Congress,  had  the 
audacity  to  introduce  and  sustain  a  measure  plainly  void  and  un 
constitutional.  Secretary  Chase,  in  his  letter  of  January  29th 
to  Mr.  Stevens,  also  gave  his  approbation  to  the  legal  tender 
feature  of  the  Treasury  Note  Bill,*  but  at  the  same  time  ex- 

*After\vards,  when  success  had  crowned  the  Abolitionists,  and  Salmon 
P.  Chase  had  been  elevated  to  the  most  honored  seat  upon  the  Supreme 
Bench  of  the  United  States  Court,  he  could  speak  in  language  that  in 
1862  would  have  been  denounced  by  the  loyal  as  treason.  Speaking  of 
the  prohibition  imposed  by  the  Constitution  upon  the  States  to  "  pass  any 
law  impairing  the  obligation  of  contracts,"  Chief  Justice  Chase  said  : 
"  It  is  true  this  prohibition  is  not  applied  in  terms  to  the  Government  of 
the  United  States.  Congress  has  express  power  to  enact  bankrupt  laws, 
and  we  do  not  say  that  a  law  made  in  the  execution  of  any  other  express 
power,  which  inc  dentally  only  impairs  the  obligation  of  a  contract,  can 
"  be  held  to  be  unconstitutional  for  that  reason. 

''But  wo  do  think  it  clear  that  those  who  framed  and  thosa  who 
adopted  the  Constitution,  intended  that  the  spirit  of  this  prohibition 
should  pervade  the  entire  body  of  legislation,  and  that  the  justice  which 
the  Constitution  was  ordained  to  establish,  was  thought  by  them  to  be 
incompatible  with  legislation  of  an  opposite  tendency.  In  other  words, 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  203 

pressed  his  loathing  for  such  legislation.     On  this  point  he-  said : 

"  It  is  not  unknown  to  them  (the  Committee)  that  I  have  felt,  nor  do  I 
wish  to  conceal,  that  I  now  feel  a  great  aversion  to  making  anything  but 
coin  a  legal  tender  in  payment  of  debts." 

Much,  however,  as  conscience  interposed,  so  great  was  his  zeal 
in  the  cause  of  negro  emancipation  that  he  did  not  have  the  moral 
courage  to  utter  his  protest  against  a  measure  for  which  he  well 
knew  there  was  no  warrant  in  the  Federal  Constitution.  The 
necessity  for  such  legislation  was  even  insisted  upon  by  him,  as 
a  means  of  prosecuting  the  war  with  success  against  the  South. 

The  Democrats  in  both  Houses  of  Congress,  and  some  of  the 
ablest  Republicans  opposed  the  passage  of  the  Legal  Tender  Bill, 
with  a  stubborn  resistance  that  110  radical  measure  since  the  inau 
guration  of  Abraham  Lincoln  had  encountered.  It  was  shown 
to  be  entirely  revolutionary  in  its  character,  and  in  conflict  with 
the  universal  legal  thought  of  the  country,  from  the  foundation 
of  the  Government.  The  opinion  of  no  jurist,  publicist  or 
statesman  was  able  to  be  cited  by  the  advocates  of  the  measure 
favorable  to  their  position  ;  but  the  declarations  and  writings  of 
the  most  eminent  men  were  adduced,  combatting  the  views  of 
the  revolutionists.  Daniel  Webster,  the  great  expounder  of  the 
Constitution,  in  his  speech  upon  the  renewal  of  the  charter  of 
the  United  States  Bank  in  1832,  spoke  as  follows : 

"Congress  can  alone  coin  money.  Congress  can  alone  fix  the  v.ilue  of 
foreign  coin.  No  State  ca*i  coin  money.  No  State,  not  even  Congress 
can  make  anything  a  tender  but  gold  and  silver  in  payment  for  debts."  * 

Webster  again  expressed  the  general  thought  of  the  country 
on  this  question,  in  his  speech  in  the  Senate  on  the  Specie  Cir 
cular  in  1836,  in  which  he  held  the  following  language  : 

"Most  unquestionably  there  is  no  legal  tender,  and  there  can  be  no 
legal  tender  in  this  country  under  the  authority  of  this  Government,  or 
any  other,  but  gold  and  silver — either  the  coinage  of  our  own  mints,  or 
foreign  coin  at  rates  regulated  by  Congress.  This  is  a  Constitutional 
principle,  perfectly  plain,  and  of  the  highest  importance.  The  States 

we  cannot  doubt  that  a  law  not  made  in  pursuance  of  an  express  power, 
which  necessarily  and  in  its  direct  operation  impairs  the  obligation,  is 
inconsistent  with  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution." — Hepburn  vs.  Griswold, 
in  American  Law  Register,  1870,  pp.  187-8. 

The  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  in  the  above  case  of  Hepburn 
vs.  Griswold,  decided  that  the  clause  in  the  acts  of  1803  and  1863,  making 
United  States  notes  a  legal  tender  in  the  payment  of  all  debts,  public 
and  private,  is,  so  far  as  it  applies  to  debts  contracted  before  the  passage 
of  these  acts,  unwarranted  by  the  Constitution, 

*Webster's  Speeches.     Vol.  2,  p.  81. 


29i  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

are  prohibited  from  making  anything  but  gold  and  silver  a  payment  of 
debts  ;  and  although,  no  such  prohibition  is  applied  to  Congress,  yet  as 
Congress  has  no  power  granted  to  it  in  this  respect  but  to  coin  money 
and  regulate  the  value  of  foreign  coin,  it  clearly  has  no  power  to  substi 
tute  paper  or  anything  else  for  coin  as  a  tender  in  payment  for  debts,  and 
in  discharge  of  contracts." "~" 

An  array  of  intellectual  men  in  Congress,  of  both  parties,  as 
before  stated,  placed  themselves  in  opposition  to  the  passage  of 
the  Legal  Tender  Bill,  and  strongly  argued  that  the  measure  was 
•unconstitutional ;  and  one  that  would  launch  the  country  on  a 
sea  of  irredeemable  paper  currency,  amidst  whose  billows  the 
ship  of  free  government  might  ultimately  submerge.  Roscoe 
Conkling,  a  Republican  Representative  from  New  York,  spoke 
as  follows  on  the  constitutionality  of  the  question  : 

"  The  proposition  is  a  new  one.  No  precedent  can  be  urged  in  its  favor ; 
no  suggestion  of  the  existence  of  such  a  power  can  be  found  in  the  legis 
lative  history  of  the  country  ;  and  I  submit  to  my  colleague,  as  a  lawyer, 
the  proposition  that  this  amounts  to  affirmative  authority  of  the  highest 
kind  against  it.  Had  such  a  power  lurked  in  the  Constitution,  as  con 
strued  by  those  who  ordained  and  administered  it,  we  should  find  it  so 
recorded.  The  occasion  for  resorting  to  it,  or  at  least  referring  to  it,  has, 
we  know,  repeatedly  arisen  ;  and,  had  such  a  power  existed,  it  would 
have  been  recognized  and  acted  on.  It  is  hardly  too  much  to  say,  there 
fore,  that  the  uniform  and  universal  judgment  of  statesmen,  jurists,  and 
lawyers,  has  denied  the  constitutional  right  of  Congress  to  make  paper  a 
legal  tender  for  debts  to  any  extent  whatever.  But  more  is  claimed  here 
than  the  right  to  create  a  legal  tender,  heretofore  unknown.  The  pro 
vision  is  not  confined  to  transactions  in  futuro,  but  is  retroactive  in  its 
scope.  It  reaches  back  and  strikes  at  every  existing  obligation,  "f 

The  same  gentleman  depicted  the  moral  effect  of  such  legisla 
tion,  in  the  following  words  : 

"But,  sir,  passing  as  I  see  I  must  from  the  constitutional  objec 
tions  to  the  bill,  it  seems  to  me  its  moral  imperfections  are  equally 
serious.  It  will,  of  course,  proclaim  throughout  the  country  a  saturnalia 
of  fraud,  a  carnival  of  rogues.  Every  agent,  attorney,  treasurer,  trus 
tee,  guardian,  executor,  administrator,  consignee,  commission-merchant, 
and  every  debtor  of  a  fiduciary  character,  who  has  received  for  others 
hard  money,  worth  a  hundred  cents  on  the  dollar  will  forever  release 
himself  from  liability  by  buying  up,  for  that  knavish  purpose,  at  its 
depreciated  value,  the  spurious  currency  which  we  will  have  put  afloat. 
Everybody  will  do  it,  except  those  who  are  more  honest  than  the  Ameri 
can  Congress  advises  them  to  be."| 

George  H.  Pendleton,  a  distinguished  Democratic  Represen- 

*  Webster's  Works.    Vol.  4,  p.  271. 

^Congressional  Globe,  37th  Congress,  part  1,  pp.  634-5. 

^Congressional  Globe,  Second  Session,  37th  Congress,  Part  1,  pp.  634-5. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  295 

tative  from  Ohio,  argued  the  unconstitutionality  of  the  measure, 
and  the  intrinsic  inequity  of  a  law  that  would  attempt  to  unset 
tle  all  iixed  values  and  unjustly  confiscate,  as  it  were,  the  credits 
of  every  man  in  the  community.  He  predicted  the  calamitous 
consequences  of  such  legislation  as  follows : 

"  You  send  these  notes  out  into  the  world,  stamped  with  irredeemability. 
You  put  on  them  the  mark  of  Cain  ;  they  will  go  forth  to  be  fugitives 
and  vagabonds  on  the  earth.  "What  then  will  be  the  consequence  ?  It 
requires  no  prophet  to  tell  what  will  be  their  history.  The  currency  will 
be  expanded ;  prices  will  be  inflated  ;  fixed  values  will  depreciate  ;  in 
comes  will  be  diminished  ;  the  savings  of  the  poor  will  vanish  ;  the 
hoardings  of  the  widow  will  melt  away  ;  bonds,  mortgages,  notes,  every 
thing  of  fixed  value  will  loose  their  value  ;  everything  changeable  will 
be  appreciated  ;  the  necessaries  of  life  will  rise  in  value  ;  the  Govern 
ment  will  pay  two-fold — certainly  largely  more  than  it  ought — for  every 
thing  that  it  goes  into  the  market  to  buy  ;  gold  and  silver  will  be  driven 
out  of  the  country."* 

The  radical  republicans  supported  the  Legal  Tender  measure 
of  their  party,  believing  it  to  be  a  matter  of  necessity  to  enact  the 
same,  to  accomplish  the  subjugation  of  the  Southern  people. 
Belonging  to  that  school  of  interpretation  which  professed  to  be 
able  to  -find  in  the  Constitution,  any  power  that  they  deemed 
necessary  for  the  national  weal,  it  was  not  difficult  for  the  leaders 
ta  find  support  in  that  instrument  for  any  species  of  legislation 
which  they  desired.  They,  however,  favored  the  measure  be 
cause  it  was  germinated  in  monarchical  principles,  and  because 
such  were  needed  upon  the  financial  arena,  and  such  as  already 
had  been  and  were  to  be  introduced  into  the  other  avenues  of 
the  Government. 

The  measure  was  of  a  monarchical  character,  as  it  relied  upon 
force  for  the  circulation  of  the  notes  to  be  issued,  looked  to  the 
direct  and  despotic  coercion  of  arms,  over-rode  both  the  letter  and 
spirit  of  the  Constitution,  shocked  every  principle,  not  only  of 
justice  between  the  Government  and  the  citizens,  but  also  be 
tween  the  citizens  themselves,  and  of  all  sound  political  philoso 
phy.  That  the  Legal  Tender  Bill  was  simply  a  part  of  the 
financial  scheme  of  Secretary  Chase  and  the  influential  men  of 
his  party,  to  subsidize  to  their  control  the  monied  interests  of  the 
country,  C.  L.  Yallandigham,  of  Ohio,  had  the  clearness  of  vision 
to  perceive.  In  his  speech  of  February  3d,  1862,  this  patriotic 
and  sagacious  statesman  uttered  the  following  words : 

* Congressional  Globe,  Second  Session,  37th  Congress,  Part  1,  p.  551. 


£;0  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

"The  notes  are  meant  to  circulate  generally  and  permanently  as  cur 
rency,  at  least  till  the  Secretary's  grand  fiscal  machine,  his  magnficent 
national  paper  mill,  founded  upon  the  very  stocks  provided  for  by  this 
bill,  can  be  put  in  operation,  when  this  sort  of  bills  of  credit  are 
to  become  the  sole  currency  of  the  country,  and  to  drive  all  gold  and 
silver  and  ordinary  bank  paper  out  of  circulation." 

The  main  argument  urged  in  behalf  of  the  bill  was  its  neces 
sity,  and  that  no  express  words  in  the  Constitution  forbade  such 
an  enactment. 

The  friends  of  the  measure  denied  that  more  than  one  hun 
dred  and  fifty  millions  of  legal  tender  bills  would  need  to  be 
issued  by  Congress ;  and  in  these  denials  we  have  another  ex 
ample  of  the  deceptions  method  pursued  by  the  Republican 
leaders  to  conceal  the  magnitude  of  the  rebellion  ;  and  it  was  one 
whose  Janus-faced  visage  was  ever  presenting  itself  during  the 
whole  progress  of  the  war.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  who  was  a  warm 
friend  of  the  Treasury  Note  Bill,  in  reply  to  a  question  pro 
pounded  to  him  on  the  6th  of  February,  1862,  said : 

"  But  mv  distinguished  colleague  from  Vermont,  fears  that  enormous 
issues  would  follow  to  supply  the  expenses  of  the  war.  I  do  not  think 
any  more  would  be  needed  than  the  $150,000,000." 

But  this  assurance  proved,  like  most  others  emenating  from 
radical  sources  and  made  with  reference  to  the  duration  and  the 
expenses  of  the  war,  simply  deceitful ;  and  especially  so  in  this 
case ;  it  having  been  uttered  by  a  man  who  had  the  sagacity 
from  the  commencement  of  hostilities  to  somewhat  clearly  meas. 
ure  the  magnitude  of  the  rebellion,  and  the  length  of  time  and 
the  vast  expenditures  that  would  be  required  to  overthrow  it. 
Instead  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  millions  being  found  sufficient, 
very  many  additional  hundred  millions  of  legal  tender  notes 
were  necessary  to  be  issued  to  perfect  the  great  work  of  emanci 
pation,  and  allow  the  tide  of  war  to  fully  inundate  and  deluge  in, 
blood  the  States  of  South. 

Another  necessary  feature  of  the  financial  scheme  was  that 
which  imposed  the  requisite  taxes  upon  the  people  to  support  the 
Government  demands.  The  imposition  of  these  was,  however, 
made  with  the  greatest  caution ;  for  it  was  perceived  that  noth 
ing  would  so  surely  open  the  eyes  of  the  masses  as  the  infliction 
of  onerous  taxation.  The  Republicans  steadily  resisted  the  enact 
ment  of  a  sufficient  internal  revenue  law  as  long  as  possible ; 
and  acquiesced  in  supporting  such  a  bill  only  when  circumstances 


rOLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  2C7 

forced  them  into  the  measure.  By  the  Act  passed  August  5th, 
1801,  it  was  estimated  that  twenty  millions  of  revenue  could  be 
raised  ;  but  that  sum  was  by  no  means  adequate  to  support  the 
wants  of  the  Government. 

During  the  second  session  of  the  Thirty-seventh  Congress,  the 
question  of  revenue  became  a  pressing  one,  upon  the  attention  of 
Congress,  and  all  schemes  were  resorted  to  in  order  to  press  off 
the  consideration  of  so  unpleasant  a  concern.  The  elections  of 
1862  were  nearing  themselves,  and  the  agricultural  interests  of 
the  country  required  to  be  handled  with  the  greatest  caution  that 
political  managers  could  employ.  A  revenue  bill  was  at  that 
time  of  ah1  things  most  needed  to  sustain  the  wants  of  the  ad 
ministration,  as  Secretary  Chase  in  his  reports  had  undissem- 
blingly  shown.  Congress  at  length  found  itself  compelled  to 
take  up  the  consideration  of  this  question.  Mr.  Stevens,  the 
Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  in  March, 
1862,  submitted  a  complicated  tax  bill,  which  the  members  of 
the  Committee  had  for  nearly  two  months  been  busily  engaged 
in  elaborating.  In  the  bill,  as  submitted,  almost  every  con 
ceivable  tax  was  imposed  upon  manufactures,  the  profits  of 
trade  and  industry,  and  the  incomes  of  individuals.  The  most 
studied  effort  was  made  in  the  preperation  of  this  system  of  rev 
enue,  so  as  to  allow  the  agriculturists  seemingly  to  escape  from  the 
burdens  imposed.  But  the  escape  was  only  apparent,  for  upon 
the  consumers  ultimately  fall  the  taxes  of  the  community.  The 
fallacious,  hypocritical  scheme,  however,  served  as  the  blind  to 
hide  the  enormous  burdens  that  the  revolutionary  party  was  neces 
sitated  to  impose  upon  the  people,  in  order  to  carry  through  their 
designs  of  emancipation  and  negro  elevation;  and  which  was 
but  a  part  of  the  centralizing  plan  they  had  in  view  in  their  war 
against  the  South. 

This  revenue  bill  met  in  Congress  with  no  steady  party  oppo 
sition,  for,  although  its  whole  features  had  a  centralizing  tendency, 
yet  the  Constitution  clothed  the  law  making  body  with  the  power 
to  raise  taxes.  It  is  evident  from  the  discussions  in  Congress, 
that  a  decided  aversion  was  felt  by  all  real  Democrats  to  the  pas 
sage  of  the  bill,  inasmuch  as  they  were  conscious  that  the  money 
to  be  raised  by  it  was  to  be  expended  for  an  unconstitutional 
and  altogether  anti-republican  purpose.  AVilliam  H.  Wadsworth, 
a  Representative  from  Kentucky,  made  no  concealment  of  his 


298  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

opposition  to  the  measure,  on  account  of  the  known  objects  to  be 
achieved  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war  against  the  seceded  States. 
The  bill,  after  a  long  deliberation  in  both  Houses  of  Congress, 
became  finally  a  law  on  the  1st  of  July,  18G2. 

This  Internal  Revenue  Bill  was  very  long  and  minute  in  its 
details,  almost  every  transaction  of  business  being  obliged  to 
submit  to  the  imposition  of  stamp  duty.  This  repulsive  feature 
of  British  rule,  that  had  aroused  our  revolutionary  ancestors  to 
resistance  against  the  Crown  of  the  mother  country,  was  imposed 
by  the  radical  Congress,  and  was  submitted  to  by  the  people,  be 
cause  large  armies  and  dictatorial  satraps  compelled  obedience  to 
the  Federal  Administration.  But  it  was  very  unwillingly  obeyed 
by  a  large  body  of  the  people,  who  somewhat  faintly  realized 
the  objects  to  be  promoted  by  the  money  wrung  from  the 
people  by  relentless  partisans  professing  humanitarianism,  yet 
rioting  in  the  overthrow  of  Constitutionalism.  A  tax  of  three 
per  cent,  was  levied  upon  all  manufactures,  and  upon  all  incomes 
upwards  of  six  hundred  dollars.  All  professional  gentlemen  and 
men  engaged  in  various  departments  of  industry,  were  addition 
ally  taxed  by  means  of  licenses,  and  compelled  either  to  pay  the 
same  for  the  advancement  of  abolition  ideas,  or  withdraw  from 
the  occupation  of  their  lives. 

But  as  abolitionism  and  all  other  fanaticisms  must  necessarily 
accompany  each  other,  it  would  have  been  remarkable  had  not 
the  total  prohibition  influence,  made  itself  felt  in  the  internal 
revenue  legislation  of  Congress.  Representative  Morrill,  of  Ver 
mont,  one  of  the  first  to  explain  the  features  of  the  bill,  declared 
that  the  object  of  its  framers  was  to  impose  upon  the  liquor  trafic 
as  heavy  a  tax  as  possible,  so  as  to  repress  that  trade  to  the 
utmost  of  their  power.  As  a  member  of  the  American  mon 
archical  party,  he  could  cite  British  precedent  for  such  discrimina 
tion,  with  regard  to  duty  on  liquors,  and  said : 

"In  England,  the  duty  on  spirits  is  ten  shillings  and  five  pence,  or 
about  $2.52,  per  gallon." 

Another  Representative,  a  Member  from  Maine,  a  Mr.  Rice, 
true  to  the  principles  of  his  State  fanaticism,  spoke  as  follows : 

"  I  would  not  discriminate,  partially,  against  any  citizen  engaged  in 
any  honest  and  reputable  business  ;  but  I  would  to  the  fullest  extent  im 
pose  excise  duty  on  liquor  and  tobacco,  let  it  come  from  whatever  source 
it  may,  or  let  it  injure  whom  it  may.  If  men  are  driven  out  of  this 
business,  it  will  be  all  the  better  for  the  country.  I  was  in  favor  of  tha 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  200 

amendment  proposed  by  the  gentleman  from  Kentucky,  because  I  under 
stood  it,  though  not  so  intended  by  him,  to  be 'an  absolute  prohibition 
against  distillation.  If  Congress  would  only  put  down,  either  by  direct 
or  indirect  means,  these  distilleries  that  pour  out  fire  and  death  over  all 
the  land,  I  think  it  would  be  performing  a  good  work.  It  would  be  doing 
more  good  to  the  people  than  any  other  enactment  it  can  pass. 

"  I  hope  the  day  will  come  when  a  prohibition  will  be  put  upon  all 
distillation  ;  when  such  a  tariff  will  be  placed  on  spirituous  liquors  as 
will  exclude  their  importation.  That  will  be  a  glorious  day  for  the 
country."* 

In  the  author  of  the  last  cited  extract,  we  hear  one  of  the 
ancient  holy  Pharisees  and  hypocrites,  who  would  seem  to  have 
arisen  from  the  dead  ;  and  who  sets  himself  up  as  more  pure  and 
righteous  than  all  other  men ;  and  whose  opinions  must  be 
accepted  as  the  whole  rule  of  rectitude  and  moral  probity.  His 
doctrines  admirably  harmonized  with  the  hidden  monarchical 
sentiments  of  his  party,  but  were  altogether  in  disharmony  with 
the  principles  he  professed  to  advocate,  that  is  to  say  :  the  free 
dom  of  all  men.  His  own  and  the  principles  of  his  party  would 
allow  all  to  be  free  to  the  extent  that  his  infallible  judgment  and 
despotic  will  would  permit.  Delightful  freedom  indeed  was  it 
that  he  and  his  fanatical  Maine  law  compeers  advocated. 

A  tax  of  about  one  hundred  per  cent,  was  imposed  by  this  act 
upon  spirituous  liquors,  which,  by  subsequent  acts,  was  largely 
increased,  all  with  the  design  of  indirectly  excluding  by  a  species 
of  Maine  liquor  law  legislation,  all  kinds  of  spirituous,  vinous 
and  malt  liquors  from  circulation  in  the  community.  The  article 
of  tobacco  was  likewise  highly  taxed  in  the  Revenue  Act  of 
July  1st,  1862,  because  this  article  had  also  been  condemned  aa 
unworthy  of  trafic  in  Puritan  estimation. 

The  revenue  to  be  raised  by  this  act,  estimated  as  about  to  yield 
§150,000,000,  was  a  burden  greater  than  was  borne  by  the  citi 
zens  of  the  most  despotic  governments  of  Europe ;  and  yet  so 
thoroughly  deluded  were  the  masses  of  the  people  by  abolition 
fanaticism,  that  they  seemed  to  yield  their  necks  with  pleasure 
to  the  burdens.  But  after  submitting  to  the  load,  they  ever 
afterwards  were  unable  to  relieve  themselves ;  and  the  despots 
only  continued  to  further  lade  the  servilely  adapted  beings  who 
had  so  ignobly  yielded  to  their  sway.  They  had  unwittingly 
assumed  a  constantly  accumulating  load  of  debt,  which,  as  Weii- 

*Congrcssional  Globe,  Second  Session,  37th  Congress,  Part  3,  p.  1309. 


800  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

dell  Phillips,  one  of  the  task  masters,  had  the  candor  to  admif, 
would  weigh  down  themselves,  their  children  and  descendants,  to 
remote  generations.  A  happy  thought,  indeed  ;  possibly  endur 
able,  had  the  compensation  therefor  only  been  of  an  adequate 
character.  But  it  is  doubtful  if  fanaticism  be  competent  to  grasp 
that  idea.  Probably  the  conception  is  too  logical,  save  for  minds 
rarely  seduced  by  fanatical  delusions. 

An  inquisitorial  spirit  also  displayed  itself  in  the  radical  legis 
lation  of  almost  every  character.  The  bill  passed  by  Congress 
and  approved  July  1st,  1862,  which  stamped  the  Mormon  matri 
monial  unions  as  criminal  violations  of  social  polity  that  deserved 
severe  punishment,  especially  evinced  this  spirit  in  a  marked 
degree.  Lack  of  logical  perception  allowed  the  law-givers  in  this 
instance  to  forget  that  they  were  the  boasted  champions  of  lib 
erty,  both  civil  and  religious,  and  being  such,  Mormondom  was 
equally  entitled  with  themselves  to  enjoy  that  privilege.  But 
like  their  prototypal  predecessors  of  the  Hildebrandian  and 
Cromwell ian  cast,  they  reserved  to  themselves  the  right  to  dictate 
what  should  be  esteemed  liberty.  And  in  this  they  were  not  in 
consistent  with  themselves,  for  fanaticism  ever  assumes  the  holiest 
mantle,  much  as  it  tramples,  as  in  this  case,  upon  the  plainest 
constitutional  guarantees. 

But  whilst  trampling  upon  the  Constitution  of  their  country,  it 
behooved  the  Hepublican  leaders  likewise  to  bid  for  popular  sup 
port  at  the  expense  of  governmental  traditions,  and  by  the  most 
lavish  and  prodigal  expenditures.  After  the  enactment  of  the 
Homestead  Law  in  1862,  an  Act  in  conflict  with  the  conservative 
teaching  of  early  legislators,  they  must  annul  the  well  settled 
internal  improvement  principles  of  former  Presidents  and  states 
men,  in  the  passage  of  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  and  Telegraph 
Line,  from  the  Missouri  River  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  Indeed,  a 
seemingly  malicious  zeal  appeared  to  animate  Mr.  Stevens  and 
the  leading  radicals  in  Congress,  to  effect  in  every  particular  as 
complete  an  overthrow  and  removal  of  the  rubbish  of  the  old 
constitutional  edifice  of  the  fathers,  as  was  possible  to  be  con 
ceived.  The  existing  Constitution,  with  its  spirit  and  traditions, 
had  been  the  work  of  slave  holders  and  their  allies ;  and  all  this 
must  be  remodelled,  lest  some  foul  taint  might  soil  the  new 
superstructure. 

An  oath  to  support  the  Federal  Constitution,  the  only  pledge 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  SOI 

heretofore  required  of  the  American  citizen  or  ruler,  was  no 
longer  deemed  a  sufficient  guarantee  of  official  incumbents,  that 
they  would  discharge  their  functions  with  that  fidelity  which 
duty  required.  Pretended  dread  of  future  turbulence  induced 
the  revolutionary  Congress  to  exact  of  every  person  elected  or 
appointed  to  any  office  of  honor  or  profit  under  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  an  oath  of  office,  to  which  no  conscientious 
Southern  resistant  of  the  abolition  tyranny  would  be  able  to  sub 
scribe.  This  unwise  effort  to  exclude  from  public  trusts  the 
participants  in  the  so-called  rebellion  in  the  event  of  their  over 
throw,  was  still  further  proof  that  the  advocates  of  such  measures 
lacked  the  capacity  of  far-seeing  statesmen,  who  always  strive  to 
harmonize,  rather  than  provoke  conflicting  opinions.  But  arti 
fice  and  craft  were  the  large  ingredients  that  influenced  the  parti 
san  legislation  of  the  last  named  character,  and  which  was 
designed  chiefly  to  exclude  in  future  from  power,  those  most 
competent  to  combat  and  circumvent  the  designs  of  the  revolu 
tionary  legislators  themselves. 

A  legal  principle  of  universal  application  that  had  been  coined 
in  the  jurisprudence  of  the  mother  country  and  which  in 
essence  was  made  a  part  of  the  Constitution  of  1787 ;  and  also 
of  all  the  different  States  of  the  Union,  that  every  offender  shall 
be  tried  by  a  jury  of  his  peers,  was  next  to  be  wiped  from  the 
statute  book  of  the  nation.  By  the  Act  of  July  .16,  1862,  Con 
gress,  fearful  to  run  in  open  violation  of  the  plain  letter  of  the 
Constitution,  which  declared  that  in  treason  the  "  trial  shall 
be  held  in  the  State  where  the  said  crimes  shall  have  been  com 
mitted"  nevertheless  repealed  the  Act  of  1789,  which  required, 
in  cases  punishable  with  death,  that  twelve  jurors  be  summoned 
from  the  county  where  the  offense  was  committed.  In  the  repeal 
of  that  act,  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution  was  equally  violated,  as 
had  the  enactment  directed,  that  a  jury  drawn  from  a  different 
State  than  that  in  which  the  offense  was  committed,  should  be 
intrusted  with  the  trial  of  criminals.  Such  legislation  was  also 
the  product  of  necessity,  as  the  revolutionists  clearly  foresaw  that 
no  convictions  for  treason  could  be  secured  in  any  of  the  Southern 
States,  unless  under  a  species  of  packed  jury  system,  which  this 
law  of  July  aimed  to  establish. 

During  the  second  session  of  the  Thirty-seventh  Congress,  the 
confiscation  of  the  property  of  rebels,  became  a  question  of  lead- 


302  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

ing  importance ;  and  one  that  was  discussed  in  both  Houses  at 
some  length.  The  ardent  advocates  of  confiscation  were  impelled 
solely  by  the  desire  to  secure  the  emancipation45"  of  the  negro 
slaves  by  an  indirect  measure  of  this  character ;  as  no  other  so 
feasible  a  plan  presented  itself  to  the  revolutionists  to  secure, 
under  the  guise  of  legislation,  objects  not  warranted  by  the  Con 
stitution.  Senator  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts,  had  the  candor  to 
confess,  during  the  discussion  of  this  question,  that  emancipation 
was  the  main  feature  of  the  confiscation  movement  that  especially 
interested  him.  Sufficient  laws  were  already  in  existence  to 
punish  treason  of  every  grade ;  and  it  would  have  been  time  to 
enact  further  penalties  when  the  rebellion  was  overthrown  and 
the  national  authorities  in  condition  to  determine  of  what  crime 
the  Southern  rebels  were  guilty. 

But  as  the  freedom  of  the  Southern  slaves  was  the  grand 
object  of  the  war,  and  as  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
forbade  Federal  interference  with  the  aifairs  of  the  States,  some 
kind  of  legislation  must  be  excogitated  to  gratify  abolition  aspi 
ration.  The  punishment  of  treason  was  within  the  power  of 
Congress  to  determine ;  and  this  body  was  free  to  fix  penalties, 
however  severe,  provided  that  "  no  attainder  of  treason  shall  work 
corruption  of  blood  and  forfeiture,  except  during  the  life  of  the 
person  attainted."  The  framers  of  the  instrument  which,  inter 
posed  this  check  upon  national  legislation,  had  witnessed  in 
history  the  cruel  excesses  of  sanguinary  despots  from  the  days  of 
"William  the  Norman,  to  Oliver  Cromwell ;  and  they  were  un 
willing  that  the  innocent  descendants  of  convicted  traitors  should 
be  made  to  suffer  for  the  crimes  of  their  ancestors.  Whilst, 
however,  this  restraint  was  the  result  of  the  molifying  current 
of  a  refined  civilization  that  had  gradually  obliterated  the  asperi 
ties  of  earlier  epochs,  it  was  this  same  obstacle  that  produced 
such  anxiety  in  the  Republican  party  to  devise  means,  notwith- 


*Senator  Saulsbury,  of  Delaware,  addressing  the  Abolition  Senators, 
June  24th,  1862,  said  :  "Your  purposes  are  known, — your  motives  are 
understood.  The  present  knows  them  and  history  will  record  them.  Did 
not  slavery  exist  in  the  Southern  States,  you  would  never  have  thought 
of  a  confiscation  bill.  Your  design  is  to  make  this  a  war  for  the  destruc 
tion  of  slavery.  You  desire  to  destroy  the  domestic  institutions  of  the 
States.  Abolitionism  will  be  satisfied  with  nothing  less  than  universal 
emancipation  ;  and  abolitionism  would  not  prosecute  this  war  another 
day  or  another  hour,  were  it  not  for  the  hope  that  these  objects  may  be 
accom  lished."  —  Congressional  Globe,  Second  Session,  37th  Congress, 
Part  4,  p.  2901, 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  303 

standing  this,  to  accomplish  their  main  purpose,  emancipation. 
To  this  end,  one  bill  after  another  was  prepared  by  abolition 
members  of  both  Houses  of  Congress,  all  having  the  same  fond 
object  in  view.  C.  A.  Wickliffe,  of  Kentucky,  spoke  in  the 
following  manner  of  these  bills : 

"  The  Chairman  of  this  Committee,  to  whom  had  been  referred  all  the 
•wild,  mad  and  unconstitutional  bills,  twenty  in  number,  has  given  to  the 
House  the  two  bills  under  consideration.  I  have  carefully  collected  a'l 
of  these  bills.  I  shall  have  them  bound,  and  with  an  appropriate  title- 
page  preserved,  that  they  may  remain  and  be  read  after  the  excite 
ment  of  the  day  shall  have  subsided  ;  that  those  who  may  survive  me 
shall  take  warning  from  the  evidences  which  they  afford,  of  an  utter 
disregard  of  the  Constitution  of  the  country,  and  the  danger  to  civil 
liberty  "which  such  disregard  threatens.  And  if  our  liberty  and  consti 
tutional  Government  shall  survive  the  assaults  made  upon  it  at  this  hour, 
or  if  it  should  fail,  then  they  may  find  among  the  many  causes  of  its 
overthrow,  these  evidences  of  the  reckless  efforts  of  legislators  to  substi 
tute  passion  for  patriotism,  as  a  rule  of  action,  in  the  exercise  of  official 
duties  and  powers."* 

Horace  Greeley,  in  his  history  of  "  The  American  Conflict" 
speaks  of  the  cautious  method  by  which  the  Republican  party 
approached  the  question  of  confiscation : 

"  The  policy  of  confiscating  or  emancipating  the  slaves  of  those  en 
gaged  in  the  rebellion,  was  very  cautiously  and  timidly  approached  at 
the  first  or  extra  session  of  this  (37th)  Congress.  Very  early  in  the  ensu 
ing  session,  it  was  again  suggested  in  the  Senate  by  Mr.  Trumbull,  of 
Illinois,  and  in  the  House  by  Mr.  Elliott,  of  Massachusetts."! 

The  position  which  first  secured  a  somewhat  unanimous  ap 
proval  amongst  the  revolutionary  leaders  in  both  Houses  of 
Congress,  was  that  which  asserted  for  the  military  arm  of  the 
Government,  the  right  to  break  the  shackles  from  the  limbs  of 
the  Southern  slaves  in  order  to  weaken  the  cause  of  their  masters. 
This  bold  and  sweeping  advance  of  the  extreme  Abolitionibts 
was  altogether  too  radical  a  change  for  timid  and  conservative 
Republicans ;  and  the  proposition  besides  encountering  the  united 
opposition  of  the  Border  State  Congressmen  and  Northern  Dem 
ocrats,  also  met  a  warm  resistance  from  Senators  Cowan*,  of 
Pennsylvania,  Browning  and  Collamer,  of  Vermont,  who  de 
nounced  it  as  in  glaring  antagonism  with  the  Federal  Constitution. 
Out  of  the  boiling  caldron  of  radical  Senatorial  views,  a  bill 
was  prepared  which  proposed  to  clothe  President  Lincoln  with 

*  Appendix  to  Congressional  Globe,  Second  Session,  37th  Congress,  p.  260. 
i  Greeley 's  Conflict,  vol.  2,  p.  202. 


804  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

discretionary  power  to  proclaim  free,  the  slaves  of  all  persons 
who  should  -be  found  in  arms  after  a  definite  period. 

In  the  House,  a  similar  vehement  contest  was  fought,  over  the 
question  of  confiscation  of  rebel  property  ;  and  finally,  two  bills 
were  reported  from  the  Judiciary  Committee  that  seemed  to 
accord  in  the  main  with  the  known  sentiments  of  radical  Sena 
tors.  The  one  provided  for  confiscating  the  real  and  personal 
property  of  rebels  against  the  government ;  and  the  other  for  the 
emancipation  of  their  slaves.  In  vain  did  the  Democrats,  Border 
State  Representatives,  and  certain  Conservative  Republicans, 
argue  the  unconstitutionality  of  these  measures  ;  and  to  no  pur 
pose  were  they  shown  to  violate  all  the  principles  of  modern 
warfare  among  civilized  nations.  Judge  Thomas,  of  Massachu 
setts,  a  Conservative  Republican,  spoke  of  these  bills  as  follows : 

"That  the  bills  before  the  House  are  in  violation  of  the  law  of  nations 
and  of  the  Constitution,  I  cannot — I  say  it  with  all  deference  to  others — 
I  cannot  entertain  a  doubt/'* 

But  though  unconstitutional  and  violative  of  all  modern  inter 
national  codes,  the  revolutionists  must  of  necessity  enact  laws  of 
the  most  extreme  rigor  against  the  rebels  and  their  property  ;  so 
that  under  the  pretence  of  wholesale  confiscation,  they  would  be 
enabled  to  secure  the  great  prize,  the  freedom  of  the  slaves.  No 
doubt  many  members  of  Congress,  such  as  Thaddeus  Stevens, 
Owen  Love  joy,  and  others,  would  ardently  have  desired  to  see 
the  most  extensive  confiscation  of  rebel  property  that  was  possible 
to  be  secured ;  but  the  honest  Abolitionists,  who  were  influenced 
by  moral  principle,  rather  viewed  the  proposed  severity  in  the 
confiscation  movement  as  a  feint  to  cover  the  real  object  to  be 
grasped,  emancipation.  At  least  it  was  never  seriously  believed 
by  any  great  number  of  Abolition  Congressmen,  that  they  would 
be  able  to  inflict  upon  the  South  any  general  system  of  property 
confiscation.  The  measure,  however,  proved  admirable  for  agita 
ting  purposes,  and  in  the  preparation  of  public  opinion  for  par 
tisan  objects. 

Both  the  Confiscation  and  Emancipation  Bills  introduced  into 
the  House,  passed  that  body  but  failed  to  meet  the  approbation 
of  the  Senate.  Although  this  latter  body  contained  a  large 
number  of  the  most  radical  Abolitionists,  still  a  majority  were 
unwilling  to  go  to  the  extreme  length  of  enacting  that  all  kinds 

*Greeley's  Conflict,  vol.  2,  p,  2C4. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  S05 

of  property  should  be  wrested  from  rebel  control  without  judici 
ally  action,  and  by  the  mere  force  of  Executive  fiat.  The  bills 
which  had  received  the  approbation  of  the  one  body  of  Con 
gress,  were  upon  a  conference  between  the  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives,  so  modified  as  to  form  one  act  providing  for 
both  confiscation  and  emancipation.  In  this  shape  the  bill  became 
a  law  and  received  the  Presidential  assent. 

The  main  feature  which  the  Senate  impressed  upon  the  confis 
cation  scheme,  was  that  which  contemplated  the  conviction  and 
punishment  of  traitors  by  due  legal  process,  before  their  property 
could  be  legally  sequestered.  And  yet  little  credit  seems  due  to 
Senators  who  preferred  to  have  the  enactment  in  conformity 
with  the  Constitution  in  one  particular,  when  in  another  they 
were  not  at  all  careful  to  regard  it.  For  it  was  alone  the  knowl 
edge  that  the  assent  of  President  Lincoln  would  otherwise  be 
withheld  from  the  bill,  that  induced  Congress,  very  reluctantly, 
to  declare  by  resolution  that  the  act  was  only  intended  to  operate 
upon  the  life  interest  of  convicted  traitors. 


306  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  XVHI. 

GOVERNMENTAL  CONSOLIDATION  REACHED. 

When  the  Thirty-seventh  Congress  met  on  December  1st, 
1862,  the  Government  had  thrown  aside  all  disguise  that  its 
future  policy  should  embrace  emancipation  as  a  means  of  weak 
ening  the  rebellion.  President  Lincoln  had  seemingly  permitted 
himself  to  be  dragooned,  by  his  active  abolition  partisans,  into 
fulminating  the  proclamation  of  September  22d,  which,  by  the 
beginning  of  the  new  year,  should  set  all  the  slaves  in  the  rebel 
lious  States  in  absolute  freedom ;  and  yet  a  more  unwise  measure 
for  the  accomplishment  of  that  object  was  scarcely  conceivable, 
as  the  President  himself  expressed  it,  in  his  interview  with  the 
Chicago  divines,  a  few  days  prior  to  its  promulgation.  It  could 
scarcely  be  believed,  even  by  the  most  enthusiastic  champions  of 
negro  liberation,  that  a  paper  proclamation,  issued  by  the  Execu 
tive  of  one  of  the  contesting  sections  of  the  country,  would  be 
able  to  emancipate  the  slaves  of  the  other  more  rapidly  than  the 
progress  of  arms  warranted.  But  fanaticism  reasons  not,  it  sym 
pathises,  agitates,  and  runs  counter  to  the  rules  of  ratiocination  i 
and  in  this  instance,  having  engulphed  philosophical  forecast  in 
clamor,  it  could  do  what  at  another  time  would  have  been  utterly 
impossible. 

The  enactment  of  a  few  measures  were  still  demanded  of  the 
American  Congress,  in  addition  to  the  numerous  unconstitutional 
encroachments  already  made,  in  order  that  the  consolidating  pro 
gramme  of  the  revolutionary  party  might  have  a  finished  and 
symmetrical  contour.  The  union  of  the  purse  and  sword,  a 
necessity  of  despotism,  was  the  grand  desideratum  yet  to  be 
accomplished  in  the  subversion  of  the  rights  of  the  States  and  of 
the  immunities  of  the  people.  The  traditionally  recognized 
power  of  the  States  must  be  overthrown  by  every  possible  means, 
and  no  conceivable  method  seemed  to  promise  greater  results  in 
this  direction  than  the  establishment  of  a  national  banking  sys- 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  307 

tern.  A  national  bank  was  one  of  the  darling  projects  of  Alex 
ander  Hamilton,  the  idol  of  Federalism  and  its  successors  ;  and  in 
the  history  of  American  politics  it  proved  one  of  the  onerous 
burdens  that  always  weighed  upon  the  shoulders  of  those  who 
favored  its  establishment. 

And  although  a  National  bank  had  ceased  to  be  a  question  in 
American  politics  since  the  period  of  John  Tyler's  administration, 
yet  with  the  advent  of  Republicanism  to  power,  the  new  brood 
soon  betrayed  their  parentage  in  the  advocacy  of  the  old  measures 
which  Webster  himself  had  declared  obsolete.  So  thoroughly 
grounded,  however,  had  become  the  opposition  of  Americans  to 
wards  a  bank  of  the  United  States,  that  the  establishment  of  an 
institution  of  this  character  was  deemed  hazardous ;  and  was  only 
attempted  after  the  leaders  had  discovered  that  the  will  of  the 
people  could  with  safety  be  defied,  with  large  armies  in  the  field 
from  which  all  information  dangerous  to  party  success,  could 
easily  be  excluded.  And  again,  for  the  purpose  of  avoiding  tte 
popular  objections  which  stood  coined  in  the  general  mind  against 
the  establishment  of  a  national  bank,  the  scheme  was  varied  by 
proposing  a  bill  to  incorporate  banks  in  all  sections  of  the  country. 
A  very  captivating  variation,  indeed,  was  it,  and  one  promising 
popular  advantages  to  business  circles.  The  danger  of  a  national 
bank  proving  a  political  engine  in  the  hands  of  whatever  party 
might  happen  to  control  the  Government,  the  main  evil  foreseen 
by  President  Jackson  was  equally  great,  whether  one  central 
establishment  were  created  or  thousands  of  banks  with  national 
privileges,  because  the  latter,  equally  with  the  former,  would  be 
subordinate  to  federal  control. 

The  establishment  of  a  system  of  national  banks,  was  believed 
by  the  revolutionary  leaders  to  be  one  of  the  most  efficient  means 
to  subvert  the  rights  of  the  States,  and  draw  all  authority  into 
the  hands  of  the  General  Government.  In  this  manner  it  was 
hoped  that  objects  could  be  grasped  by  a  species  of  monarchical 
encroachment,  which  otherwise  were  unattainable;  and  that  a 
grand  central  government,  nea$y"~resembling  that  of  Great 
Britain,  could  be  established  in  the  midst  of  the  turbulence  and 
excitement  of  the  rebellion.  Indeed,  Alexander  Hamilton  him 
self  had  predicted  that  the  Federal  Government  would  prove  a 
failure ;  and  that  it  would  only,  after  a  time,  be  molded  into 
consistency  when  it  should  have  experienced  the  shock  of  war. 


SOS  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

That  Federal  aspirations  prompted  the  warm  advocates  of  the 
national  banking  scheme,  seems  disclosed  in  the  following  extract 
from  the  speech  of  Elbridge  G.  Spaulding,  a  Republican  Rep 
resentative  from  New  York,  of  February  19th,  1863.  Mr.  Spaul 
ding  said : 

"It  is  now  most  apparent  that  the  policy  advocated  by  Alexander 
Hamilton,  of  a  strong  central  government,  was  the  true  policy.  A 
strong  consolidated  government  would  most  likely  have  been  able  to 
avert  the  rebellion  ;  but,  if  not  able  to  prevent  it  entirely,  it  would  have 
been  much  better  prepared  to  have  met  and  put  down  the  traitorous 
advocates  of  secession  and  State  rights,  who  have  forced  upon  us  this 
unnatural  and  bloody  war.  A  sound  national  bank  upheld  and  supported 
by  the  combined  credit  of  the  Government,  and  rich  men  residing  in  all 
the  States  of  the  Union,  would  have  been  a  strong  bond  of  union  before 
the  rebellion  broke  out,  and  a  still  stronger  support  to  the  Government 
in  maintaining  the  army  and  navy  to  put  it  down." 

The  national  banking  system  deduced  its  whole  genealogical 
descent  from  monarchical  principles.  Its  successful  inauguration 
depended  upon  the  suppression  of  the  State  banks,  which  existed 
constitutionally,  as  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  had 
authoritatively  declared ;  and  which  the  General  Government 
had  no  delegated  power,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  to  suppress. 
But,  when  men  could  be  found  that  had  the  boldness  openly  to 
declare  that  Congress  had  the  right  to  appoint  a  dictator,  as 
Thaddeus  Stevens  had  already  done,  it  is  not  strange  that  any 
kind  of  bill  could  be  enacted  depriving  the  States  of  their  clear 
and  constitutional  authority  to  establish  banks  witk  State  charters. 
During  the  discussion  on  the  National  Bank  Bill,  the  right  of  the 
States  to  create  banks  was  not  questioned ;  but  a  sufficient  tax 
was  imposed  in  the  bill  upon  the  circulation  of  the  State  banks, 
as  would  compel  them  to  exchange  their  notes  for  the  new  ones 
to  be  issued  by  the  General  Government.  It  was,  in  brief,  sim 
ply  a  new  method  of  indirectly  doing  that  which  the  Constitu 
tion,  as  interpreted  by  the  highest  judicial  tribunal  of  the  country, 
had  forbidden  to  be  done. 

The  National  Banking  Bill  met  the  approval  of  the  most 
revolutionary  Republicans  of  both  Houses  of  Congress ;  and 
received  the  sanction  of  President  Lincoln  February  25th,  1863. 
It  encountered,  however,  the  united  opposition  of  the  Democracy 
and  of  a  considerable  number  of  the  more  conservative  Repub 
lican  Members  of  Congress,  in  the  Senate  and  House  of  Repre 
sentatives.  In  the  Senate,  such  Republicans  as  Collamer,  Cowan, 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA,  S09 

Grimes,  Howard  and  Trumbull,  refused  to  support  the  measure. 
The  Democrats  in  general  viewed  the  bill  as  one  of  the  con 
solidating  measures  designed  to  wrest  power  from  the  States  and 
strengthen  the  central  authority*  Senator  Powell,  in  his  speech 
of  February  10th,  1863,  said: 

"It  is  a  grand  scheme  of  consolidation;  one  that,  in  my  judgment, 
will  become  dangerous  to  the  public  liberties,  and  I  believe  that  it  should 
not  be  forced  upon  the  people  of  the  States,  particularly  when  it  is  forced 
there  to  destroy  their  banking  institutions," 

Senator  Davis,  in  his  speech  of  February  llth,  said : 

"  This  is  a  bold  and  daring  attack  upon  the  State  banks,  *  *  * 
I  think  it  is  the  most  stupendous  and  most  dangerous  scheme  of  policy 
that  was  ever  introduced  in  a  deliberative  body." 

That  the  National  Bank  Bill  was  of  an  altogether  revolutionary 
character.  Senator  Howard  contended  in  his  speech  of  February 
11,  1863,  in  which  he  used  the  following  language : 

*'  It  contemplates  a  general  revolution  in  the  banking  and  currency 
system  in  this  country  ;  and  it  is  admitted  by  its  advocates  as  being  in 
tended  to  bring  about  an  extinguishment  of  all  the  State  banks  by  means 
of  the  machinery  which  is  to  be  employed  under  the  provisions  of  the 

bill." 

The  unconstitutionality  of  the  bill  was  argued  by  Senator 
Collamer  as  follows : 

<%In  the  case  of  Kentucky,  the  Supreme  Court  decided,  that  the  long 
continued  usage  in  this  country  in  States  to  make  banks  was  constitu 
tional,  and  that  a  State  had  a  right  to  make  a  bank  of  issue.  *  *  * 
Now,  sir,  if  a  State  has  that  right,  it  has  the  right  certainly,  independent 
of  the  consent  of  Congress.  Does  it  hold  it  at  the  will  of  Congress? 
Certainly  not.  The  United  States,  in  making  a  United  States  Bank,  held 
it  independent  of  State  action,  and  it  was  so  decided.  If  the  State  has 
this  right  and  has  it  independent  of  the  consent  of  Congress,  it  cannot 
have  that  right  if  the  United  States 'can  tax  it  out  of  existence.  Hence, 
I  say,  the  United  States  have  no  more  power  to  tax  a  State  institution 
out  of  existence,  than  a  State  has  to  tax  a  United  States  institution  out 
of  existence," 

The  Federal  Government,  by  the  passage  of  the  bank  bill, 
had  become  the  keeper  of  the  people's  purse ;  the  sword  must 
next  be  grasped,  and  then  the  power  of  the  States  and  the  cili- 
zens  thereof  could  with  impunity  be  defied.  Men,  as  well  as 
money  were  in  abundance  for  a  period,  after  the  inauguration  of 
the  war,  in  answer  to  the  calls  of  the  President ;  but  time  dis 
closing  the  great  deception  that  had  been  practised,  neither  could 
any  longer  be  had  in  such  qualities  as  the  exigency  demanded. 


310  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

Congress,  at  its  extra  session  in  1861,  had  given  authority  for 
raising  vast  armies ;  and  all  the  soldiers  whose  services  could  be 
secured  were  enlisted  under  various  proclamations  of  the  Presi 
dent  but  still  more  were  in  demand  to  end  a  rebellion  whose 
resistance  had  far  surpassed  the  popular  expectation.  But  the 
Republican  method  of  filling  monarchical  armies  raised  for  mon 
archical  purposes,  soon  displayed  its  incongruity  as  had  been 
witnessed  on  the  financial  arena,  and  new  plans  were  necessary 
to  be  adopted  to  save  the  revolutionary  party  from  disintegration, 
and  its  aims  from  failure,  should  a  majority  of  the  Northern 
people  discover  the  delusion  that  had  been  inflicted  upon  them. 

By  the  middle  of  1862,  Northern  patriotism  was  greatly  flag 
ging,  because  enlisting  for  the  war  was  already  discovered  to  be 
no  holiday  recreation,  but  a  stern  reality  that  few  cared  to  en 
counter,  save  those  whom  fancied  sympathy  for  the  negro  had 
blinded  into  the  espousal  of  the  abolition  cause.  It  was  now 
perceived  that  the  war  steed  of  Northern  patriotism  must  expe 
rience  a  slight  goad  from  the  spur  of  his  furious  rider,  in  order 
to  enable  him  any  longer  to  penetrate  to  the  front  of  the  battle, 
and  grapple  with  his  rebel  combatant  upon  the  field  of  Southern 
conflict.  This  slight  prick  was  essayed  in  the  passage  of  the  Act 
of  Congress  of  July  17th,  1862,  which  authorized  the  calling  out 
by  draft  of  the  militia  of  the  loyal  States  for  nine  months,  for 
the  suppression  of  the  Southern  armies,  and  the  restoration  of 
the  national  authority. 

But  the  rebellion  against  abolition  domination,  notwithstanding 
this,  stood  up  in  all  its  mighty  strength  and  colossal  magnitude. 
The  enlisted  legions  of  the  North,  from  Maine  to  California, 
were  sinking  before  the  shafts  of  Southern  resistance ;  and  the 
invading  armies  had  become  so  attenuated  by  the  close  of  1862, 
that  more  stringent  means  than  had  as  yet  been  made  use  of, 
must  be  employed  if  the  administration  of  Abraham  Lincoln 
was  to  triumph  over  its  stubborn  foe.  The  might  of  Herculean 
despotism  must  be  invoked  to  the  rescue,  or  the  flag  of  abo 
litionism  must  lower  its  folds  on  the  field  of  battle.  Neither  the 
war  cry  of  freedom  for  an  enslaved  race,  nor  the  peans  of  the 
victorious  soul  of  the  felon  of  Charlestown,  marching  to  victory, 
were  sufficient  any  longer  to  arouse  martial  ardor  in  the  breasts 
of  the  enrolled  soldiers  of  Northern  fanaticism. 

The  loathsome  beast  of  despotic  innovation  now  reared  a  more 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  311 

hideous  aspect  than  it  liad  as  yet  presented.  An  act  was  passed 
in  both  Houses  of  Congress  ignoring  all  authority  of  the  States 
over  their  own  militia  ;  and  subjecting  all  able-bodied  men  of  the 
JSTorth,  between  certain  ages,  to  a  merciless  conscription,  which 
found  sanction  neither  in  constitutional  warrant  nor  in  prior 
Anglo-Saxon  history.  Britain's  Annals  were  scanned  in  vain  for 
a  model  to  subject  to  Presidential  control  the  independent  free 
men  of  the  Xorth ;  and  resort  was  necessarily  had  to  the  conti 
nental  despotisms  of  the  old  world,  which  alone  were  able  to 
supply  a  genuine  copy.  Charles  J.  Biddle,  a  Member  of  Con 
gress  from  Pennsylvania,  in  his  speech  of  February  23,  1863, 
grouped  the  Conscription  Bill  as  one  of  that  concatenation  of 
measures  which  changed  the  whole  fabric  of  the  Government 
from  a  Republic  into  a  consolidated  despotism.  In  his  speech  he 
said: 

••'  This  (the  Conscription  Bill)  is  a  part  of  a  series  of  measures,  which  to 
my  mind  seem  materially  to  alter  the  structure  of  the  Government  un 
der  which  we  live.  The  bill  to  transfer  to  the  President,  without  limita 
tion  of  time  or  place,  our  power  over  the  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus ;  the 
bill  of  indemnity  which,  to  use  the  words  of  the  Senate's  Amendment, 
secures  for  all  wrongs  or  trespasses  committed  by  any  officer  of  the 
Government,  full  immunity,  if  he  pleads  in  the  courts  of  justice  the 
order  of  the  President,  and  which  also  deprives  State  Courts  of  their 
jurisdiction  in  such  cases  ;  the  bank  bill,  which  puts  the  purse  strings  in 
the  same  hands  with  the  sword  ;  these  bills,  to  my  mind,  couple  themselves 
with  this  bill,  and  they  seem  to  me,  taken  together,  to  change  the  whole 
framework  of  this  Government  ;  and  instead  of  the  Constitutional  Gov 
ernment,  which  was  originally  so  carefully  devised  for  this  country, 
they  leave  us  a  system  which  does  not  materially  differ,  according  to  any 
definition  I  can  frame,  from  the  despotism  of  France  or  Russia." 

The  passage  of  the  Conscription  Bill  was  found  to  be  in  dispen 
sable,  because  the  abolition  leaders  perceived  that  the  prosecution 
of  the  war,  by  means  of  enlisted  soldiers,  would  surely  prove  a 
failure.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  the  Corypheus  of  abolition  impulse,  in 
the  House  of  Representatives  already  had  declared  on  the  floor 
of  Congress,  that  no  more  volunteers  could  be  had  from  the  JSTorth ; 
and  that  other  methods  of  filling  the  Union  armies  must  be 
adopted.  Yast  numbers  of  soldiers  who  had  voluntarily  entered 
the  Northern  armies,  afterwards  deserted ;  some  because  they 
believed  the  Administration  had  forsaken  the  principles  upon 
which  the  war  was  originally  prosecuted ;  others  did  so,  infected 
by  the  corrupt  influences  already  everywhere  prevalent. 

Benjamin  F.  Thomas,  a  Republican  member  of  the  House, 


312  A  REVIEW  OF  THE  c  \ 

from  Massachusetts,  submitted  his  reasons  for  the  necessity  of 
enacting  the  Conscription  Bill,  in  the  following  language.  He 
said: 

"The  policy  inaugurated  on  the  1st  of  December,  1861,  has  been  fruit 
less  of  good.  It  has  changed  the  ostensible,  if  not  the  real  issue  of  the 
war.  That  policy,  and  the  want  of  persistent  vigor  in  our  military 
counsels,  render  any  further  reliance  upon  voluntary  enlistments  futile. 
The  nostrums  have  all  failed.  Confiscation,  emancipation  by  Congress, 
emancipation  by  proclamation  of  the  President,  compensated  emancipa 
tion,  arbitrary  arrests,  paper  made  legal  tender,  negro  armies  will  not  do 
the  work.  Nothing  will  save  us  now  but  victories  in  the  field  and  on  the 
sea  ;  and  then  the  proffer  of  the  olive  branch,  with  the  most  liberal  terms 
of  reconciliation  and  re-union.  We  can  get  armies  in  no  other  way,  but 
by  measures  substantially  those  in  the  Bill  before  us,  unless  the  Admin 
istration  will  retrace  its  steps  and  re  turn  to  the  way  of  the  Constitution."* 

The  Democrats  and  Border  State  men  of  both  Houses  of 
Congress  combatted  the  Conscription  Bill  with  a  zeal  and  ardor 
worthy  of  Charlemagne's  paladins,  and  the  knights  of  feudal 
history.  But  the  conflict  waged  by  these  chivalric  friends  of 
their  country  in  behalf  of  liberty  and  the  Constitution,  was 
nevertheless  hopeless  ;  yet,  impelled  by  motives  of  uncalculating 
patriotism,  they  rushed  within  the  breach  and  yielded  themselves, 
sacrifices  worthy  of  immortal  glory.  Senator  Bayard,  of  Dela 
ware,  in  his  speech  of  February  28,  1863,  used  the  following 
language  concerning  the  Conscription  Bill : 

"  From  the  foundation  of  the  Government  to  this  day,  no  attempt  has 
been  made  in  this  country  to  pass  a  law  of  this  character,  by  any  Con 
gress  of  the  United  States ;  no  such  bill  has  been  introduced  ;  no  such 
doctrine  as  is  involved  in  this  bill  has  been  contended  for — that  under 
the  power  to  raise  armies,  you  can  raise  them  in  any  other  mode  than  by 
enlistment  or  recruiting,  or  by  the  acceptance  of  volunteers.  Has  this 
power  ever  been  attempted  to  be  exercised  by  the  Parliament  of  Great 
Britain,  with  all  its  omnipotence  ?  No  I" 

Senator  Kennedy,  of  Maryland,  in  the  debate  on  this  bill,  said  : 

"As  to  the  bill  itself,  I  look  upon  it  as  odious  and  despotic.  It  goes 
further  to  subjugate  the  people  of  a  free  country  than  any  I  have  ever 
read  of  in  history." 

Senator  Saulsbury,  of  Delaware,  during  the  same  debate, 
uttered  the  following  sentiments : 

"  I  regard  it  as  the  crowning  act,  in  a  series  of  acts  of  legislation, 
which  surrender  all  that  is  dear  to  the  private  citizen  into  the  keeping 
and  at  the  mercy  of  the  Executive  of  this  nation.  I 

assert,  that  under  the  law  governing  this  administration,  under  the  law 

*Annual  Cyclopedia,  1863,  p.  280. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  813 

as  declared  by  the  highest  law  officer  of  this  Government,  this  bill  not 
only  authorizes  the  calling  into  the  service  of  every  able-bodied  white 
man.  but  it  authorizes  the  calling  into  the  service  of  every  able-bodied 
free  negro,  between  the  ages  of  twenty  and  forty-five,  in  the  land.  I 
say  this  because  the  Attorney-General  of  the  United  States  has  expressed 
the  opinion,  in  writing,  that  the  free  negroes  are  citizens  of  the  United 
States.  *  *  *  Sir,  if  the  theory  of  this  bill  be  the  theory  of 
your  Government,  if  this  be  the  power  conferred  upon  Congress  by  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  tell  me  where  is  the  difference  between 
your  form  of  Government  and  the  most  absolute  and  despotic  form  upon 
the  face  of  the  earth."  • 

The  Conscription  Bill  received  the  assent  of  President  Lincoln 
March  3d,  1863,  and  contrary  to  the  patriotic  wish  of  the  older 
statesmen,  the  power  of  the  purse  and  the  sword  was  united. 
The  passage  of  the  National  Bank  and  Conscription  Bills  effected 
a  complete  revolution  in  the  workings  of  the  General  Govern 
ment,  and  though  retaining  the  name  of  a  Republic,  no  Empire 
in  Europe  now  exerted  a  more  absolute  and  despotic  control  over 
its  citizens. 

Absolutism  had  been  reached  in  the  passage  of  these  two  last 
named  bills ;  but  to  round  the  figure  more  in  harmony  with 
Asiatic  despotisms,  all  the  unconstitutional  excesses  that  had  been 
committed  since  the  advent  of  the  Republican  party  to  power 
must  be  condoned,  and  unlimited  authority  granted  to  the  Fede 
ral  Executive  to  trample  in  future  upon  civil  liberty.  It  was  not 
enough  to  satisfy  the  abolition  appetite  that  the  Constitution  had 
been  ignored,  the  reserved  rights  of  the  States  overthrown,  and 
the  liberty  of  the  citizen  set  aside ;  all  these  flagrant  violations 
of  right  must  be  justified  by  an  American  Congress,  intoxicated 
with  the  fumes  of  fanatical  zeal  and  revolutionary  incendiarism. 
It  was  a  dark  period  in  our  history,  when  an  assemblage  of 
enthusiastic  emancipationists  had  under  deceptions  colors  stolen 
their  way  into  the  seats  of  representation  in  the  National  Capitol, 
and  at  length  had  it  in  their  power  to  repudiate  all  the  traditions 
of  the  anterior  epochs  of  the  Republic,  and  desecrate  the  holiest 
sanctuaries  of  the  people. 

Thaddeus  Stevens,  the  cool,  calculating  demagogue,  like  his 
prototype,  Cardinal  Wolsey,  paying  hypocritical  adoration  at  the 
shrines  of  zealous  humanitarianism,  on  the  8th  of  December, 
1862,  brought  into  the  Lower  House  of  Congress  a  bill  to  indem 
nify  the  President  and  other  persons  for  suspending  the  privilege, 
of  the  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus,  and  acts  done  in  pursuance 


314  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

thereof.  Up  to  this  period  it  would  have  been  difficult  to  have 
discovered  in  the  utterances  of  the  real  or  pretended  emancipation 
zealots,  with  a  few  exceptions,  that  anything  had  been  done  by 
the  President  and  Cabinet,  or  by  any  of  their  numerous  subordi 
nates  throughout  the  country,  that  was  not  in  strict  accordance 
with  the  Constitution  and  the  laws  of  Congress  heretofore  en 
acted.  Had  not  an  obsequious  Attorney-General  convicted  the 
Chief-Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  of 
error,  when  the  latter  decided  that  the  suspension  of  the  Habeas 
Corpus  was  the  perogative  alone  of  the  Federal  Congress?  Had 
not  the  revolutionary  party  by  their  representatives  in  both  the 
United  States  Senate  and  House  fully  endorsed  that  view  of 
constitutional  interpretation,  and  acted  in  entire  conformity  there 
with  ?  Had  not,  again,  a  partisan  press  throughout  the  North, 
echoed  the  above  sentiments  to  the  eclat,  and  hurled  anathemas 
and  opprobrium  upon  the  heads  of  those,  who  had  the  boldness 
and  honesty  to  stand  up  and  question  the  right  of  the  President 
and  his  subordinates  to  suspend  the  Habeas  Corpus,  and  do  what 
ever  else  they  might  deem  advantageous  in  furtherance  of  the 
abolition  cause  ?  Tomes  would  be  required  to  contain  all  the 
labored  arguments  that  filled  to  satiety  the  Northern  press,  de 
signed  to  prove  the  entire  constitutionality  of  the  many  violations 
of  civil  liberty,  that  were  inflicted  upon  the  citizens  of  the  loyal 
States,  and  which  would  have  driven  to  revolution  the  people  of 
the  most  despotic  governments  of  Europe  ;  and  could  only  ha-vo 
been  perpetrated  with  impunity  upon  degraded  serfs  by  the 
Ghengis  Khans  and  Tarnerlanes  of  history. 

But  the  introduction  and  party  support  of  the  Indemnity  Bill 
to  a  philosophical  mind,  was  clear  and  palpable  proof  of  the 
conscious  falsity  of  the  abolition  reasoning,  which  claimed  to  find 
support  for  the  infractions  of  the  Constitution  in  that  instrument 
itself.  Mr.  Stevens  was  far  too  clear  in  his  perceptions  to  be  de 
luded  into  the  belief,  that  any  sanction  could  be  found  in  the 
Constitution  for  many  acts  to  which  he  himself  had  freely  given 
his  adhesion.  In  support!:  g  the  admission  of  West  Virginia,  he 
had  declared  that  there  was  no  constitutional  warrant  for  such 
action  ;  but  contended  that  the  measure  was  justified  by  the  exi 
gency  of  the  times.  On  many  other  occasions  he  had  expressed 
similar  sentiments,  defending  his  views  nevertheless  by  political 
necessity,  and  not  by  any  authority  to  be  found  in  the  Federal 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  S15 

Constitution.  At  the  beginning  of  the  session  of  this  Congress, 
he  even  had  the  boldness  to  declare  upon  the  floor  of  the  House, 
that  he  "  had  grown  sick  of  the  talk  about  the  Union  as  it  was, 
and  the  Constitution  as  it  is." 

The  bill  of  indemnity,  as  it  passed  the  lower  House  of  Con 
gress,  led  by  Mr.  Stevens,  was  too  open  a  repudiation  of  the 
Constitution  to  receive  the  unqualified  approval  of  a  more 
cautious  Senate.  This  body,  the  majority  of  whom  were  equally 
desirous  to  enact  a  bill  of  general  oblivion  for  all  the  illegal  and 
unconstitutional  acts  of  the  President,  Cabinet,  and  all  the  infe 
rior  subordinates  of  the  administration,  was  nevertheless  more 
guarded  in  endeavoring  to  have  its  legislation  apparently  to  con 
form  with  the  words  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  so  far  as  the 
same  could  be  made  to  do  so.  Senator  Collamer,  of  Vermont, 
took  grounds  of  opposition  to  the  constitutionality  of  the  Indem 
nity  Bill,  passed  by  the  House,  and  prepared  a  substitute  for  it, 
which  was  reported  by  the  Judiciary  Committee  of  the  Senate 
on  the  27th  of  January,  1863.  The  main  feature  of  the  Senator's 
Substitute  was  that  it  provided  for  the  removal  to  the  Circuit 
Courts  of  the  United  States  of  all  actions  commenced,  or  to  be 
commenced  in  the  State  Courts  against  persons  who  had  violated 
the  individual  rights  of  their  citizens.  This  was  simply  an  in 
direct  method  of  reaching,  as  far  as  possible,  the  same  objects 
sought  by  the  Indemnity  Bill  of  Mr.  Stevens,  that  is  to  say, 
absolute  immunity  for  all  the  past  and  future  unconstitutional 
acts  of  the  Federal  administration  and  its  satellites.  It  was  per 
ceived  that  were  authority  granted  to  remove  actions  from  a 
State  into  a  Circuit  Court  of  the  United  States,  the  judges  and 
jurors  of  which  were  the  menials  of  Federal  power,  the  absolute 
oblivion  of  these  actions  was  well  nigh  reached.  Whilst  this 
bill  was  before  the  Senate,  James  A.  Bayard,  of  Delaware,  ex 
pressed  his  views  of  the  measure  in  the  following  language : 

"With  the  solitary  exception  of  an  amendment,  proposed  by  the  Hon 
orable  Senator  of  Ohio,  which  was  originally  rejected  and  afterwards 
adopted,  there  is  nothing  in  the  bill  that  does  ought  than  advance  us 
towards  a  despotic  exercise  of  power.  It  refers  not  only  to  the  past,  but 
to  the  future  action  of  the  Executive  of  the  United  States,  and  it  throws 
a  shield  over  every  act  of  aggression  that  he  can  commit  against  the 
rights  of  an  American  citizen  ;  and  interposes  a  bar,  in  point  of  fact,  to 
the  right  of  recovery  against  even  the  individual  who  is  the  agent  for 
the  purpose  of  infracting  those  rights.  *  *  *  They  (the  friends  of 


81G  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

the  measure)  will  have,  by  the  passage  of  this  bill,  brought  the  legislative 
power  into  accord  with  the  Executive,  so  as  to  prevent  for  past  action 
and  for  future  action  of  the  Executive,  any  redress  on  the  part  of  an 
American  citizen,  however  great  the  outrage  may  have  been.  In  my 
judgment,  it  would  have  been  better  to  pass  the  House  Bill.  That  is  a 
plain,  open,  manly  defiance  of  the  Federal  Constitution*  This  is  more 
indirect.  It  is  in  some  respects  sustainable  ;  but  I  trust  that  in  others, 
when  it  comes  to  the  criterion  of  the  Courts,  it  will  be  adjudged  to  be 
void  and  of  no  effect.  It  is  useless  to  particularize  now  ;  but  whether  it 
be  done  under  cover  of  law,  and  whether  it  be  sustained  or  not,  it  is,  in 
my  belief,  equally  true  that  the  passage  of  the  bill  is  but  an  advance 
towards  a  centralized  despotism,  in  this  country,"* 

The  Senate  bill  having  passed  that  body,  came  up  in  the  House 
on  the  18th  of  February,  for  consideration.  Mr.  Yoorhees,  of 
Indiana,  spoke  at  considerable  length  in  opposition  to  the  meas 
ure.  He  said : 

"  SIR  :— The  bill  now  before  the  House  has  no  parallel  in  the  history  of 
this  or  any  other  free  people.  It  is  entitled  '  An  Act  to  indemnify  the 
President  and  other  persons  for  suspending  the  privilege  of  the  Writ  of 
Habeas  Corpus,  and  acts  done  in  pursuance  thereof.'  But  it  embraces 
even  more  than  its  startling  title  would  indicate.  It  gives  to  the  Execu 
tive  and  all  his  subordinates,  not  merely  security  for  crimes  committed 
against  the  citizen  in  times  past,  but  confers  a  license  to  continue  in  the 
future  the  same  unlimited  exercise  of  arbitrary  power,  which  has  brought 
disgrace  and  danger  to  th^  country,  I  propose,  to  the  best  of  my  ability, 
this  day  to  show  that  neither  indemnity  for  the  past  nor  impunity  for 
the  future  can  be  bestowed  on  those  who  have  violated,  and  who  propose 
further  to  violate  the  great  and  fundamental  principles  of  constitutional 
liberty." 

After  an  extended  debate  in  the  House,  the  Senate's  Substitute 
was  rejected,  and  a  Committee  of  Conference  was  appointed. 
This  Committee  reported  a  bill,  which  embodied  a  compromise 
of  views  between  the  two  Houses ;  but  which  to  the  unobserv 
ant  seemed  to  embrace  new  matter.  One  section  of  this  Com 
promise  Bill  authorized  the  President,  at  any  time  during  the 
rebellion,  and  when  in  his  judgment  required,  to  suspend  the 
privilege  of  the  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus  throughout  the  United 
States  or  in  any  part  thereof.  In  another  section,  provision  was 
made  for  removing  into  a  Circuit  Court  of  the  United  States  any 
action  "  commenced  in  a  State  Court  against  any  officer,  civil  or 
military,  or  against  any  other  person  for  any  arrest  or  imprison 
ment  made,  or  other  trespasses  or  wrongs  done  or  committed,  or 


•Annual  Cyclopedia,  1863,  p.  2S& 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  317 

any  act  omitted  to  be  done,  at  any  time  during  the  present  rebel 
lion,  by  virtue  or  under  color  of  any  authority  derived  from  or 
exercised  by  or  under  the  President  of  the  United  States,  or  any 
Act  of  Congress." 

The  bill,  as  submitted  by  the  Committee  of  the  Senate  and 
House  of  Representatives,  met  the  approbation  of  the  majority 
in  both  these  bodies  ;  and  receiving  the  sanction  of  President 
Lincoln  March  3d,  1863,  became  a  law.  This  act  completed  the 
series  of  measures  which  completely  ^  changed  the  character  of 
the  Government  from  a  confederation  of  States,  into  what  his 
tory  should  entitle  the  monarchically  consolidated  American 
Union.  With  the  enactment  of  this  series,  the  legislative  revo 
lution  was  completed.  The  party  of  fanaticism  had  at  length 
introduced  their  principles  into  the  workings  of  the  General 
Government ;  it  next  behooved  them  to  sustain  these  upon  the 
battle  field,  and  thus  carry  forward  and  complete  the  social  revo 
lution,  towards  which  they  looked  with  anxiety. 

The  purse  and  the  sword  had  now  been  grasped  in  one  hand, 
and  civil  liberty,  the  birth-right  of  every  American  freeman,  was 
wrested  from  its  deposit,  the  Constitution,  and  committed  to  the 
keeping  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  This  Chief  Magistrate,  whoso 
oath  demanded  obedience  to  the  Constitution  and  a  faithful  exe 
cution  of  the  laws,  though  a  guilty  participant  in  the  sacrilege 
of  robbing  his  country's  Magna  Charta,  became  by  the  act 
of  his  criminal  compeers,  the  repository  of  the  sacred  emblems 
of  civil  right,  which  anterior  ages  had  bequeathed.  Freedom 
ceased  to  be  any  longer  what  its  name  signified.  From  that 
period  forward  every  American  citizen  possessed  only  such 
liberty  us  the  Federal  executive  saw  proper  to  accord  him.  The 
President  had  it  in  his  power,  by  virtue  of  the  act  of  Congress, 
to  order  the  arrest  and  incarceration  of  any  citizen  in  the  broad 
arena  of  the  Union  ;  and  no  authority  in  the  States  or  in  the 
Federal  Judiciary  could  withstand  the  dictator.  His  will,  though 
feeble,  was  absolute,  and  that  of  the  fiendish  Nero  and  the  tyrants 
of  the  French  revolution  was  no  more.  These  earlier  despots 
were  able  to  deprive  of  liberty  whomsoever  they  chose ;  so  could 
the  American  President. 

Abraham  Lincoln  and  his  guilty  associates  in  crime  were  voted 
by  the  Eump  Congress  entire  immunity  for  all  offences  that  any 
of  them,  under  the  guise  of  authority,  had  perpetrated,  since  the 


318  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

commencement  of  the  rebellion,  upon  the  persons  and  property 
of  innocent  and  unoffending  citizens  ;  against  whom  no  accusa 
tion  could  be  preferred,  save  that  they  believed  the  abolition  war 
policy  to  be  unconstitutional  and  inimical  to  the  principles  of 
republics.  But  fortune,  in  her  grant  of  imbecility,  compensated 
for  the  grave  error  that  a  maddened  and  intoxicated  people,  in 
the  midst  of  an  appalling  revolution,  had  committed.  That 
beneficient  goddess  either  had  other  duties  for  the  American 
Union,  or  she  wished  in  future  to  witness  on  the  Western  Con 
tinent,  a  chivalric  combat  of  crown  worthy  heroes ;  for  had  Na 
poleonic  will  and  ambition  conjoined  themselves  with  the  powers 
of  the  Federal  President,  the  days  of  the  great  occidental  repub 
lic  in  name,  even,  would  have  been  chronicled  amongst  the  things 
of  the  past.  The  name  was  retained,  however,  because  fear  for 
bade  its  abandonment;  but  governmental  consolidation  in  its 
fullness  had  been  reached. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  319 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

DEMOCRATIC  ANTI-WAR    ATTITUDE. 

Party  ties,  for  a  time,  after  the  inauguration  of  hostilities 
against  the  South,  seemed  *  to  the  unreflecting  almost  to  have 
disappeared ;  but  this  was  so  in  appearance,  rather  than  in  reality. 
A  wave  of  deceived  love  for  the  Union  swept  over  the  JSTorth, 
and  washed  into  the  war  current  the  masses  of  all  political 
organizations,  and  large  numbers  of  the  Democratic  leaders  were 
also  carried  by  the  flood  into  an  antagonism  of  sentiment  to  that 
which  they  and  their  party,  prior  to  the  attack  on  Fort  Sumpter 
had  advocated.  In  this  rapid  transit,  from  one  school  of  politi 
cal  opinions  to  the  opposite,  we  have  a  fair  illustration  of  the 
manner  in  which  modern  pretended  leaders  are  ready  to  abandon 
their  principles  and  creed,  when  a  storm  of  popular  favor  carries 
their  opposing  party  bark  into  the  port  of  triumphant  victory. 

13ut  all  those  competent  to  think  for  themselves,  and  whose 
principles  harmonized  with  the  opinions  that  had  been  uniformly 
entertained  by  the  representative  men  of  the  Democratic  party, 
notwithstanding  the  popular  clamor,  remained  attached  to  their 
sentiments ;  but  from  the  necessity  of  the  situation,  they  were 
either  compelled  to  conceal  their  thoughts  or  run  the  risk  of 
political  martyrdom.  Owing  to  the  large  desertion  that  had 
taken  place  in  their  ranks,  the  Democratic  leaders  that  remained 
true  their  principles  had  become  too  few  to  be  able  to  rally  their 
followers  into  an  opposition  to  the  coercion  doctrine  of  the  aboli 
tion  party.  The  cry  for  the  Union  drowned  all  the  patriotic 

*  "  There  Is,  or  has  been  quite  a  general  impression,  backed  by  constant 
and  confident  assertions,  ;hat  the  people  of  the  free  States  were  united 
in  support  of  the  war,  until  an  Anti-Slavery  aspect  was  given  to  it  by  the 
administration.  Yet  that  is  very  far  from  the  truth.  There  was  no 
moment  wherein  a  large  portion  of  the  Northern  Democracy  were  not  at 
least  passively  hostile  to  any  form  or  shade  of  '  coercion  ; '  while  many 
openly  condemned  and  stigmatised  it  as  attrocious,  unjustifiable  aggres 
sion.  And  this  opposition,  when  least  vociferous,  sensibly  subtracted 
from  the  power  and  diminished  the  efficiency  of  the  North," — Greeley's 
Conflict.  Vol.  2,  p.  513. 


320  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

expostulation  of  those  who  endeavored  to  prove  that  a  war 
against  the  South  found  no  warrant  in  the  Federal  Constitution, 
or  in  the  principles  of  an  enlightened  republican  confederacy. 

It  soon  seemed  as  if  the  war  current  was  irresistible,  and  the 
large  and  cautious  portion  of  those  who  believed  the  coercion 
policy  to  be  unconstitutional,  deemed  it  prudential  to  refrain 
from  the  utterance  of  their  opinions,  and  thus  the  flood  gates  of 
war  fury  were  permitted  to  open  to  their  fullest  extent.  A  small 
and  resolute  band,  however,  of  bold  and  courageous  freemen, 
members  of  the  Democratic  party  and  others  antagonistic  to 
ultra-abolitionism,  declined  to  surrender  all  their  sense  of  man 
hood  and  independence,  and,  without  any  hypocritical  conceal 
ment  of  their  opinions,  steadfastly  combatted  the  doctrine  of 
coercion  as  wicked,  anti-republican  and  unconstitutional,  and  one 
pregnant  with  future  evils  for  the  perpetuity  of  the  free  institutions 
of  America.  That  war  and  bloodshed  could  unite  in  fraternal 
concord  the  two  sections  of  the  Union,  now  become  inharmonious 
from  a  sectionalized  antagonism  of  conflicting  principles,  appeared 
to  this  class  of  citizens  as  madness  in  the  extreme.  This  class  of 
Democrats  was  the  only  one  deserving  to  be  recognized  as  the 
followers  of  that  party,  which  from  the  flrst  endorsed  the  senti 
ments  of  the  Virginia  and  Kentucky  resolutions ;  and  had  such 
doctrines  found  no  supporters  even  in  the  darkness  of  revolution, 
human  nature  on  this  occasion  would  have  been  convicted  of  a 
perfidy  to  principle  unheard  of  in  the  annals  of  all  anterior 
epochs. 

The  disintegration  that  had  nearly  penetrated  to  the  core  of 
the  Democratic  party,  displayed  itself  in  unmistakable  colors 
when  the  war  cry  of  abolitionism  was  heard  throughout  the 
length  and  breadth  of  the  Republic.  Men,  who  up  to  this 
period,  had  in  words  staunchly  defended  the  cardinal  principles 
of  the  old  party  of  Jefferson,  which  denied  to  the  General  Gov 
ernment  any  power  to  compel  by  arms  the  people  of  a  State  to 
remain  in  a  Union  distasteful  to  them,  at  once  changed  their 
position  and  planted  themselves  under  the  banner  of  the  coer- 
cionists. 

And  although  the  American  people  in  appearance  had  divided 
the  Northern  against  the  Southern,  a  division,  however,  not  of 
sections,  obtained  as  the  true  one.  On  the  one  side  were  arrayed 
all  those  who.  deducing  their  lineage  from  Federal  and  Tory 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  331 

ancestors,  favored  the  employment  of  the  war-power  for  tlie  en 
forcement  of  the  national  will  against  the  States  and  their  people ; 
and  on  the  other  were  found  those  who  denied  that  the  General 
Government  had  ever  been  clothed  by  its  framers  with  such 
august  authority.  The  rebels  in  battle  array  were  marshalled, 
ready  to  dispute  the  right  of  the  Government  to  coerce  by  arms 
the  people  of  any  of  the  States,  and  they,  like  the  anti-war  party 
of  the  ]STojrth,  based  their  opinions  upon  the  often  endorsed 
Virginia  and  Kentucky  resolutions  of  1798-'9.*  Dissemble  the 
situation,  therefore  as  we  may,  truth  demands  of  the  impartial 
historian  the  fair  admission,  that  during  the  war  of  the  rebellion 
but  two  real  parties  existed  in  the  nation  ;  the  Southern  Confeder 
ates  and  the  Northern  anti-coercion  Democrats  forming  the  one  of 
these,  and  the  unconcealed  Abolitionists,  who  sincerely  strove  for 
the  emancipation  and  elevation  of  the  negro  race,  the  other. 

In  former  chapters,  the  hypocritical  guise  assumed  by  the 
political  abolitionists,  has  been  discussed  at  length ;  it  now  remains 
to  be  presented  the  false  attitude  likewise  maintained,  for  selfish 
ends,  by  Democratic  leaders,  during  the  war ;  and  to  this  de 
ceptions  position  are  due,  in  a  large  measure,  the  vast  calamities 
that  have  been  entailed  upon  the  country,  from  an  unholy  and 
fiendish  crusade  of  one  section  of  the  Union  against  the  other. 

D 

Had  the  influential  Democrats  of  the  Northern  States  boldly 
faced  their  political  enemies  upon  the  question  of  Southern  sub 
jugation,  and  sternly  demanded  that  no  men  should  be  taken 
from  any  of  the  States  for  the  wicked  and  unconstitutional  pur 
pose  of  crushing  a  kindred  people,  the  demoniacal  purpose  of  the 
fanatical  party  of  Lincoln  would  have  been  foiled.  Such  a 
demand  would  have  paralysed  the  power  of  the  abolition  admin 
istration,  and  prevented  it  from  securing  recruits  for  the  vile 
object  it  was  secretly  plotting  to  accomplish,  under  the  pretense 
of  defending  the  Union.  But,  instead  of  asserting  what  justice 
and  the  principles  of  the  Federal  compact  demanded,  and  resisting 

*  "  From  a  period  as  early  as  1798,  there  had  existed  in  all  the  States  a 
party  almost  uninterruptedly  in  the  majority,  based  upon  the  creed  that 
each  State  was  in  the  last  resort  the  sole  judge,  as  well  of  its  wrongs,  as 
of  the  mode  and  measure  of  redress.  *  *  *  *  The  Demo 
cratic  party  of  the  United  States  repeated,  in  its  successful  canvas  of 
1836,  the  declaration  made  in  numerous  previous  political  contests,  that 
it  would  faithfully  abide  by  and  uphold  the  principles  laid  down  in  the 
Kentucky  and  Virginia  resolutions  of  1798  and  1799,  and  that  it  adopts 
those  principles  as  constituting  one  of  the  Main  foundations  of  its  politi 
cal  creed.'' — Special  Message  of  Jefferson  Davis  of  April  29,  1S81. 


322  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

the  war  and  its  prosecution ;  false  and  treacherous  leaders  within 
the  Democratic  organization,  pretended  that  they  were  in  favor 
of  defending  the  national  authority  by  arms,  and  compelling  the 
obedience  of  the  Southern  States  to  the  General  Government. 
They  confined  their  open  opposition  to  contending  that  the  war 
must  be  waged  upon  constitutional  principles ;  whereas,  it  was 
clear  to  the  mind  of  every  conscientious  and  intelligent  member 
of  the  Democratic  party,  that  such  a  thing  as  a  constitutional 
war  against  the  Southern  States  was  an  utter  absurdity ;  for  the 
General  Government  possessed  no  further  power  than  was  con 
ferred  upon  it  by  the  Federal  Constitution ;  and  this  instrument 
was  silent  as  regarded  any  such  authority. 

The  campaigns  of  1861  were  contested,  seemingly  without  a 
political  difference,  both  parties  in  the  North  advocating  a  most 
vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war  against  the  South,  in  order  that 
the  restoration  of  the  national  authority  might  be  effected.  In. 
some  sections,  certain  Republicans  united  with  the  Democrats 
under  the  name  of  the  Union  party,  and  the  resolutions  of  these 
in  conventions,  called  for  vigorous  measures  against  the  seceded 
States.  The  small  party  that  found  itself  within  the  Democratic 
organization,  was  too  feeble  to  make  its  voice  heard  in  the  party 
resolutions  of  county  and  State  conventions. 

In  the  resolves  of  Democratic  conventions,  the  sentiment  of 
the  party  might  reasonably  be  supposed  to  have  been  indicated ; 
but  it  was  far  from  being  so  at  this  period.  Like  by  its  oppo 
nent,  the  Republican  party,  a  false  attitude  was  assumed  by  the 
Democratic  party  before  the  country,  induced  by  a  fear  of  popu 
lar  opinion,  which  unmistakably  had  committed  itself  in  favor 
of  the  war  for  the  Union.  The  Republicans  found  it  necessary 
to  disguise  the  sentiments  of  all  those  in  their  party  who  sought 
to  make  the  emancipation  of  slavery  the  direct  object  of  the  war 
against  the  South ;  and  the  Democrats  deemed  it  also  expedient 
for  partisan  effect  to  preserve  as  much  as  possible  from  disclosure 
the  opinions  of  their  independent  men,  who  resisted  from  prin 
ciple  the  prosecution  of  the  war  against  the  South.  Both  parties 
w^re  thus  false  to  their  known  creeds  and  antecedents,  as  was 
well  understood  by  shrewd  discerners  of  partisan  opinions.  From 
the  first  the  political  leaders  of  each  party  were  able  to  detect 
the  real  sentiments  of  their  adversaries.  The  Democrats  accused 
the  Republicans  of  designing  negro  emancipation,  as  their 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  323 

ultimate  aim,  which  the  latter  stoutly  denied  ;  and  on  the  other 
hand,  the  Republicans  charged  upon  their  opponents  that  they 
were  in  reality  opposed  to  the  war,  though  pretending  to  favor  its 
prosecution ;  and  this  latter  accusation  was  likewise  vehemently 
denied.  These  accusations  were  indeed  both  well  founded,  as 
truthful  history  will  be  obliged  to  determine. 

The  Democrats  of  principle  were  opposed  to  the  war,  because 
it  was  an  assumption  by  the  General  Government  of  an  authority 
that  had  never  been  delegated  to  it.  The  States,  as  they  viewed 
matters,  having  been  originally  Sovereign  Commonwealths  by 
their  successful  revolt  against  Great  Britain,  and  their  recognition 
as  such  in  the  family  of  nations,  afterwards  agreed  to  unite  for 
commercial  and  other  purposes  in  a  general  confederacy,  in  order 
that  they  might  the  better  be  enabled  to  defend  their  independ 
ence,  and  advance  their  happiness  amongst  the  other  nations  of 
the  earth.  But  the  powers  delegated  by  the  States  were  clearly 
defined  in  the  Constitution,  and  embraced  only  certain  matters 
of  a  civil  nature,  which  as  the  framers  of  the  Government  be 
lieved,  could  be  better  discharged  by  Federal  than  by  State 
officials.  The  General  Government,  in  this  manner  constituted, 
was  simply  as  designed,  the  representative  agent  of  the  States, 
and  in  no  wise  clothed  with  authority  to  originally  dictate  to  its 
component  factors,  the  States  themselves,  the  independent  sove 
reignties,  over  all  matters  of  government  not  clearly  enumerated 
in  the  Federal  bond  of  Union,  the  Constitution.  The  framers 
of  the  Federal  Compact  had  discussed  the  question  of  granting  t'ne 
right  to  the  central  authority  to  coerce  by  force  of  arms  the  States, 
but  this  power  they  expressly  refused  to  confer.  In  democratic 
eyes,  therefore,  what  else  could  the  war  be,  but  an  unwarranted 
exercise  of  unconstitutional  authority. 

Another  reason  that  induced  Democratic  opposition  to  a  war 
of  subjugation,  arose  from  the  belief  that  all  efforts  of  that  kind, 
instead  of  cementing  the  antagonistic  portions  of  the  country, 
would  simply  widen  the  breach  that  had  for  years  been  forming 
between  the  people  of  the  ISTorth  and  those  of  the  South ;  and 
render  a  permanent  Union  of  the  two  sections  upon  republican 
principles  impossible.  The  history  of  the  rise  and  fall  of  repub 
lics,  and  the  philosophy  of  human  nature,  were  sufficient  to 
satisfy  reflecting  Democrats  that  the  preservation  of  Govern 
ments,  such  as  the  American  Union,  must  ever  rest  upon  the 


804  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

free  and  unconstrained  consent  of  the  controlling  minds  of  every 
community.  This  consent  can  alone  be  retained  by  that  govern 
ment  which  metes  out  equal  and  exact  justice,  according  to  the 
letter  and  spirit  of  its  institutions,  to  all  its  component  sections 
and  their  citizens.  The  Democratic  party  had  ever  done  so  whilst 
the  reins  of  power  were  in  their  hands  ;  and  no  serious  revolt  of 
any  State  ever  raised  its  head  during  their  administration  of  pub 
lic  affairs  ;  and  when  dissatisfaction  upon  any  occasion  manifested 
itself,  wisdom  dictated  to  their  representatives  to  remove  the 
same,  and  this  having  taken  place,  peace  instantly  returned. 

Again,  the  Democratic  party  could  not  approve  of  the  war 
begun  against  the  South,  under  the  pretence  of  restoring  the 
Union,  when  fully  satisfied  that  other  reasons  formed  the  motives 
for  its  inauguration.  Had  they  not  read  the  declarations  of 
Seward,  Giddings,  Burlingame,  and  other  leaders,  whose  words 
clearly  proved  that  negro  emancipation,  and  that  alone,  was  the 
secret  that  urged  the  Abolitionists  to  take  up  the  cause  of  that 
same  Union,  which  before  this  period  had  in  their  eyes  been  con 
temptible  ?  If,  argued  the  Democrats,  the  preservation  of  the 
Federal  Union  alone,  influenced  the  Republican  party  in  its 
movements,  why  did  its  representative  men  refuse  all  terms  of 
compromise  when  offered  by  Southern  statesmen  ;  and  at  a  time 
when  this,  as  was  admitted  upon  all  sides,  would  have  rescued 
the  country  from  the  bloody  chasm  into  which  abolition  obsti- 
nancy  and  fanaticism  were  driving  it?  The  party  of  reason  and 
reflection  could  not  be  ignorant  of  all  these  facts  ;  and  when  the 
war  was  made  and  prosecuted  in  violation  of  rectitude  and  a  true 
and  enlightened  policy,  was  their  approbation  of  the  govern 
mental  iniquity  to  be  expected  ?  Not  unless  error  and  madness 
were  to  be  canonized  as  truth.  And  would  even  true  philan 
thropic  motives  have  called  for  the  emancipation  of  the  Southern 
bondmen,  the  demand,  nevertheless,  would  have  forbidden  war 
and  bloodshed  for  the  accomplishment  of  their  freedom.  For  as 
Caucasian  serfdom  had  perished  in  the  different  countries  of 
Europe,  before  the  advancement  of  a  refining  and  Christian 
intelligence,  without  any  revolutionary  uprising ;  so  also  should 
the  same  influence,  penetrating  the  Southern  States  themselves, 
have  been  permitted  to  remove  African  slavery  without  any 
obtrusive  Northern  intermeddling.  Was  then  the  Democratic 
party  required  to  give  its  support  to  a  war  commenced  in  viola- 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  325 

tion  of  all  the  principles  of  modern  civilization  ?  If  it  was  not, 
what  else,  to  be  obedient  to  conscience,  could  sincere  and  intelli 
gent  members  of  the  party  of  Jefferson  in  the  ]S"orth  do,  except 
to  oppose  to  the  utmost  of  their  ability,  the  abolition  war,  as 
unconstitutional,  unchristian,  and  altogether  anti-republican  in 
its  aims  and  tendencies? 

As  the  war  against  the  South  progressed,  one  occurrence  after 
another  revealed  more  clearly  the  changing  programme  of  the 
administration  party.  The  legislation  of  the  first  regular  session 
of  the  Thirty-seventh  Congress,  disclosed  to  the  eyes  of  thinking 
men  that  the  overthrow  of  negro  slavery,  under  the  pretence  of 
devotion  to  the  Union,  was  fully  resolved  upon,  by  Republican 
leaders  assembled  at  Washington  and  throughout  the  North. 

O  O 

And  as  abolition  approval  became  enthusiastic  in  its  endorse 
ment  of  the  war  and  its  changing  schedule,  so  in  like  ratio  did 
the  Democratic  party  unite  in  a  more  solid  phalanx  of  opposition 
to  the  anticipated  designs  of  abolitionism. 

In  the  different  States  of  the  Xorth,  an  organized  opposition 
in  the  Democratic  party  to  the  war,  began  first  to  display  itself 
with  intensity  in  the  political  campaigns  of  1862 ;  arid  yet  no 
important  convention  of  that  party  fully  committed  itself  to  an 
open  denunciation  of  the  war  for  the  Union.  The  politicians 
who  are  ever  upon  the  lookout  for  political  ascendancy  rather 
than  for  the  success  of  principle,  held  in  check  those  Democrats 
who  would  have  had  the  party  in  its  conventions  to  declare 
openly  against  the  war,  and  baave  to  the  utmost  abolition  malig 
nity.  An  avowal  by  the  Democratic  party  of  its  open  repudia 
tion  of  the  war  of  invasion  against  the  South,  would  have 
released  it  from  its  hypocritical  attitute,  and  placed  it  in  a  posi 
tion  where  its  blows  would  have  been  more  felt  by  its  adversary. 
But  in  the  base  and  ignoble  condition  in  whicn  it  was  placed  by 
false  leaders,  men  of  honor  and  courage  were  unable  to  grapple 
successfully  with  their  political  opponents.  How  could  men, 
thoroughly  imbued  with  the  belief  that  the  war  was  unconstitu 
tional,  give  a  hearty  support  to  candidates  nominated  upon  a 
platform  which  called  for  the  restoration  of  the  Union  by  blood 
shed,  and  for  vigorous  hostilities  against  the  seceded  States? 
They  only  did  so  as  a  choice  of  evils,  convinced  at  the  same  time 
that  the  spirit  of  the  Democratic  party  was  repugnant  to  all 
coercive  measures ;  and  although  the  latter  had  been  endorsed  in 


326  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

their  conventions,  yet  they  felt  that  a  cowardly  policy  alone  had 
been  instrumental  in  inducing  their  leaders  to  approve  of  such 
undemocratic  principles. 

The  Democratic  party  went  into  the  several  State  canvases, 
animated  by  hostility  to  the  war,  and  thoroughly  imbued  with  the 
conviction  that  the  theory  of  the  administration  for  the  restora 
tion  of  a  Confederated  Union  was  baseless  and  chimerical.  The 
contest  already  having  proved  one  of  longer  continuance  than 
popular  expectation  had  anticipated,  was  calculated  to  induce 
most  of  those  who  had  originally  favored  compromise  to  support 
the  principles  and  candidates  of  the  Democratic  party.  A  strong 
Northern  tide  of  antipathy  to  the  movements  of  abolition 
ism,  had  indeed  been  rising  since  the  meeting  of  Congress,  in 
December,  1861 ;  and  which  continued  to  flow  the  more  rapidly 
as  the  curtain  of  disguise  continued  from  time  to  time  to  be 
lifted.  The  Presidential  proclamation  of  September  22d,  1862, 
might  seem  to  have  produced  a  crisis  of  popular  revulsion  against 
the  abolition  policy,  which  showed  itself  in  the  anti-administra 
tion  victories  of  the  autumn  of  that  same  year. 

The  victories  of  this  year,  in  the  Northern  States,  recuperated 
somewhat  the  prostrate  Democracy,  and  inflicted  a  slight  blow 
upon  the  Republican  administration,  which  was  fruitful  of  bene 
fit.  Horatio  Seymour,  of  New  York,  and  Joel  Parker,  of  New 
Jersey,  were  elected  Governors  of  their  respective  States  by  con 
siderable  majorities.  Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Indiana  and  Illinois, 
were  carried  by  the  Democrats  by  small  majorities  on  their  State 
tickets.  All  these  States  sent  heavier  Democratic  delegations  to 
the  Lower  House  of  National  Representatives,  than  were  found 
in  the  Thirty-seventh  Congress.  Michigan,  "Wisconsin,  and  most 
other  Western  States,  showed  a  decided  falling  off  in  administra 
tion  strength. 

It  was  natural  that  the  result  of  the  elections  of  1862,  should 
infuse  a  buoyancy  of  spirit  into  the  breasts  of  the  Northern 
Democracy  ;  and  many  of  them,  forgetful  of  the  platforms  upon 
which  their  victory  had  been  won,  credited  the  growing  anti-war 
sentiment  of  the  people  of  their  different  States  as  the  chief 
cause  of  their  success,,  No  doubt  this  sentiment  was  largely  in 
strumental  in  keeping  up  the  compact  organization  of  the  party  ; 
but  the  time  had  elapsed  when  the  subjugationists,  with  vast 
armies  in  the  field  and  the  whole  machinery  of  the  National 


POLITICAL  CONFLICTIN  AMERICA.  327 

Government  at  their  command,  could  successfully  be  resisted. 
But  the  Peace  Democrats  of  the  Western  States  and  elsewhere, 
emboldened,  nevertheless,  by  the  late  successes,  believed  that  the 
party  could  now  be  brought  into  an  attitude  of  open  resistance 
to  the  war ;  and,  impressed  with  this  conviction,  they  deemed  it 
their  duty  to  make  the  effort. 

Besides,  the  Thirty-seventh  Congress  would  have  seemed  to 
an  indifferent  spectator  as  if  desirous  of  adding  additional  incen 
tives  to  the  Peace  party,  to  resist  the  war  of  subjugation.  For 
if  ever  a  people  should  rebel  against  an  ungodly  and  wicked  fac 
tion  having  control  of  a  Government,  then  the  Northern  people 
would  have  been  fully  justified  in  doing  so  at  this  period. 
But,  notwithstanding  the  odious  and  unconstitutional  legislation 
of  this  Congress,  the  people  were  found  to  be  as  slaves,  utterly 
incapable  of  resisting  the  tyrannous  despots,  and  the  old  party 
of  law  and  order  was  still  compelled  to  muzzle  its  utterances 
and  stigmatize  those  resisting  with  arms  the  national  tyranny,  as 
traitors  and  assassins  of  liberty. 

The  anti-coercion  sentiments  of  Benjamin  Wood,  one  of  the 
outspoken  and  independent  peace  Congressmen  of  the  the  North, 
which  will  ever  reflect  increasing  lustre  and  glory  upon  his  name 
throughout  distant  ages,  are  here  given  at  considerable  length ; 
and  this  because  they  are  typical  of  the  views  of  those  who  from 
the  first  opposed  the  inauguration  of  hostilities,  and  who  ever 
afterwards  continued  to  advocate  a  cessation  of  arms  in  order 
that  reason  might  be  left  free  to  restore  what  fanaticism  had  dis 
rupted.  Mr.  Wood,  in  his  speech  of  February  27th,  18^3,  said : 

"We  can  never  by  force  of  arms  control  the  will  of  a  peo 
ple,  our  equals  in  the  attributes  of  enlightened  manhood ;  and 
while  the  will  of  that  people  remains  adverse  to  political  com 
panionship  with  us,  political  companionship  is  impossible.  Blood 
shed,  destruction  of  property  and  occupation  of  lands  are  possi 
ble  ;  much  suffering,  grief  and  folly  are  possible ;  we  have  too 
sadly  proved  it ;  but  a  constrained  union  of  Sovereign  States  is 
an  impossibility,  which  if  omnipotence  could  accomplish,  omnis 
cience  would  not  attempt. 

"  I  feel  that  upon  the  fresh,  pure  soil  of  the  New  World,  we 
have  thrown  the  seeds  of  discord,  and  they  will  take  root.  But 


328  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

while  my  experience  and  the  testimony  of  our  fathers  through 
eighty-seven  years  of  prosperity  and  progress,  have  well  estab 
lished  my  faith  in  the  beneficence  of  a  union  of  the  States,  I 
cannot  understand  that  its  blessings  are  of  a  nature  to  be  enjoyed 
upon  compulsion. 

"  But  granting  it  possible,  the  question  arises  of  equal  moment, 
is  it  desirable  ?  Has  not  the  struggle  already  been  too  fierce  to 
admit  of  unity  and  cordial  feeling  between  a  conquering  and  a 
conquered  section  ?  Sir,  I  fear  it  has ;  I  believe  that  while  the 
memory  of  this  wTar  exists,  the  people  of  the  North  and  South, 
united  by  constraint,  would  not  sufficiently  forgive  the  past  years' 
record  to  admit  of  kindly  relationship  in  the  same  politcal  house 
hold.  Right  or  wrong,  men  will  cling  to  their  own  impressions 
of  a  great  and  sanguinary  struggle,  in  which  they  or  their  sires 
have  been  participants.  As  the  living  fathers  of  future  genera 
tions  this  day  feel,  so  will  they  bequeath  to  their  children,  and  in 
natural  course,  the  North  and  South  will  nurse  their  own  seperate 
views  of  this  unparalleled  epoch  of  carnage  and  contantion." 

"  Will  the  text  book  of  history,  conned  by  the  boys  of  Massa 
chusetts,  serve  hereafter  in  the  school  rooms  of  the  Carolinas  2 
"Will  the  stories  of  Manassas,  of  Shiloh,  of  Antietam,  of  Freder- 
icksburg,  and  of  a  hundred  other  battle  fields,  be  told  in  the 
same  spirit,  Northward  and  Southward  from  the  banks  of  the 
Potomac  ?  Will  the  winter  tales  be  similar  when  the  youth  of 
either  section  gather  about  the  hearthstone,  and  feel  the  young 
blood  tingle  in  their  veins  at  the  words  of  white  haired  heroes  ? 
Will  the  matrons  of  Louisiana  train  their  offspring  to  venerate 
the  name  of  Butler  ?  Will  the  remembrances  of  Davis,  Lee  and 
Johnston  be  identical  in  New  England  and  Virginia  ?  No,  sir, 
unless  mutual  consent  should  re-unite  us,  the  pages  of  history 
and  the  words  of  tradition  will  breathe  of  the  sympathies  that 
now  exist ;  and  the  generations  to  come  will  as  surely  be  educated 
to  distinct  and  opposite  prejudices.  The  school-room,  the  pulpit 
and  the  press,  would  then,  as  now,  inculcate  doctrines  that  cannot 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  329 

assimilate ;  and  in  this  Capitol,  the  representatives  of  the  people 
would  be  the  representatives  of  sectional  antipathies.  Sir,  to 
avoid  this,  we  must  avoid  inflicting  the  sting  of  submission,  or 
engendering  the.  pride  of  conquest. 

"  Our  fathers  gave  us  a  Union  founded  on  mutual  consent, 
concession,  and  reciprocal  attachment ;  we  would  entail  upon  our 
children,  a  political  connection  based  upon  hatred,  suspicion,  and 
opposing  prejudices.  A  Nationality  thus  constituted,  would  be 
a  mockery  of  republicanism  and  its  bane;  a  political  prostitu 
tion  ;  the  joining  of  hands  before  an  altar  whose  divinity  could 
attest  the  heart's  irrepressible  loathing  and  disgust.  Had  I  the 
faculty  to  crush  with  one  blow  the  material  power  of  the  South, 
I  would  not  strike.  My  pride  as  an  American  would  revolt  at 
the  thought  of  dragging  them  reluctant,  hopeless,  and  spirit- 
broken  into  a  fellowship  that  they  abhor.  Union  restored  by 
subjugation  would  be  but  the  prelude  to  increasing  altercation. 
It  is  not  enough  to  affirm  that  I  would  not  enforce  the  unnatural 
connection  ;  sir,  I  would  not  consent  to  it.  I  would  oppose  it  as 
a  degredation  to  ourselves,  an  insult  to  our  institutions,  and  a 
violation  of  the  priciples  of  self-government.  I  would  oppose 
it  as  an  impediment  to  our  national  progress  ;  as  a  perpetuation 
of  discord  and  contention  between  States,  and  as  involving  either 
its  own  future  dissolution,  or  the  assumption  by  the  General 
Government  of  military  and  despotic  functions,  fatal  to  republi 
canism.  I  confess,  sir,  that  I  apprehend  no  difficulties  or  mis 
fortunes  in  the  event  of  a  separation  at  all  commensurate  with 
those  that  must  inevitably  prove  the  sequences  of  reunion  by 
mere  force  of  arms. 

"  I  cannot  conceive  a  happy,  prosperous  and  republican  Union, 
cemented  by  blood,  remolded  in  repugnance,  and  prolonged  by 
the  submission  of  the  weak  to  the  dictation  of  the  strong, 

"A  partnership  in  our  Confederacy  should  be  granted  as  a 
boon,  and  only  to  those  that  seek  it ;  not  enforced  as  an  obliga 
tion  upon  those  that  ask  it  not.  It  should  be  held  a  privilege  to 


330  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

be  proud  of,  not  an  imposition  to  shrink  from  and  protest  against. 
"Were  I  certain  that,  in  a  military  sense,  this  war  would  prove 
successful,  nevertheless  I  would  oppose  it ;  for  with  the  destruction 
of  the  resisting  power  of  the  South,  would  vanish  every  hope  of 
their  existence  as  equal  and  contented  members  of  one  household. 

"  In  my  view  this  war,  nominally  for  the  Union,  has  actually 
been  waged  against  it. 

"  But  upon  what  foundation  was  the  structure  (of  the  Union) 
built  ?  Sir,  upon  the  free  will  of  the  people.  Not  of  one 
State,  or  of  one  section,  but  of  all  the  States  and  of  all  the 
sections.  While  that  free  will  existed,  the  temple  was  of  a 
nature  to  withstand  the  ravages  of  time.  That  free  will  has 
ceased  to  exist,  and  the  temple  has  crumbled  into  dust.  It  is  no 
more.  It  is  a  glory  of  the  past.  "What  you  conceive  to  be  the 
structure  is  but  a  memory,  so  intense  that  it  seems  reality  ;  but 
the  substance  is  not  there.  Rebuild  it  if  you  can ;  but  you  must 
first  obtain  the  free  will  of  the  South  which  your  armies  and 
navies  cannot  secure. 

"  I  have  never  voted  a  dollar  for  the  war.  As  a  legislator,  as 
a  citizen^  and  as  a  man,  I  claim  to  be  absolved  from  all  participa 
tion  in  this  murderous  strife.  "With  all  my  humble  abilities  I 
have  endeavored  to  arrest  it.  I  shall  still  endeavor,  and  if  in 
vain,  let  my  efforts  attest  before  God  and  man,  that  I  am  un 
stained  with  the  blood  of  my  countrymen. 

"Sir,  you  may  have  observed  that  I  have  spoken  without 
regard  to  the  views  of  other  men  or  the  doctrines  of  political 
organizations.  If  I  stand  alone,  my  isolation  conjures  up  no 
phantoms  of  doubt  or  fear.  While  my  country  groans  beneath 
the  stroke  of  her  own  dagger,  I  forswear  all  allegiance  to  party 
Whatever  proposition  in  my  mind  shall  enhance  the  prospect  of 
peace  shall  have  my  vote.  Peace  is  the  goal  of  my  political 
course — the  haven  of  my  hopes.  I  care  not  by  whose  chart  I 
steer,  or  whose  hand  shall  guide  the  helm,  so  that  the  compass 
shall  guide  thitherward.  Whosoever  shall  raise  its  standards, 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  331 

shall  find  ine  ready  to  serve  beneath  its  folds.  Whosoever  shall 
blazon  the  olive  branch  for  his  devise,  shall  have  me  his  adherent. 
In  whatever  shape  the  demon  of  destruction  shall  appear,  I  will 
oppose  him.  In  whatever  garb  the  spirit  of  peace  shall  clothe 
her  radiant  form,  I  will  embrace  her.  Conciliation,  compro 
mise  or  seperation,  each  shall  be  acceptable  to  me,  if  as  its  conse 
quence,  we  shall  be  spared  the  scourge  of  war.  Let  the  most 
zealous  emancipationist  suggest  a  cessation  of  hostilities,  and  I  am 
with  him.  Let  the  staunchest  member  of  the  opposition  uphold 
the  war,  and  I  am  against  him.  I  have  no  sympathies  with  those 
who  denounce  the  Administration,  and  yet  call  for  vigorous 
hostilities.  In  my  view,  the  Abolitionist  is  a  more  honest  politi 
cian  and  a  more  conscientious  citizen.  lie  is  a  fanatic — not  a 
mere  time  server ;  wrong,  but  consistent  in  his  wrong ;  the  wor 
shipper  of  a  false  God,  but  earnest  in  his  adoration.  Would 
that  all  who  denounce  him,  were  as  sincere  and  as  bold  in  the 
expression  of  their  opinions."  * 

During  February  and  March,  1863,  the  Peace  Democracy 
began  to  assume  a  bolder  position  than  they  had  as  yet  done ; 
and  the  slurring  epithet  of  Copperheads ,  from  this  period,  was 
currently  applied  to  them  by  their  political  enemies.  Meetings 
of  the  Peace  men  were  held  in  different  sections  of  the  country ; 
and  a  large  one  in  Mozart  Hall,  New  York,  was  addressed  by 
Fernando  Wood  and  others  of  similar  sentiments.  Resolutions 
strongly  denunciatory  of  the  war  were  adopted  by  the  Mozart 
Democracy. 

The  Democratic  party  of  Connecticut,  in  the  spring  of  1863, 
placed  in  nomination  for  Governor,  Col.  Thomas  H.  Seymour, 
an  early,  consistent  and  outspoken  opponent  of  the  Abolition 
war ;  and  the  Convention  which  nominated  him,  adopted  the 
following  resolution : 

" Resolved,  That  while  we  denounce  the  heresy  of  secession,  as  unda- 
fended  and  unwarranted  by  the  Constitution,  we  as  confidently  asserb, 
that  whatever  may  heretofore  have  been  the  opinion  of  our  countrymen, 
the  time  has  now  arrived  when  all  true  lovers  of  the  Constitution  are 
ready  to  abandon  the  "monstrous  fallacy"  that  the  Union  can  be  restored 


*Appendix  to  Con.  Globe,  3d  Session  of  37th  Congress,  Part  2,  pp.  134-5. 


802  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

» 

by  the  armed  hand  alone  ;  and  we  are  anxious  to  inaugurate  such  action, 
honorable  alike  to  the  contending  sections,  as  will  stop  the  ravages  of 
war,  avert  universal  bankruptcy,  and  unite  all  the  States  upon  terms  of 
equality  as  members  of  one  Confederacy.'' 

The  war  party  now  became  more  bitterly  denunciatory  of  their 
political  antagonists,  than  before,  accusing  them  of  a  desire  either 
to  establish  slavery  throughout  the  North,  or  to  disrupt  the  Union 
in  the  interest  of  the.  rebellion.  It  soon  became  evident  that 
such  abuse  and  vilification  would  be  able  to  detract  timid  men 
from  the  support  of  the  Peace  party ;  and  neutralize  their 
strength  by  detaining  them  from  the  polls,  or  attract  them  to  the 
support  of  those  boasting  themselves  the  Union  party  of  the  Nation. 
That  the  Peace  Democracy  would  not  be  able  successfully  to 
contest  with  the  party  that  already  had  seized  the  National  purse 
and  sword,  become  evident  in  the  Connecticut  campaign.  Thomas 
H.  Seymour  was  defeated  and  the  peace  movement  crippled. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

THE  NEW  ERA. 

A  new  era  of  American  affairs  began  with  the  1st  of  January, 
1863  ;  this  being  the  date  of  the  emancipation  edict,  which  pro 
claimed  freedom  to  the  negro  slaves  of  the  South.  In  this 
famous  proclamation,  President  Lincoln  boldly  avowed  the  false 
hood  of  his  own  former  assurances  of  his  constitutional  inability 
and  also  his  disinclination  to  interfere  with  the  institutions  of  the 
seceded  States* ;  and  without  any  further  disguise  he  declared 
that  the  future  policy  of  the  Government  should  embrace  not 
alone  the  non-extension,  but  the  entire  removal  of  African  Sla 
very.  In  more  senses  than  one,  therefore,  did  this  constitute 
the  commencement  of  a  new  era.  It  was  impossible  but  that 
this  proclamation  emenating  from  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the 
Nation,  and  clearly  disproving  his  own  former  utterances  and  that 
of  his  party,  should  sanctify  perfidy  and  breach  of  faith ;  and 
tend  to  enoble  every  form  of  treachery  and  corruption  of  which 
mankind  are  capable. 

*"  Apprehension  seems  to  exist  among  the  people  of  the  Southern  States, 
that  by  the  accession  of  a  Republican  administration,  their  property  and 
their  peace  and  personal  security  are  to  be  endangered.  There  has 
never  been  any  reasonable  cause  for  such  apprehensions.  Indeed,  the 
most  ample  evidence  to  the  contrary  has  all  the  while  existed,  and  been 
open  to  their  inspection.  It  is  found  in  nearly  all  the  public  speeches  of 
him  who  now  addresses  you.  I  do  but  quote  from  one  of  those  speeches 
when  I  declare  that  I  have  no  purpose,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  interfere 
with  the  institution  of  slavery  in  the  States  where  it  exists.  I  believe  I 
have  no  lawful  right  to  do  so,  and  I  have  no  inclination  to  do  so.  Those 
who  maintained  and  elected  me  did  so,  with  full  knowledge  that  I  had 
made  this  and  similar  declarations,  and  had  never  recanted  them. 
And  more  than  this,  they  placed  in  the  platform  for  my  acceptance,  and 
as  a  'aw  to  themselves  and  to  me  the  clear  and  emphatic  resolution  which 
I  now  read. 

"Resolved,  That  the  maintenace  inviolate  of  the  rights  of  the  States, 
and  especially  the  right  of  each  State,  to  order  and  control  its  own  do 
mestic  institutions,  according  to  its  own  judgment  exclusively,  is  essen 
tial  to  the  balance  of  power  on  which  the  perfection  and  endurance  of 
our  political  fabric  depend  ;  and  we  denounce  the  lawless  invasion  by 
armed  force  of  the  soil  of  any  State  or  Territory,  no  matter  under  what 
pretext,  as  among  the  grossest  crimes." — Lincoln's  Inaugural  of  March  4, 
1861. 


834  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

The  new  era  being  thus  inaugurated  in  the  promulgation  of 
the  final  emancipation  proclamation,  the  37th  Congress  by  the 
time  of  its  termination,  had  so  welded  the  chains  of  despotism, 
as  to  render  the  revolution  complete  and  irreversible.  The  prin 
ciples  of  the  radical  revolutionists,  Simmer,  Stevens,  Lovejoy  and* 
others,  which  at  first  were  seemingly  repudiated  utterly  in  Con 
gress,  now  came  forward  and  found  party  recognition,  being  sus 
tained  by  a  pretended  popular  opinion  in  the  Northern  States. 
The  new  era  was  especially  significant  in  this,  that  legislation 
came  to  be  molded  by  what  showed  itself,  from  a  despotic  sup 
pression  of  opposing  opinion,  as  the  will  of  the  majority. 

The  revolutionary  leaders  were  sagacious  and  far  seeing,  and 
from  an  early  period  of  the  war,  little  doubt,  even  prior  to  its 
commencement,  had  planned  the  entire  future  policy  of  their 
party,  which  was  to  remodel  the  whole  social  system  of  the  South 
as  also  of  the  North,  should  the  might  of  numbers  finally  tri 
umph  over  the  defenders  of  the  Constitution,  and  the  principles 
of  free  government.  Did  not  Charles  Sumner  offer  his  famous 
resolutions  in  the  United  States  Senate,  which  declared  the  for 
feiture  of  statehood  by  all  the  seceded  members  of  the  South 
ern  Confederacy  2  and  did  he  not  do  so  at  so  early  a  day  that  his 
senatorial  friends  deemed  it  impolitic  that  they  should  commit 
the  Republican  party  to  their  endorsement?  Did  not  the  radical 
Congressmen,  from  the  first,  oppose  the  admission  of  Representa 
tives  from  the  reclaimed  sections  of  the  South,  out  of  fear  for 
their  favored  State-suicide  doctrine,  which  would  territorialize  the 
revolted  States,  and  place  them  fully  beneath  the  heel  of  their 
despotic  power?  Did  Thaddeus  Stevens,  Bingham,  of  Ohio, 
Eliot,  of  Massachusetts,  and  certain  other  radicals  in  the  House, 
vote  for  the  admission  of  Flanders  and  Halm  as  Representatives 
from  the  First  and  Second  Districts  of  Louisiana,  after  the  cap 
ture  of  the  Crescent  City  by  the  Union  army  ?  Henry  L.  Dawes, 
himself  a  Republican,  in  his  speech  of  February  17, 1863,  showed. 
the  motive  for  the  opposition  to  the  admission  of  the  Louisiana 
Representatives.  He  said : 

"My  own  colleague  (Mr.  Eliot)  has  another  remedy.  These  States, 
according  to  him,  have  destroyed  themselves,  and  can  re-enter  the  Union 
through  the  preparatory  stage  of  Territorial  Governments." 

Again,  the  new  era  gave  fresh  impetus  to  the  movement 
already  begun  of  enrolling  colored  soldiers  into  the  Northern 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  335 

armies.  A  few  enthusiastic  Union  Generals  had  in  the  latter 
part  of  1862,  done  everything  in  their  power  to  impel  the 
Washington  authorities  to  determine  to  accept  slaves  and  free 
negroes  into  the  military  service  of  the  country ;  but  President 
Lincoln  and  his  advisers  did  not  yet  deem  it  prudent  to  take  so 
important  a  step,  until  its  entire  safety  in  Northern  public  opinion 
might  be  premised.  Fugitive  slaves,  had  however,  been  accepted 
by  several  of  these  federal  commanders,  and  at  the  sam^  time 
with  the  knowledge  of  the  Washington  Administration.  No 
express  warrant  to  do  so  had  as  yet  been  given,  and  nevertheless 
negro  regiments  were  recruited  and  daily  drilled  without  any 
fear  of  rebuke  from  Abraham  Lincoln  or  his  Cabinet.  Theara 
officers,  however,  well  understood  the  spirit  and  tone  of  the 
Administration,  and  hence  had  no  dread  of  any  reprimands  that 
might  be  inflicted,  for  they  were  fully  assured  that  none  such 
would  be  given  by  the  President,  unless  in  deference  to  opinions 
which  he  himself  by  no  means  cherished. 

The  revolutionary  abolitionists  had  for  some  time  been  advo 
cating  the  enrollment  of  negroes  into  the  Union  armies,  and 
mainly  in  behalf  of  the  future  political  equalization  which  they 
intended  to  advocate,  should  the  overthrow  of  the  rebellion  be 
effected.  With  the  new  era,  therefore,  negro  enrollment  may  be 
said  to  date  its  open  approval  by  the  National  Administration. 
The  President,  in  his  Emancipation  Proclamation,  declared  in 
language  still  somewhat  guarded,  that  negroes  should  henceforth 
form  a  part  of  the  military  forces  of  the  nation.  He  said  : 

"  And  I  further  declare  and  make  known,  that  such  persons  of  suitable 
condition  will  be  received  into  the  armed  service  of  the  United  States  to 
garrison  forts,  positions,  stations  and  other  places,  and  to  man  vessels  of 
all  sorts  in  said  service. 

The  Abolitionists  now  conceived  their  victory  as  almost  com- 
•  plete,  since  they,  at  length,  had  succeeded  in  having  the  Execu 
tive  to  declare  before  the  nation  that  negro  soldiers  might  be 
r  taken  into  the  federal  service.  And,  notwithstanding,  in  the 
cautious  language  which  the  President  had  made  use  of,  he  had 
scarcely  committed  himself  beyond  what  was  already  granted  in 
the  Act  of  Congress  of  July  17,  1862.  This  Act  had  authorized 
the  employment  of  negroes  in  constructing  intrenchments,  and 
in  performing  camp  and  other  naval  and  military  service,  for 
which  they  might  be  found  competent.  Full  equality  in  the 


8C8  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

military  service,  however,  was  not  therein  conceded,  and  Abraham 
Lincoln,  though  designing  this  equality,  guarded  his  language  so 
carefully,  as  that  he  should  not  appear  before  the  country  to  be 
extending  what  in  reality  he  meant  to  grant.  His  intentions, 
nevertheless,  were  fully  understood  by  those  of  his  friends  and 
enemies,  who  were  not  deceived  by  words  al«one.  But  his  ambig 
uous  expressions  admirably  served  the  purpose  of  his  political 
partisans,  who  were  thus  enabled  to  interpret  them  as  exigencies 
might  require. 

The  enrolling  of  negroes  into  the  Union  armies,  which  was  so 
discouraged  by  the  administration  during  the  first  and  second 
years  of  the  war,  soon  came  now  to  be  everywhere  allowed.  It 
was  in  accordance  with  what  might  readily  have  been  surmised, 
that  Massachusetts,  the  home  of  revolutionary  republicanism, 
should  be  found  to  be  the  first  place  in  the  North  to  open  its 
doors  for  negro  recruiting.  And  the  earliest  upon  record  that 
invoked  the  privilege  of  doing  so,  was  Governor  Andrew,  the 
prophetic  Executive  of  the  Bay  State,  who  foresaw  the  streets 
and  highways  of  his  own  Commonwealth  crowded  with  soldiers, 
rushing  to  the  battle's  front,  when  the  Presidential  bugle  of  free 
dom  should  sound  its  blast  throughout  the  land.  This  highly 
coveted  privilege  was  accorded  to  the  enthusiastic  Chief  Magis 
trate  of  the  Old  State  of  the  Pilgrims,  by  Edward  M.  Stanton, 
Secretary  of  War,  on  the  20th  of  January,  1863. 

And  lest  his  characteristic  timidity  should  deter  Abraham 
Lincoln  from  allowing  negro  recruiting  to  be  prosecuted  with 
sufficient  zeal  in  all  sections  of  the  Union,  Thaddeus  Stevens 
deemed  it  his  duty  to  exert  his  utmost  efforts  to  strengthen  the 
Presidential  nerves.  It  was  the  policy  that  Mr.  Stevens  had 
long  desired  to  see  inaugurated ;  and  one  which  his  fellow-mem 
bers  in  Congress  credited  him  as  being  the  first  to  advocate  upon 
the  floor  of  the  House.  Long  delay  interposed,  though  wit  and 
scorn  gave  frequent  admonition  of  Presidential  duty ;  but  finally 
hesitation  relaxed  its  hold.  The  decree  had  gone  forth.  And 
now  others,  perchance,  might  carry  off  the  glory  in  equalizing 
the  human  races,  should  the  leader  of  the  House  not  conspicu 
ously  show  himself  the  ardent  champion  of  that  movement 
which  he  had  labored  so  faithfully  to  inaugurate. 

His  amendment  of  the  27th  of  January,  to  the  bill  before 
the  House,  to  raise  additional  troops  for  the  service  of  the  Gov- 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  ENT  AMERICA.  337 

eminent,  placed  Mr.  Stevens  in  full  accord  with  the  new  era ; 
and  none  need  seek,  after  that  exhibition  of  desire  for  negro 
equality,  to  snatch  from  Vermont's  son  the  laurels  he  kad  so 
fairly  won.  From  this  period  the  name  of  commoner  was  iitly 
applied  to  the  Lancaster  statesman.  But  as  the  great  orator  of 
Kentucky,  Henry  Clay,  also  bore  the  same  appellation,  for  dis 
tinction's  sake  in  history,  it  will  be  well  to  entitle  the  younger 
statesman  the  negro  commoner. 

But  this  effort  of  Mr.  Stevens,  to  raise  negro  soldiers,  though 
it  received  the  approbation  of  the  Lower  House  of  Congress, 
already  quite  obedient  to  his  dictation,  was  deemed  altogether 
needless,  in  the  estimation  of  sagacious  Senators.  This  highly 
learned  body  were  unable  to  see  any  necessity  for  legislation, 
additional  to  what  had  been  enacted  in  the  preceding  July. 
Senators  contended  that  ample  power  had  already  been  conferred 
upon  the  President  to  enable  him  to  recruit  negroes  for  any  de 
partment  of  the  land  or  naval  service  for  which  he  might  con- 
eider  them  competent.  It  might  have  been  thought  matter  of 
surprise  that  these  two  loyal  bodies  should  differ  so  widely  as  to 
the  powers  granted  to  the  President,  in  regard  to  the  enrollment 
of  the  negroes  into  the  Union  armies.  Had  no  fears,  however, 
been  entertained  as  to  the  consequences  of  adopting  the  policy 
of  the  new  era,  it  is  apprehended  that  much  greater  harmony  of 
sentiment  would  have  prevailed  between  the  Senate  and  House 
of  Representatives.  A  clearly  avowed  negro  equalizing  and 
enlistment  policy  was  yet  dreaded  by  leading  Republicans.  Ac 
cordingly,  the  Thirty-seventh  Congress  adjourned,  having  its 
role  of  despotism  finished  and  complete,  but  leaving  as  the  mis 
sion  of  the  new  era  to  accomplish  what  reason  discouraged,  vis : 
to  equalize  as  soldiers  and  citizens  the  people  of  every  race  and 
clime. 

In  view  of  the  popular  antipathy  to  the  enrollment  of  African 
soldiers  into  the  army,  by  far  the  most  prudential  method  for  the 
Government  to  pursue,  was  to  permit  the  War  Department  to 
apcord  the  privilege  of  raising  colored  troops,  and  thus  elude 
public  scrutiny  to  better  advantage.  Indeed,  the  wide  spread 
contempt  and  hatred  of  the  colored  race,  was  turned  to  practical 
account  by  the  philantrophic  reformers,  who  argued  that  these 
despised  men  should  be  taken  into  the  public  service,  in  order 
to  spare  the  lives  of  free  white  men  of  the  North.  The  white 


333  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

soldiers  of  the  North  became  at  once  very  dear  to  the  enthusiastic 
negro  equalizers,  when  an  object  gratifying  to  their  malicious 
souls  was  to  be  served.  It  had  not  before  occurred  to  them  that 
the  lives  of  the  poor  white  men  should  have  been  considered,  at 
a  time  when  the  war  could  have  been  averted  by  a  slight  con 
cession  of  principle  to  confederate  allies,  whose  conscience  and 
judgment  were  equally  deserving  of  regard  as  their  own.  But 
they  were  the  infallible  conscience  guides  of  the  races,  and  the 
least  swerving  from  the  pre-arranged  programme  might  have 
been  fatal  to  their  darling  hopes  of  sable  elevation. 

The  new  era,  with  its  despotic  phases  and  Africanizing  evolu 
tions,  was  now  fully  installed.  The  qualm  of  loathing  that  had 
been  rising  for  some  time  in  democratic  sentiment,  was  sufficient 
almost  to  produce  a  counter  rebellion  in  the  North  to  resist 
equally,  what  the  Southern  Confederates  were  battling.  But 
much  as  any  rebellion  would  have  been  justified,  under  the  cir 
cumstances,  in  resisting  the  most  consummate  traitors  and  des 
pots  that  had  ever  disgraced  the  principles  of  free  government ; 
a  successful  one  was  utterly  impossibe  at  a  time  when  all  the 
governmental  machinery  was  in  the  hands  of  the  enemies  of  the 
Confederacy  of  the  fathers,  and  when  vast  armies  of  the  youth 
ful  men  of  the  country  were  under  arms,  enlisted  in  the  belief 
that  they  were  called  into  to  the  service  of  their  country  to  de 
fend  the  Union  and  the  Constitution  ;  whereas,  every  stroke  they 
inflicted  was  a  stab  at  that  Constitution  they  adored,  and  the  civil 
liberty  of  their  countrymen. 

It  was  the  principle  of  rule  or  ruin  that  spurred  onwards  the 
revolutionary  men  (though  a  minority  of  the  American  peo 
ple)  who  had,  under  the  guise  of  law,  snatched  control  of  the 
reins  of  Government ;  and  which  they  determined  either  to 
remodel  to  suit  their  wild  and  delusive  ideas  of  right,  or  to  per 
ish  in  the  struggle.  And  so  has  it  ever  been  in  the  world's  his 
tory  ;  and  the  Western  revolutionists  differed  little  from  their 
elder  brethren  across  the  waters.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  Charles 
Siimner  and  Horace  Greeley  varied  but  triflingly  in  spirit  and 
sympathy  from  Robespierre,  Danton  and  Marat,  the  men  who 
were  willing  to  subvert  church  and  State,  constitutional  and 
social  order,  and  overwhelm  in  one  universal  vortex  of  ruin 
everything  that  interposed  obstacles  to  their  mad  designs  and 
ambition. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  339 

The  negro  enrolling  of  the  new  era,  was  prosecuted  with  steady 
continuity  in  face  of  all  the  protests  of  the  people  of  the  Bor 
der,  and  the  Democrats  of  the  Northern  States.  Soldiers  of 
African  descent  henceforth  were  enlisted  into  the  service  through 
out  the  North,  and  likewise  in  those  parts  of  the  South  which 
had  been  rescued  from  the  control  of  the  Confederates.  Fugitive 
slaves  were  all  the  time  making  their  way  into  the  Union  lines, 
and  being  speedily  metamorphosed  into  regiments  and  corps 
d}  Afrique,  were  steadily  drilled  by  white  officers.  By  the  22d 
of  May,  1863,  a  special  Bureau  of  colored  troops  was  found  nee- 
essarv  to  be  organized  in  the  War  Department  for  the  manage 
ment  of  this  branch  of  the  Federal  army.  President  Lincoln, 
in  his  Message  of  the  8th  of  December,  following,  was  able  to 
speak  of  the  colored  recruits  as  follows  ; 

<;Of  those  who  were  slaves  at  the  beginning  of  the  rebellion,  full  one 
hundred  thousand  are  now  in  the  United  States  military  service,  about 
one-half  of  which  number  actually  bear  arms  in  the  ranks," 

The  new  era,  again,  was  not  alone  revolutionary  in  the  move 
ments  originated  by  the  radicals  for  placing  the  negro  in  the 
Union  armies,  in  order  to  pave  the  way  for  his  future  political 
equalization.  It  was  the  product  of  and  pregnant  with  revolution. 
The  old  stable  land  marks  of  law  and  order  must  be  removed  to 
further  the  views  of  men  who  regarded  neither  the  will  nor 
interests  of  the  people,  further  than  they  could  make  the  same 
subserve  their  own  purposes.  Had  public  interests  influenced 
them,  would  not  their  conduct  from  the  first  have  been  different  ? 
Should  not  the  opinions  and  sentiments  of  the  Southern  people, 
being  a  part  of  the  United  States,  have  been  consulted  as  to  their 
demands  and  the  conditions  upon  which  they  would  have  been 
willing  to  remain  in  the  Union  ?  Did  not  justice  and  reason  so 
dictate?  Did  not  the  Northern  Democratic  party,  in  its  con 
ciliatory  policy,  demand  this  consideration  in  behalf  of  the  rights 
of  the  Southern  people  ?  Were  not  the  united  South  and  the 
Democrats  of  the  North  a  great  majority  of  the  citizens  of  the 
Union  I  It  follows,  then,  as  a  sequence,  that  the  Abolitionists,*  a 
vast  minority  of  the  American  people,  despising  the  constitu- 

*The  word  Abolitionists  will  be  seen  to  have  been  employed  at  time  \ 
to  designate  the  Republican  party,  for  the  reason  that  though  all  Repuu- 
licans  were  not  Abolitionists,  yet  all  Abolitionists  were  Republicans, 
And  besides,  it  is  difficult  from  the  period  of  the  Emancipation  Procla 
mation,  to  conceive  how  any  save  Abolitionists  could  act  with  the 
Republican  party. 


340.  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

tional  guarantees  of  their  Southern  brethren,  drove  the  latter  into 
rebellion  in  defence  of  their  inherited  rights. 

Permission  for  the  soldiers  to  vote  in  the  army  was  one  of  the 
instrumentalities  seized  upon  by  the  revolutionists  as  an  admirable 
means  for  the  perpetuation  of  their  power.  And  as  a  phase  of 
the  movements  of  the  new  era,  it  deserves  to  be  considered. 
The  defeat  of  the  Republicans  in  the  Autumn  of  1862  in  the 
North  by  the  Democratic  party,  came  upon  them  as  a  clap  of 
thunder  from  a  clear  sky,  and  they  were  puzzled  to  devise  plausi 
ble  excuses  for  the  disaster  they  had  sustained.  Their  shrewd 
leaders  fully  comprehended  the  reasons  that  influenced  the  popu 
lar  verdict  that  had  been  pronounced  against  them.  But  born  of 
dissimulation,  it  was  not  to  be  expected  that  they  would  admit 
the  real  causes  which  they  were  aware  had  contributed  to  the 
result.  The  main  excuse  urged  by  them  was,  that  it  was  owing 
to  the  absence  of  such  vast  numbers  of  their  voters  in  the  army, 
that  the  elections  had  resulted  in  their  overthrow.  It  was  a 
plausible  pretence  that  crafty  leaders  could  employ  to  good  ad 
vantage  ;  for  it  was  reasonable  to  suppose  that  all  who  had 
enlisted  in  the  Federal  armies  would  be  favorable  to  the  prosecu 
tion  of  the  war  for  the  restoration  of  the  Union.  And,  there 
fore,  the  presumption  seemed  probable  that  the  majority  of  the 
enrolled  men  in  the  different  Union  armies  could  be  relied  upon 
to  sustain  by  their  votes  the  war  in  which  these  same  soldiers 
were  enlisted. 

Immediately  after  the  Republican  reverses  of  1862,  move 
ments  were  set  on  foot  to  amend  the  law,  so  as  to  secure  the 
political  aid  of  the  soldiers  in  the  field,  in  order  that  all  future 
efforts  of  the  Democracy  to  snatch  power  from  Abolition  hands 
might  be  thwarted.  A  purely  deceptions  method  was  instituted 
to  change  the  law  as  it  stood,  in  favor  of  soldier  suffrage.  Most 
of  the  Constitutions  of  the  Northern  States  contained  provisions 
adverse  to  the  right  of  any  indivividual  voting,  except  he  was 
prepared  to  tender  his  ballot  in  the  district  or  the  precinct  where 
he  resided.  AVell  matured  reasons  had  induced  the  framers  of 
the  different  State  Constitutions  to  demand  of  every  voter  that 
he  be  a  resident  citizen  in  tliat  place  where  he  offers  to  vote.  A 
voting  army  has  never  been  deemed  a  safe  phenomenon  by  pure 
patriots  who  had  no  interests  to  subserve,  save  those  of  civil 
liberty  and  free  representative  government. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  341 

• 

The  method  adopted  by  the  Eepublican  leaders,  was  simply  to 
obtain  the  passage  of  a  law  by  the  Legislatures  of  the  different 
States,  permitting  their  soldiers  in  the  army  to  vote ;  and  that 
this  result  should  be  remitted  and  computed  with  the  home  vote. 
Laws  to  this  effect  were  passed  by  the  Legislatures  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  Connecticut,  Iowa,  and  other  States,  which  were  de 
clared  unconstitutional.  A  bill  also  passed  both  Houses  of  the 
New  York  Legislature,  which  was  promptly  vetoed  by  Governor 
Seymour.  It  seemed  madness  to  enact  laws  clearly  in  violation 
of  the  fundamental  charter  of  a  State,  but  an  object  was  to  be 
gained  in  so  doing.  The  Democrats,  as  consistent  men  and  as 
friends  of  their  State  Constitutions,  could  not  support  a  measure 
in  plain  violation  of  these  instruments.  The  opposition  of  Horatio 
Seymour,  of  New  York,  George  W.  Woodward,  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  Pennsylvania,  and  of  other  constitutional  men  in  the 
different  States,  was  made  use  of  as  an  electioneering  argument 
to  induce  the  soldiers  and  their  friends  to  believe  that  the  Demo 
crats  of  the  North  were  disinclined  to  granting  them  the  right 
of  suffrage. 

The  Democrats  did  not  meet  the  demand  for  soldier  voting 
with  that  prompt  opposition  which  duty  required  ;  but  they 
temporized  by  showing  their  readiness  to  acquiesce  in  the  change 
sought  for,  by  supporting,  in  1863,  in  the  New  York  Legislature, 
Judge  Dean's  Bill  for  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution,  pro 
viding  for  soldier  suffrage.  Instead  of  the  evasive  resistance  to 
what  they  must  have  felt  to  be  a  violation  of  fundamental  prin 
ciple  ,  an  open  and  manly  resentment  of  the  political  wrong 
contemplated,  would  have  obtained  strong  support,  even  amongst 
intelligent  soldiers  themselves.  But  in  none  of  the  States  was 
united  party  opposition  made  by  the  Democrats  to  the  voting  of 
the  soldiers  in  the  army,  when  it  once  came  to  be  a  question  of 
amending  the  Constitution  for  that  purpose.  There  can,  how 
ever,  be  but  little  doubt,  that  from  the  time  when  the  question 
of  voting  in  the  army  was  first  mooted,  it  was  viewed  by  all 
sound  constitutional  Democrats  with  dislike,  because  based  upon 
unsound  principles  ;  but  they  saw  the  disadvantage  under  which 
they  would  be  placed  in  attempting  to  combat  it.  But  the  Re 
publican  party,  under  the  captivating  pretence  of  equality,  con 
tinued  zealously  to  press  the  right  of  all  citizens  to  vote,  even 
when  in  the  service  of  their  country ;  and  by  1864,  fourteen 


312  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

States  had  authorized  their  soldiers  in  the  field  to  deposit  their 
ballots'in  all  elections  of  the  people. 

But,  until  the  State  Constitutions  could  be  changed,  the  Repub 
lican  party  was  necessitated  to  resort  to  the  desperate  expedient 
of  sending  home  from  the  armies,  as  many  of  their  partisans  as 
were  necessary  to  turn  in  their  favor  the  election  in  any  State  in 
which  a  canvass  was  pending.  This  was  done  in  the  New 
Hampshire  and  Connecticut  elections  in  the  Spring  of  1863, 
before  alluded  to;  and  in  the  succeeding  elections  in  other 
States,  steadily  repeated.  Indeed,  the  army  from  this  period 
was  manipulated  into  an  engine  of  omnipotent  power  in  the 
hands  of  unscrupulous  partisans,  who  were  willing  to  do  any  thing 
to  perpetuate  their  hold  of  the  machinery  of  Government.  The 
most  daring  and  high  handed  excesses  and  violations  of  all  moral 
principle  were  resorted  to  by  bold  and  bad  men,  instigated  without 
doubt,  by  the  highest  officials,  to  counteract  the  will  of  the  people 
through  the  instrumentality  of  the  ballot.  It  was  an  easy  matter 
for  the  officers  of  the  army,  the  great  majority  of  whom  were 
favorites  of  the  Administration,  to  send  home  to  any  election  the 
Republican  soldiers,  and  such  others  as  were  known  to  be  in 
sympathy  with  the  professed  objects  of  the  war  party.  Those 
known  to  be  of  contrary  opinions,  could  easily  be  detained  upon 
a  thousand  frivolous  excuses,  the  enumeration  of  which  would 
iill  a  volume.  No  excuse  might  be  able  to  detain  from  his  home 
on  election  day,  a  bold  and  intelligent  Democrat  like  Lieutenant 
Edgerley,  of  New  Hampshire,  who  knew  that  thousands  of  Re 
publican  soldiers  had  been  sent  to  their  States  to  vote ;  but,  it 
was  easy  to  cashier  one  of  such  independence,  (as  was  done  in 
this  case*)  for  distributing  Democratic  ballots  at  his  own  home. 

It  was  easy  for  Louis  Napoleon,  by  means  of  his  beautiful 
snare  of  universal  suffrage,  to  carry  away  the  liberty  of  his  native 
France ;  and  so  in  like  manner  it  was  no  difficult  task  for  the 
Republican  party,  by  aid  of  the  soldiers,  from  whom  all  informa 
tion  was  excluded,  to  turn  any  election  in  their  favor  that  they 
desired.  The  despotism  required  for  the  purpose  was  of  course 
equally  as  perfect  as  that  which  enabled  the  French  aspirant 
across  the  waters  to  seize  the  reins  of  absolute  power.  When 
no  newspapers  were  allowed  to  circulate  in  the  army,  except  such 
as  the  President  and  his  officers  were  pleased  to  allowa  and  when 

York  Herald  of  April  27,  1863. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  843 

soldiers  were  not  permitted  to  discuss  public  questions  and  freely 
canvass  the  acts  of  the  Administration,  what  else  could  be  eifpected 
than  that  the  great  majority  of  them  would  vote  in  favor  of  -that 
same  Administration  ? 

The  very  constitution  of  an  army  makes  it  an  available  engine 
in  the  hands  of  that  Administration  by  which  it  is  directed,  and 
hence  arises  the  danger  of  allowing  the  right  of  suffrage  to  be 
exercised  by  its  soldiers.  The  officers  of  the  army  are  dependent 
upon  the  Administration  and  its  agents,  for  their  original  posi 
tions,  for  assignments  to  duty  suitable  to  their  wishes,  for  leaves 
of  absence,  and  for  chances  of  appointment  in  the  regular  army, 
when  mustered  out  as  volunteers.  As  a  consequence,  the  more 
submissively  they  act,  the  more  probabilities  exist  for  such  ad 
vancements  and  other  favors  which  they  are  desirous  of  obtain 
ing.  Upon  these  officers,  in  turn,  the  soldiers  are  dependent  for 
the  promptness  of  their  pay,  for  humane  treatment,  for  fur 
loughs,  for  relief  from  exhausting  duties  and  exposure,  for  con 
siderate  forbearance,  in  view  of  the  petty  breaches  of  discipline, 
and  for  numerous  other  mitigations  of  the  hardships  of  military 
service. 

In  addition  to  the  official,  the  sutler  influence  is  of  vast  weight 
in  making  an  army  a  machine,  as  it  were,  subject  to  the  control 
of  that  political  party,  which  for  the  time,  has  in  its  hands  the 
power  of  the  government.  The  sutlers  are  a  class  of  men 
usually  destitute  of  all  moral  principle,  and  such  as  have  secured 
through  official  friends,  their  "privilege  of  fleecing  the  ignorant 
soldiers  ;  they,  as  a  consequence,  become  serviceable  adjuncts  in 
the  hands  of  unscrupulous  politicians,  to  influence  the  will  of  the 
soldiers  in  the  army.  In  view,  therefore,  of  the  subordinated 
relationship  and  dependence  between  the  governing  party  in  a 
country  and  its  armies,  what  more  potent  instrumentality  of  des 
potism  can  be  thought  to  exist  than  a  voting  army  machine  ? 

Another  phase  of  the  new  era  was  the  management  of  the 
freed  negroes  of  the  South  after  their  liberation  from  bondage. 
The  propriety  of  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves  was  made  to 
rest  upon  the  assumption  of  the  equality  of  men  of  all  races ; 
and  that  all  men  are  worthy  of  freedom,  and  capable  of  enjoying 
its  fruits  and  advantages.  The  truth  of  this  assumption  being 
accepted,  it  should  have  seemed  needless  to  resort  to  additional 
pains  in  behalf  of  the  negro  after  his  emancipation  had  been 


344  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

secured.  But  not  so ;  for  when  this  was  once  accomplished,  the 
freednfan  (whose  inferiority  was  felt  by  all)  must  next  be  taken 
under  society  and  governmental  tutelage  ;  first,  for  his  subsistence 
and  secondly  in  order  to  n't  him  for  that  position  in  society  which 
his  liberators  were  secretly  but  busily  carving  for  him.  The 
young,  the  aged  and  the  infirm  negroes  of  those  districts,  rescued 
from  the  Confederates,  must  be  supported  by  that  Government 
which  had  effected  their  emancipation.  The  families  of  those 
who  had  enlisted  in  the  Union  armies,  were  at  least,  as  was 
argued,  become  the  especial  wards  of  their  charitable  liberators. 
In  a  word,  all  the  freedmen  were  the  especial  objects  of  abolition 
care  and  attention ;  and  their  education  and  preparation  for  all 
the  functions  of  manhood,  wrere  inaugurated  with  unparalled  zeal 
and  enthusiasm. 

Schools  were  established  amongst  the  freedmen  ;  and  industrious 
teachers  entered  upon  the  work  of  communicating  to  the  emanci 
pated  slaves  the  rudimentary  elements  of  an  English  education. 
As  citizenship  was  the  goal  of  all  these  efforts,  a  preliminary 
question  for  consideration  should  have  been  to  have  inquired 
into  the  nature  of  modern  civilization;  and  ascertained  the 
requisites  of  the  American  citizen.  It  should  have  been  borne 
in  mind  that  with  all  the  developments  of  modern  progress  and 
enlightenment,  it  still  remained  a  question  of  great  doubt 
whether  good  government  can  long  endure  the  strain  of  the  uni 
versal  suffrage  of  even  the  Caucasion  race  alone.  If  a  large 
proportion  of  the  civilized  race  have  been  found  utterly  incapa 
ble  of  wielding  the  ballot  in  the  furtherance  of  individual  views, 
could  it  reasonably  be  supposed  that  the  lowest  barbarian  race 
should  be  able  to  do  so  \  Might  it  not  have  been  well  to  have 
remembered  the  axiom  of  philosophic  thinkers,  that  a  race  can 
sustain  that  form  of  civilization  alone,  which  it  was  originally 
able  to  germinate  ?  And  especially  did  it  seem  inconsistent  that 
the  ardent  advocates  of  negro  education  and  elevation,  should 
come  from  that  same  party  of  Americans,  who  had  heretofore 
criticised  democratic  extension  of  the  right  of  suffrage  to  the 
foreign  emigrants  who  landed  upon  our  shores.  A  large  propor 
tion  of  these  foreigners  possessed  a  much  higher  order  of  educa 
tion  than  it  was  possible  for  the  freed  negroes  to  attain.  But  the 
principles  of  these  anti-foreign  suffragists,  at  once  seemed  to 
undergo  a  sudden  change,  and  the  emancipated  Africans  appeared 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  C15 

to  loom  up  in  their  imaginations  as  the  idea.  Americans  of  future 
ages. 

The  crop  of  corruption  that  so  luxuriantly  sprung  up  with  the 
new  era,  and  also  proved  one  of  its  features,  was  evidence  that 
an  enemy  had  entered  the  fields  of  the  republic,  and  scattered 
impurities  baneful  to  representative  government.     How  could  it 
be  otherwise  when  men  were  honored  with  the  highest  trusts  of 
of  the   nation,  who   had   coiled  their   way   to  power  by  means 
of  the  basest  appliances  of  debauchery  and  political  prostitution  ? 
At  no  period  before  in  the  history  of  government  had  men  been 
honored  with  the  highest  appointments  by  the  Executive  of  the 
nation,  and  by  Congress,  whose  whole  former  career  had  been 
one  continued  succession  of  villainy  and  fraud  from  their  first 
entry  upon  the  career  of  public  life.     One  man,  Simon  Cameron, 
had  been  selected  to  a  seat  in  the  Presidential    Cabinet,  and 
afterwards  transferred  to  a  ministerial  position  abroad,  who  with 
a  blasted  reputation  had  secured,  as  was  generally  charged,  a 
Senatorial  chair  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  by  the 
means  of  filthy  lucre,  and  the  basest  strategy  that  could  be  em 
ployed.     Another,  Thaddeus  Stevens,  a  man  long  reputed  as  one 
of  the  most  corrupt  politicians  of  his  State,  by  the  selection  of 
his  political  associates,  had  been  made  Chairman  of  the  Com 
mittee  of  Ways  and  Means,  the  most  important  and  responsible 
position  in  the  Lower  House  of  Congress. 

In  the  distribution  of  governmental  favors,  no  discrimination 
was  made  between  men  of  corrupt  antecedents  and  those  of  un 
blemished  reputations.  This  in  itself  was  to  cast  away  entirely  the 
scales  of  moral  scrutiny.  It  was  essentially  the  introduction  into 
the  workings  of  government  of  that  thoroughly  debasing  norm 
of  social  life,  which  treats  that  individual  with  most  consideration 
who  possesses  the  largest  sum  of  money,  whether  the  same  be  the 
acquisition  of  honorable  effort  or  otherwise.  Besides,  what  other 
but  an  augmenting  demoralizing  influence  could  the  breach  of 
plighted  Presidential  faith  produce  upon  the  minds  of  the  masses 
of  society,  who  are  always  more  ready  to  imitate  the  vices  of 
their  rulers  rather  than  their  virtues  ? 

Indeed,  the  Republican  party  seemed  in  a  large  measure  to  be 
the  fountain  from  which  political  corruption  flowed.  In  differ 
ent  Northern  Legislatures  accusations  of  bribery  and  all  other 
corrupting  influences  were  charged  in  the  newspapers  of  both 


8-46  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

political  parties.  It  was  ventilated  in  the  partisan  sheets,  that 
the  sum  of  $25,000  had  been  tendered  a  member  of  the  Legis 
lature  of  Pennsylvania  in  the  Winter  of  1863,  for  the  vote  that 
would  determine  the  election  of  a  leading  Republican  to  the  United 
States  Senate.*  Stalking  corruption  had  also  raised  its  filthy 
head  in  the  New  York  Legislature.  It  was  publicly  charged  in 
the  newspapers  that  Callicott,  a  corrupt  democratic  representative 
of  the  State  of  New  York,  in  consideration  of  the  Speakership 
of  the  Assembly,  had  allowed  himself  to  be  bribed  by  the 
Republicans  to  support  their  measures',  and  assist  them  in  the 
election  of  a  United  States  Senator.  The  following  extract  from 
the  Tribune,  depicts  the  corruption  of  the  New  York  Legislature, 
both  branches  of  which  were  Republican  : 

"  If  we  are  to  credit  information  that  reaches  us  from  most  respectable 
sources,  the  Legislature  now  sitting  at  Albany,  is  fast  earning  a  reputa 
tion  for  profligacy.  We  are  well  assured  that  there  are  committees  of 
either  branch,  that  levy  regular  assessments  oil  bills  passing  through 
their  hands,  demanding  $100  to  $500  for  those  of  considerable  impor 
tance,  but  taking  $50,  or  ev^n  $20  each,  when  the  measure  is  of  secondary 
consequence,  and  no  more  can  be  had.  ;  How  much  money  is  in  this 
bill  F  is  the  first  inquiry  when  a  proposition  is  submitted.  '  Have  they 
got  the  money  here  in  Albany  ?'  comes  next.  Promises  to  pay  when  the 
bill  becomes  a  law,  or  at  the  close  of  the  session,  are  scouted  ;  and  offers 
of  interests  in  the  enterprise  to  be  promoted  very  rarely  command  atten 
tion. 

"  A  friend  who  recently  spent  a  day  at  the  Capitol,  represents  the  pre 
valent  corruption  as  more  general  and  shameless  than  was  ever  before 
known.  How  much  has  been  or  must  be  paid  for  this  or  that  report  or 
vote  ;  how  many  members  are  '  interested  '  in  the  passage  of  this  or  that 
bill ;  how  A  or  B  was  '  fixed  '  as  to  this  robbery,  or  by  whom  C  was  seen 
in  behalf  of  that  gauge,  is  discussed  as  cooly  and  openly  as  the  time 
made  in  the  last  notable  race,  or  the  cost  of  double  locks  on  the  Erie 
canal.  And  the  lobby  is  represented  as  more  numerous,  more  impudent, 
and  more  shameless  than  ever  before."f 

From  the  inauguration  of  the  new  era,  was  witnessed  in  an 
especial  manner,  a  weakness  of  republican  government ;  and 
this  because  of  the  truckling  subserviency  of  political  leaders  to 
policy,  for  the  masses,  even  in  educated  communities,  just  as  in 
ancient  times,  think  only  as  their  leaders  advise  them.  The 
chains  of  despotism  had  been  forged  in  great  abundance,  and 
every  political  right  was  virtually  withdrawn  from  citizens,  and 


*  New  York  World,  January  24,  1863. 

fQuoted  in  New  York  World,  of  April  18,  18G3. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  347 

placed  in  the  keeping  of  the  President  of  the  United  States. 
But  for  the  falseness  of  the  majority  of  the  leaders,  a  cry  for 
vengeance  would  have  resounded  throughout  the  land,  and  the 
Abolition  traitors  that  had  subverted  liberty  and  the  Constitu 
tion  of  their  country  would  have  been  driven  into  speedy  exile, 
or  exalted  to  gallows  high  as  those  upon  which  Hainan  swung. 

As  before  remarked,  but  two  consistent  parties  existed  in  the 
North — the  outspoken  abolitionists  who  sought  the  overthrow 
of  the  system  of  Southern  slavery,  and  the  elevation  of  the 
emancipated  negroes  to  equality  with  their  former  masters;  and 
the  unconcealed  peace  men,  who  opposed  the  prosecution  of  the 
war  against  the  South  as  a  violation  of  the  Constitution,  and  an 
infraction  of  the  principles  upon  which  -epublican  government 
is  based.  Properly  speaking,  these  two  parties,  which  were 
purely  consistent,  were  simply  the  antagonistic  extremes  of  the 
respective  organizations  with  which  they  operated,  and  neither 
the  peace  men  nor  the  Abolitionists  could  enlist  full  Democratic 
or  full  Republican  endorsement.  It  must  have  been  clear,  how 
ever,  to  every  penetrating  Republican,  after  the  commencement 
of  the  new  era,  that  the  measures  sustained  by  his  party  could 
lead  to  no  other  result  than  that  which  was  desired  by  the  revo 
lutionary  Abolitionists.  In  sustaining  the  prosecution  of  the 
war,  then,  what  else  was  he  doing  save  perpetuating  the  delusion 
that  the  war  was  waged  for  the  restoration  of  the  Union  \ 

The  masses  of  the  people  of  the  North,  of  both  political  par 
ties,  cared  little  whether  slavery  lived  or  died  in  the  struggle 
that  was  being  waged  between  the  sections.  Indeed,  slight 
doubt  can  exist  that  in  the  abstract,  Northern  Democrats  as  well 
as  Republicans,  were  disinclined  in  sentiment  to  the  institution 
of  slavery :  and  that  as  a  choice,  they  preferred  in  their  own 
minds  to  see  an  end  to  the  system  of  Southern  bondage  rather 
than  its  perpetuation.  Republicans  who  were  not  confirmed 
Abolitionists,  very  nearly  agreed,  in  their  views  of  slavery  with 
the  most  of  the  Democrats  themselves ;  and  yet  all  these  were 
devotedly  attached  to  the  Union  of  the  States ,  and  in  its  preser 
vation  they  considered  their  future  liberty  and  happiness  to  be 
involved.  The  Democrats,  who  were  in  favor  of  peace  at  any 
price,  were  those  who  viewed  the  war  as  an  utter  violation  of  the 
Constitution ;  and  these,  as  before  noted,  formed  the  only  con 
sistent  opponents  of  the  Abolitionists,  who  from  the  first  de- 


848  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

signed  the  destruction  of  slavery,  and  all  the  constitutional 
guarantees  upon  which  it  was  based. 

The  great  attachment  of  the  Northern  people  to  the  Union, 
was  the  result  of  pure  delusion,  the  product  of  prejudice  and 
popular  fancy  ;  which  could  see  liberty  and  republican  happiness 
alone  in  its  preservation.  In  this  particular  the  Northern  people 
differed  little  from  the  ancient  Romans,  who  were  so  devoted  to 
the  name  of  the  Republic  that  they  were  unable  to  perceive  the 
loss  of  their  freedom,  whilst  the  naked  form  of  that  which  they 
adored  was  preserved  ;  and  whilst  the  name  of  king  would  have 
driven  them  to  revolt,  that  of  imperator  (emperor,)  a  more  des 
potic  title,  was  by  no  means  discordant  to  their  sensibilities. 

Reflecting  men,  after  the  full  installation  of  the  new  era,  saw 
that  the  shadow  of  the  old  Union  alone  remained ;  but  that  its 
substance  had  fled.  The  number,  however,  of  those  who  per 
ceived  the  popular  delusion,  as  regards  the  Union,  and  were  suf 
ficiently  honest  and  courageous  to  attempt  to  dispel  it,  were  too 
few  to  accomplish  the  mighty  task.  It  is  always  easier  to  accom 
pany  currents  than  to  attempt  to  strive  against  them.  A  bold 
ness  is  demanded  of  the  man,  who  dares  to  question  popular 
opinions,  that  is  not  possessed  by  a  large  portion  of  mankind. 
Only  true  freemen  are  competent  for  this  undertaking ;  and 
whilst  these  pass  through  the  fires  of  martyrdom,  hypocritical 
demagogues  gather  applause  and  honors  amidst  popular  ruin  and 
governmental  shipwreck.  Owing  to  the  original  yielding  of  the 
Democratic  party  to  the  false  demands  of  fanaticism,  the  wrhiii 
pool  currents  obtained  too  strong  a  hold  upon  the  vessel  of  State 
any  longer  to  be  resisted  ;  and  all  was  now  rapidly  sinking  in  one 
common  vortex  of  destruction. 

The  New  York  and  other  riots  of  1863,  were  simply  the 
natural  reaction  against  the  tyrannical  despotism  that  had  encir 
cled  its  coils  around  the  American  Republic ;  and  which,  like 
Laocoon,  was  dying  encompassed  in  serpentine  folds.  But  for  the 
delusive  devotion  to  the  Union  which  had  blinded  the  people  so 
that  they  were  unable  to  perceive  civil  liberty,  save  as  an  efflux 
from  their  favorite  idol,  instead  of  unorganized  resistance  to 
Federal  conscription,  the  flames  of  Northern  revolution  would 
have  burst  from  their  confines  and  quickly  consumed  the  gilded 
fabric  of  despotic  tyranny,  which  abolition  fanaticism  had  erected. 
The  thunders  of  denunciation  which,  but  for  the  above  delusion5 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  340 

would  have  advised  the  administration  of  Abraham  Lincoln  of 
its  criminal  violation  of  the  Constitution,  in  the  arrest  of  Clement 
L.  Yallandigham,  the  patriot  of  Ohio ;  instead  of  inducing 
replies  of  attempted  justification  from  the  daring  usurper,  would 
have  hushed  him  into  the  silence  of  contempt,  and  admonished 
him  of  the  volcano  of  revenge  that  was  ready  to  overwhelm  all 
who  dared  to  repeat  the  foul  deed  which  his  servile  minion  had 
perpetrated. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1863,  the  political  parties  again 
began  to  prepare  their  platforms  for  the  Autumn  elections.  The 
Eepublican  leaders,  conscious  of  the  unpopularity  of  the, differ 
ent  unconstitutional  acts  that  had  been  passed  by  the  Hump 
Congress,  and  enacted  by  the  Presidential  dictator,  deemed  it 
politic  to  conceal  from  the  public  that  such  measures  received 
party  endorsement.  This  was  simply  to  continue  the  same  hypo 
critical  method  pursued  by  Republican  leaders  from  the  first 
organization  of  their  party  in  1855.  That  method  consisted  in 
the  enunciation  of  a  platform  of  principles,  and  after  power  had 
been  grasped  to  steadily  act  disregardful  of  pledges.  The  Xew 
York  Herald  spoke  of  the  Republican  State  Convention,  held  in 
September,  1863,  at  Syracuse,  as  follows: 

'*  The  Emancipation  Proclamation,  the  Confiscation  Act,  arbitrary 
arrests,  the  suppression  of  the  freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press  in  the 
loyal  States,  the  Indemnity  Act  and  the  Conscription  Act,  have  not  been 
endorsed.  The  Emancipation  Act  received  only  a  qualified  endorsement. 
All  reference  to  it  was  omitted  in  the  regular  series  of  resolutions,  as 
reported  by  the  Committee  and  adopted  by  the  Convention.  But  a  radi 
cal,  having  moved  its  endorsement,  this  was  adroitly  evaded  by  an 
amendment  endorsing  it  simply  as  a  war  measure/' 

The  revolutionary  Republicans,  before  this  time,  had  clearly 
mapped  out  the  boundaries  they  intended  to  traverse.  Charles 
Sumner,  Thaddeus  Stevens,  and  other  leaders  of  the  same  senti 
ments,  had  already  indicated  clearly  that  their  aim  was  the  terri- 
torialization  of  the  seceded  States  ;  and  that  their  re-admittance 
into  the  Union  should  be  fully  interdicted  until  the  total  prohi 
bition  of  slavery  within  their  borders  could  be  secured.  The  con 
servative  policy  advocated  by  the  political  Republicans,  with 
whom,  for  popularity  sake,  President  Lincoln  pretended  to  sym 
pathize,  simply  demanded  the  restoration  of  the  Union,  and  of 
the  States  in  statu  quo  ante  ~bellum.  Sumner  and  Stevens 
represented  the  real,  the  Republican  manipulators  the  ostensible 


350  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

policy  of  abolitionism.  The  one  formed  the  line  of  attack,  the 
other  the  protecting  columns  that  came  upon  its  flanks  and 
formed  its  steady  support.  The  preparation  of  the  State  and 
other  platforms  was  the  work  of  that  crafty  body  of  politicians, 
whose  principal  object  was  party  success.  Even  the  Republican, 
convention  of  Massachusetts,  in  1863,  only  endorsed  the  Eman 
cipation  Proclamation  as  a  war  measure. 

The  Democratic  party,  eqally  with  the  Republican,  permitted 
its  platforms  to  be  drafted  by  its  politic  men.  Mozart  Hall  was 
necessitated  to  yield  to  Tammany ;  and  the  popular  sails  were  again 
unfolded  to  the  breeze,  in  order  to  still  further  perpetuate  the 
delusion  that  cowardice  and  craft  had  originally  permitted.  The 
Herald  spoke  of  the  Albany  Democratic  State  Convention,  and 
as  compared  with  the  Syracuse  Republican,  as  follows : 

**  They  are  both  entirely  conservative.  They  both  return  thanks  to 
our  brave  soldiers,  who  are  now  risking  their  lives  in  defense  of  the 
Union,  They  both  pledge  their  supporters  to  sustain  the  Government 
and  the  Administration  in  all  necessary  measures  for  the  suppression  of 
the  rebellion.  They  both  express  the  desire  of  the  people  of  the  North  for 
an  honorable  peace.  They  both  oppose  disunion  and  maintain  the  integ 
rity  of  the  Union.  They  differ  in  this:  the  Democrats  condemn  the 
Emancipation  Proclamation,  Confiscation,  Conscription  and  the  Indem 
nity  Acts  ;  while  the  Republicans  shuffle  oat  of  the  responsibility  of  these 
acts,  and  only  endorse  the  Emancipation  Proclamation  as  a  war  meas 
ure."* 

In  other  States,  the  war  policy  of  the  Government  for  the 
restoration  of  the  Union,  was  also  approved,  in  words,  by  the 
Democratic  party.  Its  ambiguous  conduct  was  illustrated  in  the 
States  of  Maine,  Ohio,  and  Pennsylvania,  during  the  campaigns 
of  1863.  In  these  States  war  platforms  were  adopted  and  peace 
men  nominated  in  each  of  them  as  the  candidates  for  Governor. 
In  Pennsylvania,  George  "W.  Woodward,  a  conspicuous  peace 
man,  whose  opinions  and  sentiments  were  known  to  harmonize 
with  the  cardinal  principles  of  the  old  party  of  Jefferson,  per 
mitted  himself  to  be  induced  to  write  a  letter,  a  few  days  before 
the  October  election,  in  which  he  expressed  his  approbation  of 
the  war  policy  for  restoring  the  Union.  This  was  enough  to 
destroy  all  the  enthusiasm  felt  in  behalf  of  his  election  ;  for  no 
others,  save  peace  men,  could  be  enthusiastic  supporters  of  the 
Democracy. 


*New  York  Herald,  September  13,  1863, 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  331 

The  result  of  the  elections  of  1863,  were  Waterloo  defeats  in 
the  States  where  peace  men  were  the  candidates.  C.  L.  Yallan- 
digham,  the  Democratic  candidate  for  Governor,  was  defeated  in 
Ohio  by  over  one  hundred  thousand  majority ;  and  George  "W. 
Woodward,  in  Pennsylvania,  by  upwards  of  iifteen  thousand. 
The  entire  North,  with  the  exception  of  New  Jersey,  was  swept 
by  a  hurricane  of  administration  victories.  The  Democratic 
party  was  utterly  overthrown ;  and  far  more  weakened  and  de 
moralized  than  had  it  fought  the  battle  beneath  its  real  colors, 
by  opposing  the  abolition  war  upon  principle ;  and  though  de 
feated,  its  moral  integrity  would  have  been  rescued  ;  and,  like 
the  young  giant  of  the  past,  which  it  was,  it  would  have  returned 
to  the  combat  with  renewed  strength,  ready  to  grapple  with  its 
hated  foe.  Yallandigham  and  other  peace  men  were  signally 
defeated,  because  their  cowardly  compeers  lacked  the  courage  to 
follow  honest  leaders  and  urge  their  comrades  to  the  onset.  They 
permitted  the  enemy  to  be  the  attacking  party  and  to  crown 
their  banners  with  victory. 


353  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  XXI. 


THE  MILITARY  SATRAPS. 


The  utter  inconsistency  of  making  war  for  the  preservation  of 
a  republican  Union  was  clearly  exemplified  in  every  effort  that 
was  made  by  the  coercion  party,  from  the  outbreak  of  hostilities 
between  the  sections.  The  first  error  having  been  committed,  it 
was  necessary,  as  a  sequence,  that  a  train  of  inconsistencies  should 
follow.  When  the  principle  of  military  force  was  once  brought 
into  requisition  to  compel  the  seceded  States  or  the  people 
thereof  to  obey  the  behests  of  a  central  authority,  the  principle 
of  republicanism  died  and  that  of  monarchy  took  its  place. 

The  principle  of  making  war  to  coerce  the  people  of  the 
South  being  thus  anti-republican,  all  the  means  required  to  sus 
tain  the  war  policy  must  necessarily  be  of  the  same  character. 
It  was  the  principle  of  domination,  which  was  the  reverse  of 
consent,  that  upon  which  republican  government  is  based. 
And  yet  so  great  was  the  clamor  for  coercive  measures  that  all 
who  denied  to  the  Government  the  right  to  exert  the  strong  arm 
of  military  power,  were  denounced  as  traitors  and  enemies  of  the 
Republic.  The  preservation  of  the  Union  being  once  determined, 
then,  to  depend  upon  the  employment  of  force,  it  became  alto 
gether  needless  in  coercionist  opinion  to  consult  the  will  of  the 
people  further  than  necessities  required.  And  so  far,  therefore, 
as  the  aims  of  the  revolutionists  were  attainable,  success  alone 
was  considered. 

Instead  of  endeavoring  to  effect  the  conciliation  of  the  dis 
affected  people  of  the  South,  as  sound  judgment  would  have 
dictated,  one  despotic  advance  after  another  was  made  by  the 
men  who  shaped  the  abolition  counsels  of  the  nation.  Besides 
those  before  this  enumerated,  another  of  the  unconstitutional 
means  made  use  of  to  retain  the  power  already  grasped,  was  the 
suppression  of  the  freedom  of.  the  ballot  in  the  States  of  Dela 
ware,  Maryland,  Kentucky  and  Missouri ;  and  also  in  those  parts 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  333 

of  tlie  other  Southern  States,  over  which  the  arms  of  the  Federal 
Government  had  been  successful. 

The  Democratic  party  had  aimed  at  compromise  for  the  settle 
ment  of  the  difficulties  between  the  North  and  the  South ;  and 
the  people  by  the  adoption  of  their  policy  would  have  prevented 
the  rebellion  from  breaking  out,  as  it  did,  and  drenching  the 
land  in  blood.     Indeed,  the  acceptance  of  their  policy  at  any  time 
during  the  rebellion,  would  have  stayed  the  tide  of  blood  and  led 
to  a  settlement  of  the  sectional  troubles.     All  the  Southern  rebels 
at  any  time  demanded,  was  that  their  fair  and  constitutional  rights 
as  equals  in  the  Confederate  Union,  should  be  recognized ;  and 
to  this  they  were  justly  and  honorably  entitled.     For,  even  after 
the  rebellion  broke  out  and  blood  had  been  shed,  though  rebels, 
they  did  not  cease  to  be  American  citizens  and  men ;  and  their 
rights  were  equally  as  deserving  of  being  considered  as  before 
any  acts  of  secession  had  taken  place.     And  their  rights  were 
respected  by  all  who  loved  the  Union  of  the  fathers  as  it  had 
existed  from  the  origin  of  the  Government,  and  for  the  preser 
vation  of  which,  a  hypocritical  party  pretended  to  have  made 
war.     But  other  objects  than  its  preservation  were  to  be  secured, 
and  any  compliance  with  the  principles  which  true  republicanism 
demanded,  would  have  been  fatal  to  the  objects  that  Abolitionism, 
through  the  pretence  of  devotion  to  the  Union,  sought  to  obtain. 
Fanatics  were  not  now  likely  to  permit  the  suspension  of  a 
strife  which  they  had  succeeded  in  enkindling,  in  order  to  allow 
the  sections  to  adjust  their  disputes  by  any  peaceful  method, 
And,  as  Anti-Republican  war  had  been  made  against  the  rebels, 
something  of  a  similar  nature  also  must  be  inaugurated  against 
the  peaceful  citizens  of  those  Southern  States  that  remained  in 
the  Union.     Many  rights  had  already  been  wrested  from  the 
Northern  Democrats,  and  others  who  disapproved  of  the  war 
policy  of  the  Government,  in  the  suspension  of  the  Habeas  Corpus 
and  in  the  suppression  of  freedom  of  speech,  and  of  the  press  and 
other  unconstitutional  proceedings.     But,  because  of  the  infatua 
ted  delusion  that  had  seized  control  of  the  minds  of  the  Northern 
people,  a  greater  excess  in  the  despotic  overthrow  of  civil  rights 
by  the  Administration,  was  permissible  in  the  Southern  unseceded 
States,  than  in  any  portion  of  the  loyal  ^orth.     For  it  was  unde 
niable  that  the  people  of  the  whole  South,   as  a  unit,   almost, 
believed  that  the  party  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  was  a  revolutionary 


354  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

one ;  and  that  its  principles  would  produce  lasting  disorder  anfl 
the  destruction  of  the  Confederate  union  of  the  States.  Enter- 
tertaining  these  sentiments,  could  the  body  of  the  border  people, 
after  the  unconstitutional  proclamation  of  war,  do  else  than 
sympathize  with  their  Southern  brethren,  whose  guaranteed 
rights  were  to  be  obliterated  in  the  fiendish  conflict  that  was 
being  waged  against  them  ? 

Instigated  by  the  proclamation  ef  freedom  and  the  succeeding 
measures  allied  to  it,  were  those  which  were  framed  to  carry 
forward  by  the  might  of  despotism  the  principles  of  emanicipa- 
tion,  and  firmly  fix  them  in  the  legislation  of  the  States  and 
nation.  The  Government  of  the  several  border  Slave  States 
must  be  controlled  by  one  or  other  means  by  the  party  of  eman 
cipation,  and  skillful  plans  were  devised  by  which  this  could  be 
accomplished.  A  small  and  insignificant  body  of  voters*  in 
Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,.  Kentucky  and  Missouri  had  sup 
ported  Mr.  Lincoln  for  President,  and  in  this  was  found  the 
nucleus  for  the  party  of  emancipation  in  these  States,  after  the 
edict  of  January  1st,  1863.  The  balance  of  the  citizens  of  these 
States  who  had  cast  their  votes  either  for  Douglas,  Breckenridge 
or  Bell,  were  considered  by  the  rulers  as  more  or  less  unsound 
advocates  of  the  war  policy  of  the  Government,  and  of  tha 
freedom  of  the  slaves  designed  by  it  to  be  accomplished. 

The  masses  of  a  people,  during  periods  of  turbulence,  like 
ours,  seem  always  ready  to  lick  the  feet  of  power.  By  the 
wholesale  arrests  of  Legislatures,  and  of  influential  citizens, 
effective  resistance  to  the  administration  in  the  border  Southern 
States  was  soon  broken ;  and  the  hands  of  truckling  hypocrites, 
who  sought  to  better  their  worldly  condition  'at  the  expense  of 
honor  and  integrity,  were  strengthened.  Shrewdly  conceived 
oaths  were  prepared  both  for  the  voters  and  the  officials  of  these 
States,  so  as  to  exclude  from  the  polls  and  stations  of  trust,  all 
those  who  had  heretofore  been  the  respected  citizens  and  ruling 
men  of  their  several  States  and  localities.  And  these  oaths  were 
so  skillfully  framed  as  to  exclude  from  the  polls,  by  virtue  of 
apparent  right,  all  voters  who  had  extended  aid  or  even  cherished 
any  sympathy  for  the  cause  of  the  rebellious  South.  That  they 


*  In  Delaware  only  3,815  voters  supported  Lincoln  for  President  in  1860, 
2.294  in  Maryland,  X929  in  Virginia,  l,3Gi  in  Kentucky,  and  17,028  ia 
Missouri, 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  855 

should  have  cherished  none  such,  was  to  suppose  an  entire  rever 
sal  of  reason,  and  of  the  instincts  of  an  enlightened  humanity. 
Large  numbers  of  the  people  of  these  States,  being  thus  unable 
to  accept  the  wholly  unconstitutional  oaths,  wore  disfranchised  ; 
and  the  States,  as  a  consequence,  fell  under  the  control  of  the 
few  original  Abolitionists,  and  of  thoss  perfidious  and  dishonorable 
classes  who  are  ever  ready,  servilely,  to  bend  their  necks  to  the 
yoke  of  might,  in  order  to  grasp  the  thrift  that  fawning  secures. 
Those  who  do  so,  however,  are  the  ignoble  souls  of  life,  who  are 
fitted  for  servitude,  but  unworthy  of  freedom,  because  unen 
dowed  with  the  traits  needed  for  its  maintenance. 

In  one  election  in  the  city  of  Baltimore,  after  the  inauguration 
of  the  new  schedule,  full  two-thirds  of  the  citizens  refused  to  go 
to  the  polls  to  tender  their  votes.  They  chose  rather  to  preserve 
their  honor,  than  sacrifice  it  in  a  vain  effort  to  resist  the  authority 
of  that  unreasoning  party,  which  wielded  the  sword  of  an  arbi 
trary  despotism. 

The  method  which  the  revolutionists  made  use  of  to  control 
the  elections  in  these  States,  and  defeat  those  who,  in  spite  of 
unconstitutional  oaths,  dared  to  press  their  rights  of  freemen, 
was  to  send  their  military  satraps/ with  soldiers,  under  the  pre 
tence  of  guarding  the  polls  and  preventing  invasion  and  domestic 
violence.  But  the  President  of  the  United  States  had  no  right 
to  send  his  military  subordinates  into  any  State  to  control  or  in 
terfere  with  the  elections,  unless  first  requested  so  to  do  by  the 
civil  authorities.  As  in  other  matters,  however,  the  Constitution, 
in  this  particular,  was  likewise  violated  with  impunity,  In  some 
cases,  then,  the  citizens  were  intimidated  from  appearing  to  vote 
their  sentiments,  inasmuch  as  proclamations  had  been  issued  by 
the  satraps  which  threatened  seizure  of  the  property  of  the  dis 
loyal.  And  voting  against  the  Government  was  declared  to  be 
conclusive  evidence  of  this  disloyalty.  In  other  instances,  the 
citizens  who  were  known  to  entertain  democratic  opinions,  as 
they  appeared  to  vote  were  arrested  and  detained  in  custody 
until  the  election  was  closed,  and  then  they  were  discharged. 

In  the  Winter  of  1863,  a  convention  of  the  Democratic  party 
of  Kentucky,  assembled  at  Frankfort,  for  the  purpose  of  making 
nominations  for  State  officers,  was  dispersed  by  a  Colonel  Gil 
bert,  who  commanded  a  regiment  of  troops.  And  when  one  of 
the  Senators  from  this  State  afterwards  demanded  of  the  United 


856  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

States  Senate,  that  the  conduct  of  the  officer  who  interfered  \villi 
that  political  assemblage  of  his  State  should  be  investigated,  the 
demand  was  refused.  The  majority  of  this  body,  as  then  con 
stituted,  seemed  to  regard  naught  save  partisan  success,  whether 
achieved  by  constitutional  overthrow  or  otherwise. 

The  following  extract  from  the  speech  of  Senator  Powell,  of 
Kentucky,  of  March  3d,  1864,  gives  an  illustration  of  the  con 
duct  of  the  military  satraps  in  his  State : 

"In  many  counties  the  name  of  the  whole  Democratic  ticket  was 
stricken  from  the  poll  book  by  the  military  authorities.  In  many  voting 
places,  and  in  entire  counties  of  Kentucky,  no  man  was  allowed  to  vote 
for  the  ticket.  In  the  county  in  which  I  live,  the  names  on  the  Demo 
cratic  ticket  were  stricken  from  or  not  allowed  to  go  into  the  poll  books 
of  three  or  four  of  the  voting  precincts.  It  is  asserted  that  in  one  pre 
cinct  of  that  county  sixteen  votes  were  cast,  all  for  the  Wickliffe  ticket. 
The  military  then  came  there,  took  the  poll  books  from  the  judges  and 
clerk,  returned  them  to  head-quarters  and  stopped  the  election. 

"Sir,  there  is  abundant  evidence  of  the  facts  that  I  have  indicated. 
Since  the  beginning  of  time  there  never  was  a  more  atrocious  assault  on 
free  elections,  than  took  place  in  many  counties  of  Kentucky.  In  many 
places  the  candidates  were  arrested.  In  the  First  Congressional  District 
Judge  Trimble,  the  candidate  for  Congress,  as  loyal  a  man  and  as  true 
to  the  Constitution  and  Union  of  his  fathers  as  lives  in  the  Union,  was 
arrested  by  military  authority.  He  was  brought  to  the  City  of  Hender 
son,  a  town  just  without  his  district,  and  there  he  was  kept  in  military 
confinement  near  a  month  until  after  the  election  was  over.  They  told 
him  if  he  would  decline  being  a  candidate  for  Congress  they  would 
release  him.  He  would  not  so  degrade  his  manhood  as  to  decline  the 
canvass  at  the  bidding  of  military  tyrants  and  usurpers,  and  he  was  kept 
in  prison.  They  found  that  he  would  be  elected  by  a  large  majority, 
notwithstanding  his  imprisonment,  and  then  they  sent  the  military  over 
his  district,  and  had  his  name  stricken  from  the  polls  in  almost  every 
voting  precinct  in  the  district.  The  gentleman  who  beat  him  got  some 
four  thousand  votes  in  a  district  that  polls  about  twenty  thousand." 

The  pretended  excuse  for  the  interference  of  the  military 
authorities  in  the  election  of  Kentucky  in  1863,  was  found  in 
the  declaration  of  martial  law,  in  that  State,  by  Gen.  Burnside, 
the  jailor  of  Yallandigham.  This  satrap  of  the  Administration, 
assumed  the  right  to  subordinate  civil  to  military  authority, 
because,  forsooth,  one  thousand  rebels  were  yet  found  within  the 
borders  of  that  State.  The  true  reason  was,  that  in  this  man 
ner,  it  was  conceived  a  plausible  excuse  would  be  offered  to  his 
subordinates  and  their  justifiers  for  their  unlawful  and  outrageous 
conduct.  The  excuse,  however,  was  lame  and  impotent,  for  at 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  857 

the  time,  the  small  remaining  number  of  rebels  were  leaving  the 
State,  and  General  Burnside  had  fifty  thousand  soldiers  under 
his  command  to  confront  them. 

But  Federal  soldiers  were  also  sent  to  the  polls  in  Maryland, 
and  interfered  with  the  elections  in  this  State,  although  no  pre 
text  therefor  could  be  found  in  the  existence  of  rebel  soldiers  in 
the  old  Commonwealth.  The  freedom  of  elections  was  likewise 
overthrown  by  military  interference  in  the  other  border  Southern 
States.  Governor  Bradford,  of  Maryland,  in  his  protest  against 
military  interference  with  a  free  ballot  in  his  State,  speaks  as 
follows : 

"  On  the  day  preceding  the  election,  the  officer  in  command  of  the 
regiment,  which  had  been  distributed  among  the  counties  of  the  Eastern 
shore,  and  who  had  himself  landed  in  Kent  County,  commenced  his 
operations  by  arresting  and  sending  across  the  bay  some  ten  or  more  of 
the  most  estimable  and  distinguished  of  its  citizens,  including  several  of 
the  most  steadfast  and  uncompromising  loyalists  of  the  shore.  The  jail  of 
the  county  was  entered,  the  jailor  seized,  imprisoned,  and  afterwards  sent 
to  Baltimore,  and  the  prisoners  confined  therein,  under  indictment,  were 
set  at  liberty.  The  commanding  officer  referred  to,  gave  the  first  clue  to 
the  character  of  the  disloyalty,  against  which  he  considered  himself  as 
particularly  commissioned  ;  by  printing  and  publishing  a  proclamation, 
in  which,  referring  to  the  election  to  take  place  next  day,  he  invited  all 
the  truly  loyal  to  avail  themselves  of  that  opportunity  to  establish  their 
loyalty,  '  by  giving  a  full  and  ardent  support  to  the  whole  Qovernmcnt 
ticket,  upon  the  platform  adopted  by  the  Union  League  Convention;'  de 
claring  that,  '  none  other  is  recognized  by  the  Federal  authorities,  as  loyal 
or  worthy  of  the  support  of  any  one.  ivho  desires  the  peace  and  restoration 
of  the  Union.'" 

"When  these  outrageous  proceedings  were  reported  in  the  United 
States  Senate,  and  referred  to  the  Military  Committee,  instead 
of  condemnation  they  received  the  approval  of  the  committee  in 
a  long  report,  which  set  up  a  full  justification  for  all  that  had 
been  done.  The  tyrant's  plea  of  necessity  was  the  prolific  re 
pository,  whence  all  excuses  were  drawn  for  the  violation  of  the 
Constitution  and  the  laws  of  the  States.  The  Senators  of  the 
revolutionary  party,  in  general,  defended  all  the  unconstitutional 
acts  of  the  military  satraps ;  and  thus  granted  to  the  Adminis 
tration  and  its  subordinates  full  license  to  trample  upon  the  free 
dom  of  elections  in  the  Southern  States. 

By  such  means,  this  freedom  was  destroyed ;  and  the  revolu 
tionary  party,  calling  itself  Union,  obtained  the  control  of 
Maryland,  West  Yirginia  and  Missouri.  For  a  time,  also  the 


358  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

freemen  of  Delaware  and  Kentucky  were  defeated  by  the  revo 
lutionists.  It  was  not  astonishing,  then,  that  conventions  elected 
under  the  dictation  of  the  military  satraps ;  and  when  large 
numbers  of  the  best  citizens  of  these  States  were  disfranchised 
by  means  of  unconstitutional  test  oaths,  should  be  ready  to  do 
the  work  of  abolitionism.  In  West  Virginia,  Maryland  and 
Missouri,  conventions  were  elected  under  military  dictation ;  and 
these  bodies  proceeded  to  decree  the  emancipation  of  slavery 
within  their  borders. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  359 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

THE  GREAT  CONSPIRACY  REVEALED. 

As  events  progressed,  during  the  period  of  the  rebellion,  the 
conspiracy  to  overthrow  slavery,  change  the  status  of  Southern 
society,  and  elevate  the  negro  race  to  equality  with  the  white, 
more  and  more  displayed  itself.  Upon  the  assembling  of  the 
Thirty-eighth  Congress,  in  December  1863,  President  Lincoln 
craftily  submitted  a  plan  for  the  restoration  of  the  rebellious 
States  to  unionship,  when  the  armed  resistance  should  be  so  far 
overcome  as  to  warrant  measures  for  this  purpose.  As  the 
chief  representative  of  the  nation,  it  was  expected  of  him  that 
some  method  would  be  pointed  out,  by  which  the  seceded  States 
should  again  be  numbered  amongst  the  Commonwealths  of  the 
Federal  Union. 

The  President  fully  understood  the  disharmony  that  reigned 
in  his  party  upon  the  question  of  Southern  reconstruction,  and 
in  view  of  this,  greater  caution  was  needed  to  be  observed  by 
him,  in  submitting  a  plan  for  the  restoration  of  the  seceded 
States.  He  was  well  aware  that  the  State  suicide  theory  of 
Charles  Sumner,was  that  which  received  the  approval  of  Thaddeus 
Stevens,  Salmon  P.  Chase,  Wendell  Phillips,  and  the  other 
radicals  of  the  Eepublican  party  ;  and  at  the  same  time  he  was 
sufficiently  astute  to  perceive  that  this  policy  was  as  yet  too  ex 
treme  to  meet  public  approval. 

In  the  submission  of  his  method  of  restoration  for  the  Southern 
States,  it  is  not  to  be  believed,  that  the  President  meant  to  fix 
any  definite  mode ;  but  it  was  rather  enunciated  and  designed  to 
serve  as  a  toy  for  conflicting  sentiment,  and  to  be  molded  to  suit 
public  opinion  as  the  same  became  more  developed.  Indeed,  the 
President  declared  his  plan  as  not  intended  to  exclude  others  in 
the  following  words  of  his  proclamation  of  December  8th,  1863 : 

"And  while  the  mode  presented,  is  the  best  the  Executive  can  suggest, 


SCO  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

with  his  present  impressions,  it  must  not  be  understood,  that  no  other 
possible  mode  would  be  acceptable." 

That  the  President  or  his  party  should  at  all  be  trammeled  by 
obligations  of  governmental  compacts,  was  not  to  be  expected 
after  the  entire  repudiation  of  plighted  faith,  on  their  part, 
that  had  already  been  witnessed.  Firm  adherence  to  any  promise 
or  obligation  would  have  been  fatal  to  the  principles  of  the  rev 
olution,  for  the  accomplishment  of  which,  the  Republican  party 
had  been  originally  organized  and  brought  into  powder ;  and  a 
studied  caution,  as  a  consequence,  therefore,  was  required  to  be 
observed  in  the  submission  of  any  plan  of  reconstruction,  so  as 
to  permit  any  change  of  policy  which  ever  varying  circumstances 
might  require.  The  President,  in  truth,  had  in  his  mind  no  h'xed 
mode  of  restoration  that  he  esteemed  more  than  another,  save  as 
it  might  aid  Abolition  views ;  and  his  only  object  in  submitting 
the  one  which  he  did,  was  to  answer  public  expectation  on  that 
point. 

The  plan  proposed  by  the  President  for  restoring  the  Southern 
States  to  their  former  relationship  in  the  Union,  was  in  entire 
harmony  with  the  prior  Abolition  programme.  It  was  the  em 
bodiment  of  the  principles  of  monarchy  and  revolution ;  such  as 
we  have  discovered  to  have  given  tone  to  so-called  Republicanism, 
from  its  earliest  advent  to  power.  The  fears  that  induced  the 
slave  States  to  rebel  in  defense  of  their  constitutional  rights, 
were  entirely  overlooked.  ISTo  tender  of  assurance  was  made, 
that  the  anticipations  on  their 'part  had  been  groundless ;  but  the 
attitude  assumed  by  the  President,  still  more  clearly  proved  that 
Southern  Statesmen  had  not  been  mistaken,  in  their  conceptions 
of  the  danger  that  threatened  their  institutions.  Like  a  con 
queror,  on  the  contrary,  and  despot  which  he  was,  utterly  regard 
less  of  the  fears  and  anticipations  of  those  contesting  his  power,  the 
President  announces  his  plan  of  forcing  all  the  armed  resistance 
under  his  dominion  and  authority.  He  declares  in  explicit  terms 
that  slavery  must  be  abandoned  in  all  the  rebellious  States ;  and 
even  in  those  sections  of  them  in  which  he  himself  had  made  an 
exception  in  his  Emancipation  Proclamation  of  January  1st, 
1863.  Treating  the  Southern  Confederates  as  traitors  and  out 
laws,  he  compels  them  before  they  shall  be  permitted  to  secure 
again  for  their  several  Commonwealths,  the  right  of  Statehood, 
to  accept  an  oath  not  demanded  by  the  Constitution ;  and  which 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  361 

no  democratic  freeman  of  the  North,  with  a  sense  of  manhood, 
would  have  subscribed.  This  odious  oath,  required  of  all  voters, 
before  being  re-clothed  with  citizenship,  to  swear  to  abide  by  and 
support  all  acts  of  the  Federal  Congress,  passed  during  the  re 
bellion  with  reference  to  slaves ;  and  also  to  support  all  procla 
mations  of  the  President,  made  or  to  be  made  during  the  rebellion, 
which  had  reference  to  the  same.  A  delusive  exception,  it  is 
true,  was  inserted,  should  these  laws  and  proclamations  at  any 
time  be  modified  by  Congress  or  the  Supreme  Court.  The  Pres 
ident,  however,  too  well  understood  the  designs  of  Congress,  to 
fear  aught  from  that  quarter ;  and  as  to  the  Supreme  Judiciary, 
it  had  been  for  some  time  a  topic  of  discussion  to  so  remodel 
this  tribunal,  as  to  render  it  harmless  to  Abolition  progress,  should 
any  danger  in  that  direction  be  seriously  apprehended. 

What  an  entire  disregard  of  republican  principle  did  the 
Presidential  mode  of  reconstruction  manifest  ?  It  was  a  plain 
violation  of  the  Constitution,  which  clothed  the  Chief  Magistrate 
with  no  power  to  dictate  the  qualifications  of  suffrage  in  any 
State  or  Territory.  It  was  an  entire  reversal  of  the  cardinal 
principle  of  Democracy  in  essaying  to  found  government  upon 
the  will  of  a  small  minority  of  the  people  of  a  State,  rather  than 
upon  that  of  the  majority.  Again,  the  method  proposed  by  the 
President  seemed  strongly  to  imply  his  own  disbelief  in  the 
current  assertion  of  his  party,  that  in  all  the  rebellious  States  a 
majority  of  the  people  were  loyal  and  attached  in  feeling  to  the 
Federal  Government.  He,  himself,  upon  any  other  hypothesis, 
had  condemned  the  war  against  the  South  as  an  outrage  and  a 
crime.  But  when  he  comes  to  find  voters  who  shall  bring  back 
the  rebel  States  into  the  Union,  this  majority  of  Southern  patriots 
would  seem  to  have  escaped  his  recollection,  inasmuch  as  his 
restoration  plan  was  so  framed,  as  did  he  think  that  it  might  be 
necessary,  in  some  cases,  to  be  satisfied  with  one-tenth  of  the 
citizens  of  a  rebel  State,  out  of  whom  his  loyalists  should  bo 
manufactured.  And  that  a  smaller  number  than  the  one-tenth 
of  the  people  should  constitute  the  basis  of  citizenship  for  recon 
structing  a  seceded  State,  would  scarcely  have  been  proposed  by 
the  most  radical  revolutionist  of  the  North. 

But,  admitting  even  a  modicum  of  truth  in  the  Abolition 
assumption  of  the  loyalty  of  a  majority  of  the  Southern  people  ; 
the  policy  of  restoration  proposed  by  President  Lincoln,  claimed 


3G3  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

the  right  to  do  what  the  Constitution  in  express  terms  forbade. 
This  instrument  precluded  the  taking  of  the  private  property  of 
any  citizen  for  public  purposes  or  otherwise,  unless  ample  com 
pensation  therefor  should  be  made.  And  yet  the  President,  in 
the  plan  submitted  by  him,  proposed,  without  any  recompense, 
to  cancel  the  value,  and  destroy  all  the  slave  property  in  the 
rebel  States,  whether  the  same  belonged  to  loyal  or  disloyal  indi 
viduals.  By  this 'high-handed  exercise  of  despotic  might,  the 
fears  entertained  by  the  Southern  people  of  the  designs  of 
Northern  fanaticism  were  fully  sustained ;  and  the  rebellion  from 
this  period,  at  furthest,  must  ever  stand  justified  in  history.  The 
rebels,  anticipating  the  designs  of  abolitionism,  from  the.  collected 
utterances  of  the  leaders  of  that  party,  originally  revolted  against 
its  rule  in  behalf  of  their  constitutional  rights  and  privileges ; 
and  now,  when  their  surmises  had  been  verified  in  the  action  of 
the  Federal  President  and  the  congressional  radicals,  what  was  to 
condemn  the  rebellion  ?  Instead  of  rebels  am^ed,  striving  to 
destroy  the  Union  and  the  Constitution,  the  Confederates  stood 
before  the  world  as  patriots,  defending  within  their  States,  in 
essence,  that  same  Constitution  and  the  principles  of  republi 
canism  guaranteed  by  it. 

But  despotic  and  unconstitutional  as  was  the  Presidential  plan 
of  reconstructing  the  seceded  States,  it  by  no  means  met  the 
approbation  of  the  radicals  in  Congress  and  throughout  the 
North.  Negro  suffrage  from  this  period,  began  to  peer  forth  as 
one  of  the  measures  that  must  be  secured  in  the  revolution  that 
was  being  urged  forward.  This,  indeed,  was  a  part  of  the  great 
conspiracy  that  was  now  daily  revealing  itself. 

The  doctrine  of  human  equality,  being  that  which  lay  at  the 
foundation  of  abolitionism,  it  was  not  to  be  supposed  that  the 
fanatics  should  halt  with  the  achievement  of  simple  emancipa 
tion.  The  more  evidence  the  progress  of  arms  gave  the  hopeful 
enthusiasts  that  the  rebellion  would  probably,  in  the  end,  be 
overcome,  the  more  effort  was  made  by  them  to  shape  legislation 
in  the  interests  of  race  equality.  All  the  conflicting  views  re- 
gprding  the  restoration  of  the  States  to  Federal  autonomy, 
hinged  therefore  upon  this  question.  Hitherto,  emancipation 
was  the  principal  result  of  equality,  that  was  presented  before 
the  people  in  the  agitating  crusades  that  had  been  waged  against 
Southern  slavery.  But  shortly  after  the  meeting  of  the  Thirty- 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  363 

eighth  Congress,  and  the  submission  of  the  Presidential  plan  of 
reconstruction ;  revolutionary  leaders  come  forward  and  took 
open  grounds  in  favor  of  extending  the  right  of  suffrage  to  the 
emancipated  slaves  of  the  seceded  States.  From  this  period  the 
revolutionary  party  may  be  considered  as  composed  of  avowed 
negro  and  of  anti-negro  suffragists.  And  of  the  latter,  many 
were  such,  simply  because  they  deemed  it  impolitic  as  yet  openly 
to  avow  their  principles. 

There  can  be  little  doubt  even  that  President  Lincoln  agreed 
with  the  negro  suffragists,  and  that  his  characteristic  hypocrisy 
alone  deterred  him  from  avowing  the  principle  in  his  reconstruc 
tion  scheme  of  December  8, 1863.  He  was  very  solicitous,  how 
ever,  to  shift  the  avowal  of  the  doctrine  of  negro  suffrage  upon 
others,*  whose  position  more  securely  guarded  them  from  the 
assaults  of  public  opinion.  Owen  Lovejoy,  a  man  equally  radi 
cal  with  Thaddeus  Stevens,  seemed  to  have  fully  understood  the 
President's  motives  and  feelings.  In  his  letter  of  February  22d, 
186-i,  to  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  he  speaks  of  the  President  in 
the  following  language : 

"  I  write  you,  although  ill  health  compels  me  to  do  it,  by  the  hand  of 
another,  to  express  to  you  my  gratification  at  the  position  you  have 
taken  in  reference  to  Mr.  Lincoln.  I  am  satisfied,  as  the  old  theologians 
used  to  say  in  regard  to  the  world,  that  if  he  be  not  the  best  conceiv 
able  President,  he  is  the  best  possible.  I  have  something  of  the  facts 
inside  during  his  administration,  and  I  know  that  he  has  been  just  as 
radical  as  any  of  his  Cabinet.  And,  although  he  does  not  do  everything 
that  you  or  I  would  like,  the  question  recurs  whether  it  is  likely  we  can 
elect  a  man  who  would.  It  is  evident  that  the  great  mass  of  Unionists 
prefer  him  for  re-election  ;  and  yet  it  seems  to  me  certain  that  the  Provi 
dence  of  God  during  another  term  will  grind  slavery  to  powder,  "f 

*  The  following  letter  to  Governor  Halm,  of  Louisiana,  discloses  the 
President's  double  dealing  course  of  action  : 

"EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  ) 

"  Washington,  March  13,  1864.  I 
"  HON.  MICHAEL  HAHN. 

"Hy  Dear  Sir;— I  congratulate  you  on  having  fixed  your  name  in 
history  as  the  first  Free  State  Governor  of  Louisiana.  Now  you  are 
about  to  have  a  convention,  which,  among  other  things,  will  probably 
define  the  elective  franchise.  I  barely  suggest,  for  your  private  consider 
ation,  whether  some  of  the  colored  people  may  not  be  let  in,  as  for 
instance,  the  very  intelligent,  and  especially  those  who  have  fought 
gallantly  in  our  ranks.  They  would  probably  help  in  some  trying  time 
to  come,  to  keep  the  jewel  of  liberty  in  the  family  of  freedom.  But  this 
is  only  a  suggestion,  not  to  the  public,  but  to  you  alone. 

"Yours  trulv, 

"ABRAHAM  LINCOLN." 
f  Annual  Cyclopedia  of  1864,  p.  4SG. 


364  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

The  State  suicide  doctrine  of  Charles  Sumner  was  inspired  by  the 
desire  to  secure  in  the  Southern  States  for  the  negro,  full  equality 
with  the  Caucasian  race.  And  all  the  efforts  of  Thaddeus 
Stevens  and  the  other  unconcealed  revolutionists,  to  establish  the 
principles  of  State  destruction,  the  confiscation  of  Southern 
property,  and  the  exclusion  of  Southern  Representatives  from 
the  halls  of  Congress,  were  influenced  by  the  same  desire.  These 
men,  the  soul  and  spirit  of  their  party,  were  compelled,  however, 
to  await  the  developments  of  time,  whilst  the  treacherous  hypo 
crites  within  the  same,  were  enabled  still  further  to  lure  their 
countrymen  into  the  snares  that  were  set  for  them.  The  suicidal 
resolutions  when  first  offered  by  Sumner,  in  1862,  met  the  cold 
reception  of  silence ;  and  the  Congressmen  from  Louisiana,  and 
other  military  reconstructed  States,  were  welcomed  to  the  Na 
tional  Halls  of  the  Thirty-seventh  Congress,  in  spite  of  the  oppo 
sition  of  Mr.  Stevens  and  others,  who  were  keen-sighted  enough 
as  to  see  the  logical  effect  of  such  admission.  But  Mr.  Stevens 
and  others  who  agreed  with  him,  were  able  to  exclude  from  the 
Thirty-eighth  Congress  A.  P.  Field  and  the  other  Representa 
tives  of  Louisiana  and  other  subjugated  States  of  the  South.  In 
their  exclusion  of  Southern  Representatives,  additional  evidence 
of  the  great  conspiracy  wras  presented. 

The  belief  of  the  equality  of  all  races  of  mankind,  having 
germinated  the  movement  of  abolitionism,  the  fanaticism  must 
run  its  full  length,  the  control  of  the  Government  being  now,  as 
believed,  firmly  grasped.  Nothing  less  than  the  complete  politi 
cal  and  social  equality  of  races,  would  satisfy  zealots  who  allow 
feeling  rather  than  reason  to  guide  them.  And,  as  if  to  prove 
that  their  enthusiastic  visions  of  human  equality,  could  controvert 
logic  and  all  the  experience  of  anterior  ages,  they  set  themselves 
to  work  to  elevate  a  race,  fitted  alone  for  barbarism  or  subordi 
nation. 

The  education  of  the  colored  race  in  the  District  of  Columbia 
having  been  determined  upon,  after  the  act  of  Emancipation  had 
passed,  every  other  step  must  be  taken  in  order  to  elevate  the 
newly  liberated  man  up  to  the  full  measure  of  perfect  equality. 
As  the  Africo- American  freedman  had  been  introduced  into  the 
Northern  armies,  his  standing  in  that  position  must  be  guarded  ; 
and  all  offences  to  his  lately  achieved  dignity,  resented  by  a  Con 
gress,  desirous  of  obliterating  the  repugnant  decrees  of  eternity. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  803 

And  when  a  shoulder-strapped  member  of  the  enfranchised,  race 
found  himself  forcibly  ejected  from  the  cars  in  the  City  of 
Washington,  the  elevators  of  the  colored  men  were  aroused  to 
the  utmost ;  and  a  law  was  speedily  enacted  by  Congress  which 
precluded  the  officers  of  the  railroad  companies  of  the  City  of 
Washington  and  Georgetown,  from  determining  wrhat  regulations 
should  be  observed  with  regard  to  their  passengers.  Ko  negro 
dare  in  future  be  ejected  from  any  railroad  cars  in  the  District, 
under  a  severe  penalty.  It  was  not  enough  for  the  colored 
American  that  he  be  provided  by  the  railroad  companies  with 
equal  facilities  for  travel,  and  cars  of  equal  quality  with  wThite 
people,  he -must  be  allowed  to  obtrude  himself  into  white  com 
pany,  where  his  presence  was  offensive.  This  kind  of  legislation 
was  an  attempt  to  undo  what  God  had  done  ;  that  is,  to  obliterate 
the  distinctions  which  he  had  made.  Herein  another  evidence 
of  the  great  conspiracy  was  disclosed. 

Equalizing  the  compensation  of  all  the  soldiers  in  the  armies, 
whether  of  African  or  Caucasian  descent,  was  a  part  of  the 
schedule  that  radical  legislation  must  complete.  And,  as  no 
Member  of  Congress  seemed  to  long  more  ardently  for  this  form, 
of  equality  than  Henry  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts,  and  he  who 
stood  the  acknowledged  leader  of  revolutionary  radicalism  in  the 
House,  Thaddeus  Stevens,  it  was  appropriate  and  fitting  that 
these  distinguished  representatives  should  be  the  first  to  propose 
the  desired  legislation.  Accordingly,  on  the  8th  of  January, 
1S64,  Mr.  Wilson  introduced  into  the  Senate  a  bill  to  promote 
enlistments,  which  provided  that  all  persons  of  African  decent,  who 
may  have  been  mustered  into  the  military  service  of  the  United 
States  shall  receive  the  same  uniform,  clothing,  arms,  equipments, 
camp-equipage,  rations,  medical  and  hospital  attendance,  pay  and 
emoluments,  as  other  soldiers  of  the  regular  and  volunteer  forces 
of  the  like  arm  of  the  service.  After  a  spirited  contest  in  the 
Senate,  the  bill  as  above  proposed  in  substance  was  adopted  in 
that  body ;  and  on  the  30th  of  April,  Mr.  Stevens  called  it  up  in 
the  Lower  House  of  Congress.  The  measure  likewise  met  the 
approbation  of  the  House,  and  colored  soldiers  were  placed  on  an 
equality  with  white  from  January  1st,  186i.  "  The  Attorney- 
General  has  finally  decided,  that  colored  soldiers  are  in  all  respects 
entitled  to  the  same  compensation  as  white  soldiers."  * 

*  Henry  Wilson's  Anti-Slavery  Measures  in  Congress,  p.  312. 


306  .  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

The  most  persistent  efforts  were  made  by  the  radicals  in  the 
first  session  of  the  38th  Congress,  in  both  the  Senate  and  House 
of  Representatives,  to  allow  the  negro  to  grow  to  the  full  stature 
of  free  manhood,  with  which  he,  however,  was  but  simply  in  the 
process  of  being  endowed.  He  was  clothed  by  Act  of  Congress 
with  the  right  of  appearing  in  all  tjie  courts  of  the  United  States 
as  a  witness,  not  so  much  because  this  privilege  was  then  espe 
cially  demanded,  but  rather  because  it  was  believed  that  it  would 
aid  in  the  final  extirpation  of  slavery,  the  first  grand  object  of 
the  revolutionists.  The  repeal  of  the  law,  which  precluded  ne 
groes  from  carrying  the  mails,  was  also  strongly  urged  during 
this  session,  chiefly  for  the  same  reasons. 

In  this  session  of  Congress,  a  Bill  was  prepared  in  the  House, 
providing  for  the  organization  of  the  Territory  of  Montana,  and 
having  passed  the  same  in  the  usual  form,  was  remitted  to  the 
Senate  for  its  approval.  When  the  Bill  came  up  for  consideration 
in  this  body,  Senator  Wilkinson,  of  Minnesota,  moved  to  strike 
out  of  section  five,  of  the  organizing  Act,  which  prescribed  who. 
should  be  voters,  the  words  "  white  male  inhabitant,"  and  insert 
"  male  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  those  who  have  declared 
their  intention  to  become  such."  The  undenied  object  of  this 
amendment,  was  to  secure  the  organization  of  the  new  Territory 
in  accordance  with  the  principles  of  the  avowed  Abolitionists, 
who  already  were  beginning  to  urge  that  the  right  of  suffrage 
should  be  extended  to  the  negro  race.  Prominent  members  of 
the  party  in  different  sections  of  the  North,  had  already  given 
utterance  to  this  recent  demand  of  Abolitionism, 

The  amendment  met  with  a  considerable  opposition  from 
Republicans  themselves,  chiefly  because  they  feared  to  encounter 
in  the  coining  Presidential  canvass  the  opposition  that  would 
array  itself  against  the  principle  of  negro  suffrage.  The  majority 
of  the  Senators,  however,  all  Republicans,  showed  themselves 
as  favorable  to  universal  suffrage  by  supporting  the  amendment. 
It  was  carried  in  the  Senate  by  22  yeas  to  17  nays.  Several  of 
the  Senators  who  supported  the  amendment  made  no  conceal 
ment  that  they  heartily  favored  the  principle  which  it  expressed  j 
its  adoption  by  the  Senate,  however,  was  admitted  to  be  a  pure 
abstraction,  as  not  one  negro  inhabitant  at  the  time  was  found  in 
the  new  Territory.  And  of  those  also,  who  deemed  it  impolitic 
to  agitate  the  question  of  suffrage  at  the  time,  in  view  of  the 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  367 

approaching  Presidential  election,  were  some  who  declared  them 
selves  as  not  opposed  to  granting  negroes  the  right  of  voting. 

The  submission  and  support  of  the  amendment  in  the  Senate, 
was  the  first  clear  proof  that  the  Republican  leaders  were  ready, 
when  a  fair  opportunity  would  present  itself,  to  extend  the  right 
of  suffrage  to  all  races  of  men.  Up  to  this  period  they  had 
studiously  sought  to  elude  the  avowal  of  this  principle,  and  pos 
itively  averred  that  no  such  design  was  at  all  entertained  by  them, 
In  the  most  solemn  assurances,  they  declared  that  the  emancipa 
tion  of  the  negroes  from  the  chains  of  slavery,  would  be  the  ulti 
mate  limit  of  humanitarian  effort  in  behalf  of  the  degraded 
race.  It  was  even  resented,  as  offensive,  that  they  should  be 
accused  of  the  design  of  intending  to  open  the  ballot  to  ignorant 
African  menials.  But  before  the  inauguration  of  the  war,  and 
for  a  time  afterwards,  had  not  they  in  equally  strong  terms  re 
sented  the  imputation,  that  the  emancipation  of  slavery  in  the 
Southern  States  was  designed  by  them  ? 

The  House  of  Representatives,  however,  declined  to  concur  in 
the  Senate's  Amendment,  because  they  saw  clearly  that  negro 
suffrage  would  be  too  heavy  a  burden  to  carry  in  the  Presidential 
contest  of  1864.  But  enough  was  disclosed,  from  its  adoption 
by  the  Senate,  and  from  the  sentiments  that  were  beginning  to 
be  uttered  by  conspicuous  radicals,  favorable  to  this  principle,  to 
satisfy  reflecting  men,  that  it  formed  the  main  part  of  the  great 
conspiracy  that  was  rapidly  revealing  itself  in  its  fullest  extent. 

The  full  completion  of  the  conspiracy  required  the  repudiation 
of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Laws,  and  also  of  that  provision  of  the 
Federal  Constitution  which  supported  the  Acts  of  1T93  and 
1850.  A  bill  for  this  purpose  having  been  referred  to  the  Ju 
diciary  Committee  of  the  Senate,  was  reported  back  adversely. 
Repeated  efforts  were  made,  prior  to  January  llth,  1864,  to 
effect  the  repeal  of  the  Act  of  1850,  and  also  that  of  1T93.  At 
the  latter  date,  on  motion  of  Charles  Sumner,  the  question  of 
the  repeal  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Laws  was  referred  to  a  commit 
tee  of  seven  Senators,  the  majority  of  whom  reported  favorable 
to  the  measure.  The  Repealing  Act  received  the  approbation 
of  the  members  of  the  revolutionary  party  in  Congress,  and  was- 
approved  by  President  Lincoln,  June  28th,  1864. 

The  bill  was  stubbornly  resisted  by  the  Democrats  of  both 
Houses  of  Congress,  because  of  the  violation  which  the  repeal 


8C8  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

inflicted  upon  the  Federal  Constitution.  The  passage  of  the 
Repealing  Act,  in  Democratic  opinion,  was  an  open  and  palpable 
infraction  of  the  bond  of  covenant,  according  to  the  terms  of 
which  the  States  had  united  to  form  the  Union ;  and  for  the 
preservation  of  which  the  radicals  claimed  that  the  war  was  being 
waged  by  the  General  Government.  It  was  also  argued  by  the 
Democrats  that  no  practical  good  could  result  from  the  repeal  at 
that  time,  as  the  slaves  in  the  Border  States  were  already  in  such 
a  state  of  insubordination  that  they  were  free  to  go  where  they 
chose.  All  State  control  over  the  slaves  had  for  months,  prior 
to  this  period,  almost  entirely  ceased  in  the  Border  States  ;  and  it 
was  only  in  these  States  that  the  law  could  be  considered  as  of 
any  avail.  But,  besides,  the  Northern  people  at  that  time  would 
not  have  permitted  any  fugitive  slave  to  be  reclaimed  in  their 
midst  by  any  Southern  master,  however  loyal  to  the  General 
Government  he  may  have  been. 

But  in  truth,  the  repeal  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Acts  was  simply 
a  part  of  the  programme  which  the  revolutionary  leaders,  from 
the  origin  of  their  party,  had  designed,  viz :  to  destroy  slavery 
regardless  of  every  guarantee  which  the  Constitution  contained. 
The  report  was  really  nothing,  save  an  Act  of  the  purest  des 
potism  and  revolution,  of  which  history  affords  an  instance.  It 
was  utterly  unwarranted  and  unjustified;  and  altogether  as  great 
a  violation  of  civil  right  as  wrould  communism  be  guilty  of,  should 
it  ultimately  assume  to  wrest  all  property  from  its  possessors,  and 
distribute  the  same  as  its  principles  would  dictate. 

The  plan  of  reconstruction,  submitted  by  President  Lincoln, 
in  December,  1863,  although  in  entire  accord  with  the  principles 
hitherto  acted  on  and  approved  by  every  branch  of  the  Federal 
Government,  could  not,  as  we  have  already  observed,  meet  with 
the  approval  of  the  radical  leaders  of  his  party.  It  was  not 
upon  its  face,  sufficiently  revolutionary  to  meet  the  approbation 
of  men,  utterly  regardless  of  all  constitutional  restraint  whatso 
ever.  Members  of  Congress  who  were  ready  to  avow  that  the 
war  was  carried  on  outside  of  the  Constitution,  as  they  viewed 
it,  were  not  likely  to  agree  with  the  Presidential  plan  of  restoring 
the  seceded  States,  to  their  Federal  status  in  the  Union. 

The  main  reason  why  the  Executive  plan  of  reconstruction  did 
not  meet  radical  approval,  was  as  before  remarked,  because  the 
principle  of  negro  suffrage  had  been  entirely  ignored.  Salmon 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  SC9 

P.  Chase,  a  member  of  the  President's  Cabinet,  in  his  letter  to 
Gerrit  Smith,  of  March  2d,  1864,  speaking  of  the  plan  submitted 
by  the  head  of  the  Nation,  said  : 

"  The  Amnesty  Proclamation  seems  to  fail.  I  don't  like  the  qualifica 
tion  in  the  oath  required,  nor  the  limitation  of  the  right  of  suffrage  to 
those  who  take  the  oath,  and  are  otheiwise  qualified,  according  to  the 
State  laws,  in  force  before  the  rebellion.  I  fear  these  are  fatal  conces 
sions.  Why  should  not  all  soldiers  who  fight  for  their  country  vote  for 
it  ?  YvThy  should  not  the  intelligent  colored  man  of  Louisiana  have  a 
voice,  as  a  free  citizen,  in  restoring  and  maintaining  loyal  ascendency." 

From  the  identity  of  sentiment  that  pervades  this  letter  of  the 
Secretary,  and  that  of  President  Lincoln,  to  Michael  Halm,  of 
Louisiana,  before  quoted,  they  would  both  seem  to  have  flowed 
from  the  same  school  of  abolition  thought.  And,  although  the 
Executive  preserved  himself  before  the  country  as  the  apparent 
conservative,  his  views  permitted  him  to  drift  beneath  the  cur 
rent  as  an  unseen  revolutionist  and  a  radical  amongst  his  brethren. 

The  question  of  reconstruction  during  the  first  session  of  the 
Thirty -eighth  Congress,  was  viewed  as  a  favorable  one  for  agita 
ting  purposes.  It  was  regarded  as  very  different  when  Mr. 
Ashley  introduced  the  same  question  in  the  early  part  of  the 
TL.  rty-seventh  Congress.  The  revolution,  however,  had  now 
advanced  so  far  that  but  little  fear  was  entertained  to  discuss  in 
Congress  the  most  radical  topics.  The  most  extreme  revolu 
tionists  were  able,  at  length,  to  promulgate  their  views  on  the 
question  of  suffrage ;  and  so  long  as  both  Houses  did  not  agree 
upon  a  measure  of  this  kind,  the  leaders  had  it  in  their  power  to 
deny  that  such  opinions  would  ever  be  adopted  by  the  Adminis 
tration. 

On  the  4th  of  May,  1864,  Mr.  Davis,  of  Maryland,  Chairman 
of  the  Committee  of  the  House,  to  whom  had  been  referred  the 
President's  views  upon  the  restoration  of  the  rebel  States,  sub 
mitted  a  Bill,  embodying  a  fixed  and  elaborate  plan  of  reconstruc 
tion.  This  also,  like  the  President's  plan,  was  revolutionary  as 
it  assumed,  without  warrant  and  contrary  to  the  former  avowed 
policy  of  the  Government,  that  the  statehood  of  the  seceded 
Commonwealths  were  altogether  overthrown.  The  war  for  the 
repression  of  the  rebellion,  from  its  outbreak,  had  been  waged 
upon  the  principle  that  the  rebellious  States  were  still  in  the 
Union ;  and  that  no  act  of  secession  could  loosen  the  cords  that 
held  together  the  members  of  the  old  Confederacy.  And  the 


310  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

policy  of  the  Government,  for  a  long  time  after  the  outbreak  of 
the  war,  was  so  shaped,  lest  something  might  .be  done  or  omitted, 
which  would  operate  as  an  admission  that  the  rebel  States  had 
in  law  seceded. 

The  bill  prepared  by  the  Reconstruction  Committee  of  the 
House,  provided  for  the  appointment  of  a  Provisional  Governor 
by  the  President  in  each  State  declared  to  be  in  rebellion,  to 
serve  until  a  State  Government  should  have  been  organized  and 
recognized  by  the  General  Government.  On  the  suppression  of 
military  resistance  to  the  authority  of  the  United  States  in  any 
such  State,  an  enrollment  of  white  male  citizens  was  to  be  made, 
and  a  convention  was  to  be  called,  when  a  majority  of  them 
should  have  taken  the  oath  of  allegiance,  to  act  upon  the  re-es 
tablishment  of  a  State  Government.  All  persons  having  held 
any  office  in  the  rebel  service,  civil  or  military,  State  or  Confede 
rate,  and  all  those  having  borne  arms  in  such  service,  were  to  be 
prohibited  from  voting  for,  or  being  elected  as  delegates  to  the 
State  Convention.  The  convention  was  required  by  the  bill  to 
insert  in  the  new  Constitution  to  be  formed  by  it,  provisions  dis 
franchising  those  who  "  held  or  exercised  any  civil  or  military 
office,  (except  offices  merely  ministerial,  and  military  offices  below 
the  grade  of  colonel)  State  or  Confederate  under  the  usurping 
power;"  also,  prohibiting  slavery,  and  repudiating  all  debts 
created  by  or  under  sanction  of  the  usurping  power,  State  or 
Confederate.  The  State  Government,  thus  created,  was  to  be 
recognized  by  the  President  after  obtaining  the  assent  of  Con 
gress,  and  only  after  such  recognition  was  it  allowed  for  the  State 
to  be  represented  in  Congress  and  in  the  Electoral  College. 
Slavery  was  further  formally  declared  to  be  abolished  in  all  the 
States  in  question,  with  remedies  and  penalties  to  give  this  decla 
ration  effect.  Those  rebels,  holding  any  civil  or  military  office 
with  the  conditions  above  stated,  after  this  bill  should  become  a 
law,  were  declared  not  to  be  citizens  of  the  United  States.* 

The  bill  having  passed  the  House  of  Representatives,  was  sent 
to  the  Senate  for  its  concurrence,  and  after  some  debate  and 
interchange  of  sentiment  between  the  two  Houses,  was  finally 
adopted  by  the  latter  body.  The  President  could  not  approve 
the  reconstruction  plan  of  Congress,  without  too  openly  exposing 


*  Barrett's  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  p.  5G3. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  371 

himself  to  the  charge  of  puerile  vacillation  and  breach  of  plighted 
faith ;  for  he  was  already  fully  committed  to  the  recognition  .of 
the  new  State  Governments  of  Louisiana  and  Arkansas,  These 
States,  in  accordance  with  his  own  plan,  had  chosen  Governors, 
changed  their  State  Constitutions,  and  done  whatever  else  was 
enjoined  upon  them  to  regain  their  lost  Statehood  in  the  Union, 
He  had  likewise  appointed  Military  Governors  for  other  Southern 
States,  Besides,  no  essential  abolition  advantage  would  be 
gained,  even  should  the  President  append  his  signature  to  the 
Reconstruction  BilL  He,  therefore,  shrewdly  withheld  it. 

The  culminating  movement  in  the  great  conspiracy,  was  that 
instituted  to  effect  the  final  overthrow  of  Southern  slavery,  under 
the  appearance  of  an  apparent  amendment  to  the  Federal  Con 
stitution.  This  was  an  adroit,  weli-pl aimed  scheme  of  the  revo 
lutionists,  to  obtain  in  the  midst  of  and  by  means  of  revolution, 
the  object  of  abolition  zeal,  the  eradication  of  the  hated  institu 
tion.  The  Constitution  provided  for  an  amendment,  when  the 
same  having  been  proposed  by  the  two-thirds  of  each  House  of 
Congress  and  submitted  to  the  States, -should  be  ratified  by  three- 
fourths  of  these. 

Shortly  after  the  assembling  of  the  Thirty-eighth  Congress, 
with  other  revolutionary  measures,  an  amendment  to  the  Con 
stitution  abolishing  slavery  in  all  the  States  was  proposed  by 
Jaines  M.  Ashley,  the  super-serviceable  member  of  the  Lower 
House  of  Congress  from  Ohio,  And  as  evincing  concert  of 
action,  a  proposition  with  like  design  not  long  afterwards  was 
also  submitted  in  the  Senate,  and  referred  to  the  Committee  on 
the  Judiciary, 

After  a  time,  the  amendment  having  been  matured,  a  joint 
resolution  was  offered  that  the  same  be  submitted  to  the  States 
for  ratification.  The  resolution  aroused  a  spirited  opposition 
upon  the  part  of  the  Democrats,  who  saw  nothing  in  it  save  a 
subtile  and  crafty  method  of  subverting  that  very  Constitution 
which  the  revolutionists,  hypocritically,  were  preparing  in  name 
to  amend.  For  did  not  the  amendment  propose  to  interfere  with 
the  social  economy  of  the  States,  even  of  the  unrebellious  States, 
and  with  affairs  over  which,  the  General  Government  had  no 
authority  to  legislate  or  interfere  2  It  was  in  violation  even  of 
that  resolution  of  the  Chicago  Convention  of  I860,  which  de 
clared  that  "  the  maintenance,  inviolate  of  the  rights  of  the  States 


873  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

and  especially  the  right  of  each  State,  to  order  and  control  its 
own  domestic  institutions,  according  to  its  own  judgment  ex 
clusively,  is  essential  to  that  balance  of  power  on  which  the  per 
fection  and  endurance  of  our  political  fabric  depends." 

The  Democrats  took  the  position  that  changing  the  fundamen 
tal  charter  of  a  country,  was  an  action  demanding  so  great 
solemnity  that  it  should  never  be  undertaken  during  a  period  of 
effervescence  and  civil  commotion.  Besides,  no  such  pressing 
haste  required  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  to  obliterate 
slavery,  as  the  institution  would  prove  well  nigh  invulnerable, 
so  long  as  Southern  armed  resistance  was  not  overcome  upon  the 
battle  iield.  But  slavery  being  the  mark  of  abolitionism,  it  was 
not  to  be  expected  that  men  deeply  indoctrinated  with  its 
fanatical  views  could  rest,  save  in  exerting  to  the  utmost  their 
strength  in  one  or  other  method  for  the  extinction  and  destruc 
tion  of  their  hated  foe.  Statesmen  of  balanced  minds,  saw  how 
ever,  the  inutility  of  all  such  maddened  legislation,  provided 
the  restoration  of  the  Union  was  the  object  to  be  achieved. 

It  was  also  argued  that  as  the  amendment  proposed  to  interfere 
with  social  interests,  its  character  was  revolutionary.  It  was  the 
introduction  of  a  principle  antagonistic  to  that  which  underlies 
all  republican  government.  The  Union  was  made  for  the  polit 
ical  government  of  its  members ;  and  only  for  certain  specified 
objects  of  a  very  general  nature.  The  management  of  domestic 
affairs,  according  to  the  letter  and  spirit  of  the  compound  system 
of  the  United  States  Government,  was  remitted  entirely  to  the 
States  and  to  their  people.  The  General  Government,  by  the 
Constitution,  was  entrusted  with  no  control  over  the  marital  or 
religious  relations  of  the  people  of  the  States,  or  with  the  right 
of  eminent  domain  within  their  limits.  All  these  were  social 
and  State  relations ;  so  also  was  the  institution  of  slavery. 

Again,  the  Democrats  viewed  the  effort  to  destroy  slavery  by 
an  amendment  to  the  Constitution,  as  at  variance  with  its  spirit, 
as  a  breach  of  good  faith,  and  wholly  unjust  in  its  method.  It 
was  a  breach  of  faith,  because  the  war  had  been  prosecuted  upon 
the  assumption  that  the  seceded  States  yet  formed  integral  parts 
of  the  Union ;  and  being  such,  the  Government  was  bound  to 
see  that  the  private  property,  at  least  of  all  loyal  citizens,  be  pre 
served  unharmed.  For  even  in  a  pure  monarchical  government, 
it  is  deemed  due  to  all  adherents  of  the  crown,  that  they  suffer 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  373 

no  loss  in  person  or  estate  by  reason  of  others  in  their  midst 
having  rebelled.  How  then,  in  the  republic  of  the  United  States, 
could  such  be  deprived  of  their  property,  unless  a  fair  compensa 
tion  were  first  made  to  them  by  the  Government  ? 

The  leading  Democrats  of  both  Houses  iirinly  contended  that 
the  Constitution,  could  not  legally  be  so  amended,  as  to  destroy 
slavery  in  the  States  without  the  unanimous  consent  of  those 
States.  Senator  Saulsbury,  of  Delaware,  in  his  speech  of  March 
31st,  1864,  spoke  as  follows : 

"  I  firmly  believe  in  the  truth,  that  if  the  Senate  of  the  United  States 
•were  to  adopt  this  joint  resolution,  and  were  to  submit  it  to  all  the  States 
of  this  Union,  and  if  three-fourths  of  the  States  should  ratify  the  amend 
ment,  it  would  not  be  binding  upon  any  State  whose  interest  was  affected 
by  it,  if  that  State  protested  against  it." 

"  I  know  that  the  popular  theory  is  that  a  convention  can  frame  a 
Constitution,  and  if  three-fourths  of  the  States  ratify  it,  it  is  obligatory 
in  reference  to  everything  and  anything  they  do.  *  *  *  *  If 
that  be  so,  then  I  ask  you,  could  three-fourths  of  the  States  say  that  you 
should  have  no  manufactories,  that  you  should  plant  no  corn,  that  you 
should  not  have  property  in  anything  else  which  is  the  subject  of 
property. 

"Sir,  property  is  not  regulated,  and  was  not  intended  to  be  regulated 
by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  Property  is  the  creature  of  the 
law  of  the  State,  and  whenever  this  Government  undertakes  either  by 
legislative  enactment,  or  operating  through  and  by  three-fourths  of  the 
States  to  say  to  the  people  of  any  State,  "ice  will  what  shall  be  property 
and  what  shall  not  be  property  in  your  midst ;  that  subject  shall  be  regulated 
by  a  Federal  Constitution  or  by  a  Federal  law"  they  violate  the  purposes 
and  objects  for  which  the  Constitution  was  framed  ;  and  do  that  which, 
if  they  had  proclaimed  had  been  their  object  in  the  beginning,  "would 
have  prevented  the  formation  of  that  Constitution,  and  of  the  Union. 

"Can  Congress  propose  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  which, 
being  ratified  by  three-fourths  of  the  States,  shall  become  the  supreme  law 
of  the  land,  by  which  there  shall  be  an  equal  distribution  of  property 
throughout  the  United  States?  " 

Senator  Hendricks,  of  Indiana,  on  the  same  subject,  in  his 
speech  of  April  7th,  1864,  said : 

"  I  am  not  satisfied  that  this  proposed  amendment  is  one  that  can  be 
made  to  the  Constitution.  The  institution  of  slavery  is  a  domestic  insti 
tution.  It  exists  not  by  virtue  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  not  by  virtue 
of  any  law  passed  pursuant  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  but 
it  had  its  existence  before  the  formation  of  the  Federal  compact,  before 
the  establishment  of  the  Federal  Constitution.  It  was  the  Constitution  of 
the  Colonies." 

George  H.  Pendleton,  of  Ohio,  a  member  of  the  House,  in 
his  speech  of  June  15th,  1864,  said 


874  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

"There  is  in  three-fourths  of  the  States  neither  the  power  to  establish 
nor  to  abolish  slavery  in  all  the  States.  The  Federal  Government  has 
power  over  the  relations  of  the  States  with  foreign  nations,  and  over  the 
relations  of  the  States  as  between  and  among  themselves.  It  has  no  power 
aver  the  purely  internal  affairs  of  the  State.  This  principle  was  as 
familiar  as  household  words  three  years  ago.  Every  power  delegated  to 
the  Federal  Government,  relates  either  to  the  inter-national  or  the  inter- 
State  relations  of  the  United  States.  The  domestic  internal  affairs  of  a 
State  having  no  connection  with  the  Federal  Government,  or  with  for 
eign  nations  or  with  the  other  States,  are  reserved  to  the  absolute,  ex 
clusive,  sovereign  power  of  the  States  respectively,  and  to  the  people 
thereof.  The  other  States  are  not  affected  by  them,  and  have  no  interest 
in  them.  The  Federal  Government  has  no  cognizance  of  them.  The 
power  of  amendment,  which  is  confided  to  three-fourths  of  the  States, 
does  not  reach  them  nor  the  power  to  regulate  them,  but  is  limited  to 
the  subjects  and  powers  delegated  to  the  United  States." 

The  resolution  prc  posing  the  submission  to. the  States  of  tho 
constitutional  amendment,  which  should  abolish  slavery  through 
out  the  Union,  passed  the  Senate  April  8th,  1861,  by  the  strong 
vote  of  38  yeas  to  6  nays.  The  question  was  also  considered  in 
the  House  and  a  vote  taken  upon  it  June  15th ;  but  there  was 
a  failure  to  secure  two-thirds  of  this  body  in  its  favor.  The  vote 
in  the  House  was  95  yeas  to  66  nays,  the  Democrats  in  general 
opposing  the  resolution.  Four  Democrats,  however,  believing 
a  further  defence  oi  the  Constitution  hopeless,  voted  with  the 
majority. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  873 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

THE  POLITICAL  CAMPAIGN  OF  1864. 

The  Presidential  campaign  of  1864,  was  an  anomalous  one  in  tlio 
history  of  the  American  Union.  It  was  to  be  conducted  during 
the  existence  of  the  most  gigantic  revolution  which  free  govern 
ment  had  ever  experienced,  since  the  commencement  of  time. 
The  sectional  party  which  had  grasped  the  reins  of  Administration 
in  1860,  had  as  before  shown,  been  the  result  of  the  long  period 
of  agitation  which  had  cemented  together  the  fanatical  elements 
of  the  ]S"orth,  and  made  the  ruling  aggregation  of  this  section, 
a,  somewhat  homogenous  compound. 

But  the  long  period  of  turbulence  and  civil  war  which  had 
separated  the  sections  of  the  country,  had  proved  an  eliminating 
process  which  had  more  and  more  strongly  placed  fanaticism  aad 
reason  in  opposition  to  each  other.  From  the  time  when  it  was 
discovered,  after  the  secession  of  the  Cotton  States,  that  the 
Republican  leaders  would  not  consent  to  settle  the  difficulties 
between  the  North  and  South  by  fair  and  honorable  compromise, 
the  reasoning  classes  began  to  enter  their  protests ;  and,  although 
this  protesting  was  chiefly  in  silence,  it  nevertheless  had  its  influ 
ence  in  molding  the  aspect  of  the  parties  of  the  country.  From 
that  period,  reflective  men*  began  to  drop  their  connection  with 
the  Republican,  and  become  quietly  absorbed  in  the  Democratic 
party.  And  from  the  beginning  of  the  war,  during  its  whole 
progress,  this  process  of  separation  was  going  on,  and  a  counter 
elimination  was  likewise  all  this  time  taking  place,  which  was 
drawing  the  most  corrupt  and  selfish  material  from  the  Democratic 
into  the  so-called  loyal  party  of  the  country.  Fanaticism  had  at 
length  become  profitable ;  and  it  was  not  unusual  to  find  men 
who  had  figured  as  conspicuous  friends  of  peace  and  compromise, 

*It  is  not  meant,  however,  to  assert  that  all  the  reflecting  men  deserted 
the  Republican  paity  ;  but  that  many  did  so  is  undeniable.  Interest  and 
other  motives  detained  sagacious  men  in  the  Republican  party  who  couid 
not  be  ranked  as  Abolitionists. 


376  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

tarn  out  to  be  tlie  most  blatant  advocates  of  the  war  and  Southern 
subjugation. 

When  the  time  approached  that  candidates  should  be  selected 
for  a  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  United  States  to  succeed  Abraham 
Lincoln,  the  two  parties  of  the  country  had  become  more  dia 
metrically  antagonistic  than  had  ever  before  been  witnessed  in 
the  country.  The  boiling  caldron  of  war  had  stirred  society  to 
its  foundation  ;  and  its  sedimentary  dregs  that  heretofore  had 
remained  quiescent,  were  cast  to  the  surface,  and  were  exerting 
an  influence  not  felt  on  former  like  occasions.  The  enthusiastic 
mob,  the  fanatical  agitators,  and  the  intolerant  clergy  of  the 
North,  found  themselves  in  the  so-called  Republican  party,  which 
was  bent  upon  crushing  out  all  resistance  to  the  Federal  despot 
ism  reared  by  them  ;  and  against  these  were  arrayed  the  calm, 
considerative  classes,  who  could  only  see  destruction  to  free  gov 
ernment  in  the  policy  and  movements  of  the  party  that  sustained 
the  war  and  its  further  prosecution. 

Never  in  the  history  of  the  country  did  the  people's  govern 
ment  exhibit  itself  in  such  odious  features.  Its  like  had  alone 
been  seen  during  the  dark  and  bloody  epoch  of  the  French  revo 
lution.  The  preservation  of  republicanism  had  ever,  to  thinking 
men,  seemed  problematical ;  and  the  old  Federal  Union  was 
believed  to  have  afforded  the  most  perfect  illustration  of  a  repre 
sentative  Republic  which  was  anywhere  to  be  found  upon  the 
globe.  But  all  through  tb  3  representative  system  of  the  American 
Union,  a  necessary  substratum  of  intellectual  and  cultivated 
society,  from  the  formation  of  the  Constitution,  had  firmly  held 
the  helm  of  State ;  and  cautiously  guided  it  amidst  the  rocks 
and  quicksands  of  social  disorder,  upon  which  like  forms  of  gov 
ernment  had  been  wrecked.  An  intelligent  and  polished  class 'of 
society  existed  in  the  Southern  States,  from  the  peculiar  race 
subordination  of  that  section,  which  produced  a  succession  of 
clear-headed  statesmen,  in  whose  estimation  honor  and  integity 
formed  guiding  stars.  The  plan  of  the  Federal  Union  itself  was 
the  conception  of  these  eminent  men  ;  and  its  unclouded  pros 
perity,  until  1860,  was  owing  to  the  influence  they  exerted  in  the 
maintenance  of  order  and  the  repression  of  corruption. 

But,  whilst  Southern  statesmen  formed  a  Union  with  slavery, 
it  remained  as  the  task  of  the  intelligence  of  New  England  and 
the  North  to  form  a  more  perfect  Union,  where  men  of  alK 


POETICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  377 

races  should  be  equal,  both  socially  and  politically.  Northern 
fanaticism,  by  means  of  the  free  school  system,  conceived  this  to 
be  attainable,  although  in  direct  contravention  to  all  anterior  po 
litical  philosophy.  Sound  reason  would  rather  have  dictated  a 
method  of  instruction,  which  would  render  each  individual  bet 
ter  fitted  for  the  task  and  station  of  society,  for  which  God  and 
nature  had  chosen  him  ;  for  the  statesman  and  the  religious  pre 
ceptor,  the  highest  grade  of  moral  and  scholastic  culture,  but  for 
him  chosen  to  fill  the  humble  walks  of  life,  the  plainest  elements 
of  knowledge. 

Human  equality  was  first  promulgated  by  the  Redeemer  of 
men,   in   a   spiritual   sense,   and  by  Thomas  Jefferson,    in   the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  as  the  deduction  of  the  thought  of 
the  seventeenth   and   eighteenth   centuries*  in   an  ethical  and 
philosophical  sense ;  yet  contradistinguished  from  a  natural  and 
political  sense.     For  no  man  of  the  keen  sagacity,  and  intuition  of 
the  Virginia  statesman  would  have  been  willing  to  stultify  himself 
in  the  eyes  of  the  scientific  and  philosophical  world  by  asserting 
what  his  unclouded  reason  must  have  assured  him  was  untrue,  viz ; 
That  all  men  are  created  equal ;  as  he  could  not  but  see  that  all 
men  are  created  unequal,  intellectually,  physically  and  politically. 
The  Hyder  Alis  and  Pontiacs  of  their  times  are  born  unequal  to 
any  of  their  subjects;  and  though  devoid  of  all  save  nature's 
education,  exert  a  political  power  that  their  innate    superiority 
alone  accord  them.     Could  it  be  proven  that  the  author  of  the 
declaration  meant  to  teach  the  entire  equality  of  men,  he  would 
forever  stand  in  the  light  of  reason  and  common  sense,  as  the 
purest  demagogue  that  ever  attempted  to  delude  mankind.     Such 
a  conclusion  is  not,  however,  to  be  assumed,  without  the  clearest 
evidence  to  sustain  it.     Natural  and  political  inequality  obtains 
amongst  all  men,  because  of  the  original  endowment  of  creation  ; 
and  it  does  not  disappear  in  a  representative  republican  govern 
ment,  when  it  is  abstractly  said,   that  all  men  are  born  equal. 
Democratic  equality  is  purely  speculative,  and  brings  to  the  great 
body  of  the  people  no  greater  power  than  the  same  class  enjoy 
under  a  monarchy.     Power  in  an  inertial  condition,  inheres,  it  is 
true,  in  the  mass  of  society,  but  like  the  human  body,  it  is  ever 
exerted  by  the  head  of  the  body  politic,  those  possessing  the  capacity 

^Speech  of  R.  M.  T.  Hunter,  at  the  University  of  Virginia,  on  the  30th 
of  June,  1805,  p.  16. 


C73  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

to  direct  the  social  organism.  It  is  so  in  all  society,  monarchical, 
aristocratical  and  democratical ;  and  this  was  as  clearly  seen  by 
Aristotle,  the  philosopher,  over  two  thousand  years  ago,  as  at  the 
present  day.  But  for  the  men  whose  thought  controls  commu 
nities,  eternal  anarchy  would  reign.  Political  power  is  simply 
the  effort  of  intellect  directing  society ;  and  a  few  thinkers  per 
form  the  task  in  every  subdivision  of  government.  The  very 
superior  minds  control  the  aggregated  whole  of  society,  and  the 
body  of  voters  exert  no  more  authority  than  the  same  number  in 
the  purest  despotism  of  Asia.  All  the  people  can  have,  is  the 
liberty  for  each  individual  to  fill  up  and  enjoy  the  full  measure 
of  his  being.  Good  government  does  not  depend,  therefore, 
upon  the  general  intelligence  of  the  masses,  but  upon  the  supe 
rior  intellect,  culture  and  virtue  of  the  few,  wTho  are  by  nature 
fitted  for  rulers. 

The  first  successful  effort  of  the  abolitionized  Horth,  inde 
pendent  of  the  cultured  South,  to  select  a  President,  had  resulted 
in  a  concession  to  the  equalizing  ideas  of  that  section.  Instead 
of  an  erudite,  high-toned  and  honorable  scholar,  a  tricky,  jocular, 
village  politician  of  mediocre  capacity,  was  chosen  to  fill  the  seat 
that  the  most  eminent  citizens  and  educated  Statesmen  alone  had 
heretofore  graced.  A  boorish  President  wras  acceptable  to  parti 
sans,  who  believed  in  the  full  equality  of  all  men ;  and,  although 
men  are  necessitated  to  qualify  themselves  for  the  ordinary  avo 
cations  of  life,  a  rail-splitter  and  flat  boatman  was  deemed  equally 
as  competent  for  President  of  the  United  States,  as  the  most 
acute  logician  and  finished  Statesman.  Indeed,  it  may  be 
averred,  as  a  political  axiom,  that  modern  fanaticism  can  neither 
produce  nor  secure  the  services  of  a  Statesman  of  Hamiltonian 
or  Websterian  calibre.  This  declaration  finds  support,  when 
reference  is  made  to  the  class  of  men  elevated  by  the  revolu 
tionary  party  to  Congress,  and  to  other  governmental  trusts. 
Charles  J.  Ingersoll,  a  modern  thinker,  says : 

"  We  know,  and  only  a  great  public  change  can  account  for  it,  that  in 
the  Revolution  of  1776,  a  country  of  some  three  millions  of  people  pro 
duced  illustrious  men  ;  and  in  that  of  1860  the  same  country,  ten  times  as 
populous,  did  not  produce  one."  * 

The  unnatural,  equalizing  tendency  of  the  Republican  party, 
having  originally  secured  a  President  of  ordinary  ability  and  low 

*  Fears  for  Democracy,  p.  121-3. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  879 

tastes,  and  a  Congress  likewise  of  nearly  the  same  grade ;  it  was 
not  to  be  expected  that  higher  aspirations  would  guide  the  party 
in  1864  ;  inasmuch  as  the  whole  social  structure  was  in  a  condi 
tion  of  turbulence  and  revolution.  But,  common  and  revolu 
tionary  as  Abraham  Lincoln  had  exhibited  himself  during  his 
administration,  he  yet  lacked  some  of  the  qualities  that  were 
considered  at  that  time  desirable  to  be  possessed  by  the  President 
of  the  United  States.  He  did  not  have  the  lightning  celerity  of 
movement,  and  that  utter  disregard  of  the  whole  spirit  of  the 
Constitution  which  the  radicals  desired.  His  common  sense 
assured  him  that  too  great  haste  spoils  the  work  /  and  he  waited 
to  see  the  currents  of  opinion,  before  too  clearly  disclosing  his 
own  views.  The  radicalism  of  the  President  was  intense,  in  the 
highest  degree ;  but  he  caused  it  to  be  tempered  with  a  greater 
degree  of  caution  than  the  extreme  revolutionists  desired. 

In  pursuance  of  a  movement  inaugurated,  in  the  winter  of 
1863-4,  a  convention  of  extreme  radicals,  who  were  opposed  to 
the  re-nomination  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  for  President,  met  at 
Cleveland,  May  31st,  1864 ;  and  after  the  adoption  of  a  platform 
of  principles,  named  John  C.  Fremont,  as  their  candidate  for  the 
Presidential  Chair.  And  in  order,  the  more  fully,  to  pi  ace  them 
selves,  in  direct  opposition  to  the  President's  policy,  they  an 
nounced  the  doctrine,  that  the  reconstruction  of  the  Southern 
States,  was  a  question  for  the  consideration  of  Congress,  rather 
than  the  Federal  Executive.  The  extreme  revolutionary  charac 
ter,  of  the  sentiments  of  the  members  of  this  convention,  was 
also  displayed  in  the  endorsement  of  the  principle  of  confiscating 
the  lands  of  the  rebels,  regardless  of  law  and  the  express  words 
of  the  Constitution.  In  this  convention,  Thaddeus  Stevens, 
Charles  Sumner,  and  men  of  their  revolutionary  principles,  if  true 
men,  should  have  been  found,  either  in  person,  or  by  letters. 
Being  deceivers  however,  they  waited  the  assembling  of  another 
convention,  which  feared  jto  avow,  what  its  real  leaders  intended 
to  carry  into  execution. 

Great  numbers  of  the  radicals,  no  doubt,  strongly  sympathized 
with  the  Cleveland  convention  movement ;  and  wished  it  success, 
but  were  too  timid,  openly  to  commit  themselves  to  it.  They 
altogether  doubted  that  it  could  accomplish  any  potent  result, 
inasmuch  as  the  popular  current  in  the  Republican  party  seemed 
too  strong  ill  favor  of  Abraham  Lincoln  to  be  diverted  from  him 


880  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

by  any  effort  that  could  be  made.  They  surmised  correctly,  for 
the  Cleveland  Convention  scarcely  produced  more  than  a  passing 
ripple  upon  the  surface.  The  President  had  a  large  army  of 
subordinates,  who  were  all  interested  in  his  re-nomination ;  and 
besides  his  skillful  knowledge  of  the  politician's  art  had  enabled 
him  to  appear  before  the  country  as  the  man  of  all  others,  who 
was  believed  to  be  fitted  to  carry  his  party  onwards  to  victory. 
His  own  remark,  that  it  is  never  safe  to  change  horses  in  crossing 
a  stream,  served  to  coin  an  impress  upon  the  public  mind  that 
was  now  craftily  utilized  by  him. 

The  Republican  politicians  assembled  at  Baltimore,  June  7th, 
1864,  to  make  Presidential  nominations  for  their  party,  and 
amongst  these  Thaddeus  Stevens  appeared  as  a  delegate  to  the 
convention.  And,  in  order  to  appear  consistent  before  the 
country,  in  view  of  the  contemplated  plan  of  reconstruction, 
which  wras  now  the  kernel  of  radical  policy,  Mr.  Stevens  strove 
to  the  utmost  of  his  power  to  exclude  all  delegates  to  the  con 
vention  from  any  of  the  rebel  States.  "  He  declared  that  he 
had  never  recognized  Virginia  as  being  in  the  Union,  since  she 
passed  the  Ordinance  of  Secession  ;  and  the  applause  which  had 
greeted  the  delegates  from  those  States  that  had  spoken  in  the 
convention  to-day,  was  to  him  a  more  dangerous  element  than 
armed  rebels  in  the  field. "*  In  spite  of  the  commoner's  pro 
test,  the  delegates  from  Tennessee,  Louisiana  and  Arkansas,  were 
admitted  to  seats  in  the  convention,  and  accredited  the  full  priv 
ileges  of  members  from  other  States. 

The  Republican  representatives  in  the  Baltimore  Convention, 
announced  their  platform  as  demanding  the  unconditional  aband 
onment  of  all  resistance  to  the  Government,  without  any  tender 
of  compromise,  and  that  slavery  should  no  longer  be  tolerated  by 
the  Federal  authorities  as  an  institution  of  the  country;  the 
Emancipation  Proclamation  of  the  President,  and  the  employ 
ment  of  African  soldiers  were  also  approved  by  the  party  leaders. 
An  amendment  to  the  Constitution  was  likewise  recommended, 
so  as  finally  to  put  an  end  to  slavery  in  all  of  the  States.  But? 
although  President  Lincoln  had  made  the  subject  of  reconstruc 
tion,  the  capital  topic  of  his  message  in  December,  186S,  and, 
although  his  plan  was  already  scouted  and  derided  by  -a  large 
section  of  his  party,  a  cowardly  hypocritical  silence  was  main- 

*New  York  World,  June  8th,  1864. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  A%ERICA<  333 

tained  upon  this  most  important  point.  TVeoiIsly  to  show  itself 
question  of  the  time,  which  underlay  all  otho  Clay  Webster  acl" 
ing  close  on  the  heels  of  military  success,  Wi^ecome  so  imprvder 
of  importance.  It  especially  deserved  to  be  i>nent  of.  j^nonest 
men,  who  desire  nothing  but  the  advancement  ^^fiistice.  The 
truth,  however,  was  that  the  Republicans  were  so  divided  on  this 
subject,  that  any  attempt  to  define  a  policy  would  have  cleft  the 
party  asunder,  and  fixed  a  great  gulph  between  the  two  seg 
ments,  the  warm  adherents  of  Lincoln,  and  the  Stevens  and 
Sumner  extremists. 

The  nomination  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  as  Robert  Breckenridge, 
the  temporary  Chairman  of  the  Baltimore  Convention  substan 
tially  expressed  it,  was  une  fait  accompli,  even  before  the 
assembling  of  that  body.  It  simply  registered  the  pa^y  determi 
nation,  as  it  had  generally  been  arranged  and  understood  through 
out  the  ^orth ;  inasmuch  as  no  other  candidate  could  be  substi 
tuted,  who  would  so  heartily  unite  all  classes  of  Republicans  in 
his  support.  Being  a  man  of  no  positive  ideas,  he  could  permit 
his  opinions  to  be  shaped  to  suit  the  popular  gale.  He,  there 
fore,  admirably  suited  as  the  Presidential  foot-ball  to  be  played 
by  the  revolutionists,  who  could  propel  him  in  whatever  direction 
they  chose.  A  man  of  fixed  principles  was  by  no  means  a 
suitable  instrument  of  the  existing  emergency.  Besides,  Abra 
ham  Lincoln  had  the  sobriquet  of  "honest"*  appended  to  his 
name,  which  was  well  calculated  to  catch  the  unthinking  herd  of 
voters. 

The  nomination  of  a  candidate  for  Vice-President,  was  a  mat 
ter  that  likewise  called  for  shrewdness  at  the  hands  of  the  Re 
publican  managers  in  the  Baltimore  Convention.  Three  men 
of  early  democratic  faith — Andrew  Johnson,  of  Tennessee,  Han 
nibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine,  and  Daniel  S.  Dickinson,  of  Xew  York 
— were  the  prominent  candidates  for  this  position.  The  first 
named  of  these  received  the  endorsement  of  the  convention,  in 
the  face  of  the  protest  of  Thaddeus  Stevens,  who  saw  in  the 

*Dr.  Orestes  Brownson,  the  clear-headed  thinker  and  philosopher,  him 
self  a  member  of  the  Republican  party,  had  the  sagacity  to  perceive 
what  the  title  of  "  honest"  in  American  politics  indicates.  In  a  speech 
made  by  him,  June  27th,  1864.  he  remarked  that  he  had  no  confidence  in 
any  man  who  had  the  appendage  of  ''honest''  to  hi^  name,  as  he  will  in 
variably  be  found  to  be  '•  a  cunning  man,  a  canny  man,  a  foxy  man/' 
He  also  added,  "  There  is  not  a  more  cunning  man  in  this  country  thaa 
Abraham  Lincoln."— New  York  World,  June  2Sth,  18(34 


880  A  REVIEW  OP  THE 

bj  any  effort  that  coiandidate  a  stab  at  his  favorite  theory  of  re- 
co  Cleveland  Convr  the  valuable  services  to  the  cause  of  aboli 
tions  5  upon  the  s-oy  the  Military  Governor  of  Tennessee,  could 
not  be  ^Jve,  who^d  by  party  manipulators,  who  more  highly 
prized  the  igritfjie  surrender  of  life  cherished  principles  than  the 
manly  performance  of  honorable  duty.  This  nomination  was 
but  in  keeping  with  the  promotion  of  Callieott*  and  others  of 
like  antecedents,  who  were  rewarded  in  proportion  to  the  low 
obeisance  they  had  made  to  the  corrupt  beast  of  infamy  that  had 
been  set  up  for  universal  homage. 

The  selection  of  rulers  by  universal  suffrage,  to  govern  man 
kind,  is  a  republican  process.  It  is  the  result  of  modern  thought, 
in  opposition  to  the  principles  of  monarchy ;  and  designed  to 
bestow  upon  all  classes  of  men  as  large  an  amount  of  liberty  and 
power  as  may  be  compatible  with  moral  and  governmental  in 
tegrity.  Philosophical  reflection,  in  its  desire  for  the  elevation 
of  general  humanity,  up  to  the  period  of  the  French  revolution, 
had  concurred  in  the  justice  of  the  effort  to  equalize  men  as 
much  as  possible  in  their  social  and  political  relations.  The  boil 
ing,  however,  of  the  French  caldron,  upset  the  hopes  of  many 
calm  European  thinkers  in  the  capacity  of  man.  for  self-govern 
ment;  and  from  that  period  absolutism  in  the  old  world  has 
been  surrounding  itself  with  strong  barriers,  so  as  to  prevent 
further  outbreaks  of  incendiary  madness  and  lawless  revolution. 

But  the  Federal  Union  was  the  product  of  modern  thought,  as 
It  was  molded  prior  to  the  French  revolution.  This  Confederacy, 
having  been  early  grasped  from  the  hands  of  the  monarchical 
faction,  that  for  a  time  controlled  it ;  under  the  administrations 
of  wise  rulers  it  was  rendered  the  model  republic  of  both  the 
ancient  and  modern,  world.  The  extraordinary  prosperity  which 
it  enjoyed  under  the  principles  of  Democracy,  was  because  wis 
dom  kept  in  harmony  the  complicated  machinery  of  the  whole 
system,  based  upon  tacit,  universal  consent  During  all  this 
time,  the  turbulent,  lawless  and  fanatical  elements  of  societv 
were  kept  in  due  subordination  by  that  succession  of  wise  and 
eminent  Statesmen  who  stepped  to  the  helm  of  Government  in 
1800,  and  held  the  ship  steady  for  sixty  years.  But  the  violent 


*  Salmon  P.  Chase  appointed  ex-Speaker  Callicott  to  official  position 
little  doubt  in  consideration  of  his  base  desertion  of  democratic  nrm, 
pies.— New  York  World,  April  25^  1801 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  883 

rocking  of  the  vessel  began  almost  instantaneously  to  show  itself 
with  the  departure  of  the  great  helmsmen,  Clay,  Webster  and 
Calhoun.  The  false  doctrine  of  equality  had  become  so  impressed 
upon  the  popular  mind,  that  with  the  retirement  of  these  dis 
tinguished  Statesmen,  nearly  every  newspaper  reader  conceived 
himself  as  equally  competent  to  rule  the  nation  as  the  elected 
representatives  of  the  people.  Free  schools  in  the  Xorth  had 
done  their  fancied  work  ;  they  had  educated  a  nation  of  States 
men  ;  and  the  millennial  days  of  freedom  were  yet  in  store  for 
the  republic, 

With  such  thoughts,  the  Northern  people  having  originally 
elevated  Abraham  Lincoln  to  the  Presidency,  not  because  of  his 
intellectual  superiority,  but  because  of  his  representing  the  ruling 
sentiments  of  his  section ;  it  was  not  to  be  expected  that  another 
than  he  or  his  like,  would  be  the  Presidential  nominee  of  the 
republican  party  in  1S.61.  Reason  had  beon  discomtite  .1  in  the 
election  of  18(30,  and  being  fully  dethroned,  was  in  banishment 
in  ISiU.  Popular  election  being  the  mode  during  pacific  times, 
which  wise  men  in  State  and  Federal  compacts  had  agreed  upon 
for  the  choice  of  rulers,  to  whom  the  reins  of  power  were  to  be 
entrusted,  would  this  same  method  promote  liberty  and  equity 
when  these  Constitutions  were  overthrown,  and  a  period  of  dis 
order  had  seized  the  country  ? 

Such  was  the  condition  of  affairs,  when  Lincoln  and  Johnson 
were  nominated  at  Baltimore,  as  candidates  for  President  and 
Vice-President  of  the  L^nited  States.  Republican  success  in  1860, 
was  due  to  the  political  prostitution  of  former  Whig  and  Demo 
cratic  leaders  to  the  abolitionized  sentiments  of  the  North,  already 
pregnant  with  revolution  and  constitutional  downfall.  But  as 
the  pretended  foes  of  slavery  extension,  and  the  courtiers  of 
popular  opinions,  had  been  exalted  to  high  seats  in  the  temple  of 
Mammon,  was  it  probable  th.it  in  1S6±,  they  would  abandon 
their  seats,  after  having  caused  hundreds  of  thousands  of 
deluded  soldiers  to  be  drowned  in  seas  of  blood  and  carnage, 
to  sustain  the  non-compromise  policy  of  knaves  and  madmen. 
Again,  the  party  that  had  grasped  power  in  1SGO,  under 
the  watchwords  of  economy  and  reform,  was  now  necessi 
tated  to  defend,  not  the  annual  expenditure  of  seventy  mil 
lions  of  dollars  for  the  support  of  the  Government,  but  of 
one  thousand  millions.  Delightful  economists  and  reformers  in 


884  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

truth !  The  party  also,  that  had  through  the  thousands  of  utter 
ances  of  its  leaders,  proclaimed  that  no  danger  was  to  be  appre 
hended  from  the  secession  of  the  Southern  States,  was  now 
compelled  to  face  an  unsubdued  rebellion  of  near  four  years 
duration.  And  the  men  who  came  into  power  vituperating  and 
vilifying  Democratic  Administrations  as  having  been  dishonestly 
conducted,  were  since  their  advent  to  place,  busily  engaged  in 
rearing  a  pagoda  of  fraud,  iniquity  and  corruption,  such  as  the 
civilized  world  had  never  before  contemplated. 

The  Republican  party,  although  boasting  itself  of  its  Christian 
designs  and  moral  purposes,  was  the  great  destroyer  of  principle 
amongst  the   American   people.     Its   organization   rested  upon 
the   perversion  of   man's  moral   nature,    the   basis  of   which  is 
truth.     Its   secret,   but   unavowed   objects,  had  attracted  to  its 
folds;  the  infidel   clergy  and   statesmen   of    the  North,   whose 
numbers  are  legion  and  whose  God  is  humanity.     The  party  from 
its  origin,  was  the  embodiment  of  conscious  untruth  in  pretend 
ing  that  its  only  object  war.  to  prevent  the  extension  of  slavery 
into  free  territory ;  whereas,  from  its  organization,  it  aimed  at 
the  complete  extirpation  of  the  institution,  even  where  it  had  a 
constitutional  existence.     The  personal  liberty  bills  also  had  been 
enacted  upon  the  pretence  that  these  were  for  the  protection  of  the 
citizens  of  the  free  States ;  yet,  the  sole  object  of  these,  though 
violating  the  Constitution,  was  to  prevent  the  return  of  fugitive 
slaves.     During  the  war  again,  the  Republican  party  pretended 
to  regard  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves  as  a  military  necessity, 
when  in  truth  it  only  meant  to  take  advantage  of  the  war  to 
accomplish    its    original   object.      It   also   pretended   to   regard 
Democrats  as  traitors ;  but  this  was  assumed  simply  to  render 
them  odious,  and  drive  them  from  power.     This  method  of  ostra 
cism,  proved  indeed  a  valuable  aid  to  the  revolutionists.     During 
the  whole  war,  indeed,  falsehood  colored  the  utterances  of  the 
Republican  press,  so  as  to  delude  the  people  concerning  the  pro- 
oress  and  movements  of   the  national  arms.     Oaths  were  not 
binding  upon  the  consciences  of  the  President,  Cabinet  Ministers, 
Senators  or  Congressmen,  who  subscribed  to  a  higher  law  than 
the  Constitution.     Plighted  faith  was  no  longer  required  to  be 
observed,  according  to  the  principles  of  those  who  sought  by  all 
means  the  eradication  of  the  hated  Southern  institution.     From 
the  head  of  the  nation,  therefore,  to  the  lowest  party  subaltern. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  385 

almost,  deception  and  fraud  were  employed  to  further  the  cause 
for  which  war  had  been  made  against  the  South.  These  and 
other  influences  necessarily  germinated  the  festering  corruption 
and  demoralization,  that  arose  all  over  the  North  in  gigantic 
forms,  after  the  installation  of  the  Republican  party ;  and  which 
threatened  to  bury  humanity  in  a  night  of  universal  gloom. 

But  the  deluge  had  come ;  the  foundations  of  the  great  deep 
of  society  were  broken  up,  and  constitutional  ruin  a  ad  prostration 
were  everywhere  visible.  The  anarchical  mob  of  the  North  was 
ruling  the  nation,  both  in  the  Cabinet  and  upon  the  field.  The 
Baltimore  Convention  was  its  selection,  and  the  candidates  its 
choice.  Law,  liberty  and  order  were  subordinated  to  the  dictates 
of  fanatical  propagandism  and  revolutionary  freedom.  And  it 
even  militated  nothing  adversely  to  Abraham  Lincoln,  the  favor 
ite  of  the  social  dregs,  that  he  had  the  courage  at  length  to  avow 
his  infamous  conduct  in  violating  the  Federal  Constitution.  In 
his  letter  of  April  6th,  186tt,  to  Colonel  Hodges,  he  said : 

"  I  felt  that  measures,  otherwise  unconstitutional,  might  become  law 
ful  by  becoming  indispensable  to  the  preservation  of  the  Constitution, 
through  the  preservation  of  the  nation.  Right  or  wrong,  I  assumed  this 
ground,  and  now  avow  it.'' 

Society  being  at  this  time,  in  a  condition  almost  of  chaotic 
anarchy  and  tumultuous  disorder,  public  opinion  was  no  fair 
index  of  the  intelligent  reflection  of  the  reasoning  classes,  who 
must  always  guide  the  ship  of  government,  or  ruin  invariably 
ensues.  And  as  occurred  in  the  French  revolution,  in  the  change 
of  attitude  by  Mirabeau,  La  Fayette  and  others,  the  thoughtful 
men  of  the  North,  who  could  descry  the  maelstrom  of  social 
overthrow  that  the  vessel  of  State  was  approaching,  left  (as 
before  remarked)  the  Republican  party  in  considerable  numbers, 
after  the  commencement  of  the  war ;  but  for  every  one  of  this 
character  that  deserted  the  organization  of  fanaticism,  two  of  an 
opposite  kind  came  to  it  from  the  Democracy,  now  likewise 
become  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  revolution.  A  bitter  partisan 
press  was  all  the  time  fanning  the  flames  of  hatred  against  the 
South,  and  urging  onwards  the  Northern  armies  to  finish  the 
work  of  destruction  in  which  they  were  engaged.  The  anti-war 
Democrats  were  pointed  out  as  sympathisers  with  the  Southern 
rebels,  who  were  drenching  the  fields  of  the  Republic  in  the  best 
blood  of  its  citizens,  patriotically  fighting  in  defence  of  the  life 


386  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

of  the  nation.  The  unreflecting  democrat,  whose  son  had  fallen 
at  Chancellorsville  or  Gettysburg,,  was  stirred  to  rage  when  told 
that  his  party  friends  were  opposed  to  the  war  against  the  peo 
ple's  enemies*  He  could  not  see  that  it  was  the  wicked  refusal 
of  the  Republican  leaders  to  compromise  the  difficulties  with  the 
Southern  people,  which  had  impelled  the  sections  into  deadly 
conflict,  and  the  same  which  had  prolonged  it,  and  flooded  the 
land  with  blood. 

In  this  state  of  sentiment,  there  existed  but  little  probability 
that  the  Democrats  could  do  more  than  protest  against  the  acts 
and  policy  of  the  Administration  party.  But  that  they  should 
resist,  was  in  the  nature  of  things ;  for  do  not  all  oppose  those 
injuring  them,  if  they  have  the  power  to  do  so  I  The  Democratic 
party  perceived  that  war  was  anti-republican  and  suicidal  to  the 
principles  of  free  government ;  and  they  should  have  been  false 
to  the  instincts  of  humanity  not  to  have  expressed  their  disap 
probation  of  a  further  prosecution  of  the  war.  Accordingly,  on 
the  29th  of  August,  1864,  the  National  Convention  of  this  party 
assembled  in  Chicago,  and  resolved  in  favor  of  a  cessation  of 
hostilities,  in  order  that  peace  and  the  Union  might  ultimately  be 
restored  by  pacific  remedies.  And  as  the  dictate  of  reason  and 
true  republican  sentiment,  this  resolution  must  ever  stand  justi 
fied  before  the  w^orld  and  the  intelligence  of  coming  ages. 

The  large  majority  of  the  members  of  this  convention,  were 
decided  peace  men,  and  made  but  little  concealment  of  their 
views.  But  a  portion  of  the  delegates  viewed  the  platform  as 
entirely  too  strong  a  committal  in  favor  of  peace ;  and  to  coun 
terbalance  this,  they  insisted  upon  the  expediency  of  nominating 
a  war  Democrat,  as  the  party  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  The 
name  of  General  George  B.  McClellan  was  presented  to  the  con 
vention,  amidst  great  applause ;  and  being  known  to  be  very 
popular  with  the  masses  of  the  party,  he  received  the  nomina 
tion.  This  candidate  was,  however,  by  no  means  the  choice  of 
the  avowed  peace  men,  and  was  accepted  by  them  with  considerable 
reluctance.  Could  the  reverse  of  that  have  been  expected,  when 
the  peninsular  hero's  participation  in  the  illegal  arrest  of  the 
Maryland  Legislature  was  as  yet  unforgotten.  George  H.  Pen- 
dleton,  a  peace  man,  was  settled  by  this  convention  as  the  Demo 
cratic  candidate  for  Yice-President. 

General  McClellan's  letter  of  acceptance  had  the  effect   of 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  337 

deadening  Democratic  enthusiasm  in  his  support.  The  military 
•chieftain  carried  his  martial  autocracy  with  him  in  his  letter 
accepting  the  nomination ;  and  laid  down  an  interpretation  of 
the  platform  of  his  party  which  was  agreeable  to  himself.  But 
his  letter  evinced  a  base  truckling  to  the  corrupted  war  sentiment 
of  the  North  ;  and  the  party  should  at  once  have  repudiated  him 
as  its  nominee,  and  selected  a  true  representative  of  Democratic 
principles,  who  could  have  aroused  warm  enthusiasm  in  his  sup 
port.  There  were  indeed  mutterings  heard  ;  but  the  Democracy 
had  become  too  far  demoralized  under  the  guidance  of  selfish 
leaders  to  be  capable  of  bold  action.  There  were  yet  Spartan 
bands  in  its  ranks  in  abundance,  but  competent  leaders  were 
wanting  to  unite  and  lead  them  to  victory,  or  even  honorable 
defeat. 

But  even  the  apparent  united  array  of  the  old  party,  that  had 
so  long  borne  victory  upon  its  banners,  was  terrifying  to  the 
enemy.  A  closing  up  of  ranks  was  at  once  ordered.  Fremont 
and  his  retiring  followers  deemed  it  also  prudential  to  return  to 
the  fold  in  order  that  fanaticism  united,  might  be  able  to  grapple 
with  the  common  foe.  The  campaign  was  short  and  spirited 
upon  one  side  alone.  Genuine  enthusiasm  was  lacking  in  the 
breasts  of  the  Anti-war  Democracy.  The  candidate  was  tar 
nished  in  the  eyes  of  true  men,  having  fought  the  battles  of  the 
wicked  despotism  that  was  overthrowing  the  liberties  of  the 
country. 

The  Republican  leaders,  on  the  contrary,  were  buoyant  with  en 
thusiasm  in  anticipation  of  the  victory  of  might  over  right.  The 
legions  of  infidelity,  malice  and  rapine,  were  moving  their  serried 
columns  to  the  battle  that  was  to  crown  them  victors  over  equity  and 
plighted  compact.  The  spirit  of  intuition  appeared  to  the  Demo 
cratic  freemen  of  the  North,  and  audibly  whispered  in  their  tents, 
before  the  onset  began,  "  /  will  meet  the  at  Pliillippi"  On 
November  8th,  1864:,  the  battle  was  fought,  and  constitutionalism 
was  prostrated  upon  the  Western  continent. 

Abraham  Lincoln  was  again  elected  President,  carrying  the 
electoral  vote  of  every  State  considered  in  the  Union,  except 
three — New  Jersey,  Delaware  and  Kentucky.  Over  four  hun 
dred  thousand  of  a  popular  majority  endorsed  his  election.  The 
anarchical  mob-spirit  of  the  North  had  again  triumphed  over 
reason  and  reflection ;  and  the  party,  which  was  regardless  of 


388  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

law  and  order,  had  anew  seized  the  helm  of  Government.  The 
exhausted  youth  of  the  South,  now  alone  stayed  the  oppressor's 
advance.  Should  their  resistance  at  length  be  fully  overcome, 
the  Juggernaut  of  Northern  incendiary  fanaticism,  would  then 
roll  its  hideous  figure  over  the  prostrate  form  of  constitutional 
government. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  389 


CHAPTER  XXIV 

FANATICISM  TRIUMPHS. 

The  tide  of  warfare  and  invasion  still  continued  to  swell,  and 
was  rapidly  submerging  in  a  sea  of  blood,  section  after  section  of 
the  Southern  States.  The  available  military  strength  from  the 
old  Dominion  to  Texas,  had  been  conscripted  to  repel  the  hated 
Yankee  invaders ;  the  chivalric  armies  of  defense  were  greatly 
reduced  in  numbers,  and  still  further  melting  away  in  daily  colli 
sions  with  the  enemy ;  and  no  avenues  now  remained  open  that 
promised  replenishment  to  the  rapidly  exhausting  Confederacy- 
The  spirit  and  courage  that  had  shown  themselves  upon  a  Ijun- 
dred  battle-fields  were  yet  unconquered,  but  the  rolling  waves  of 
fresh  levies  from  the  JSTorth  were  advancing  with  steady  move,  and 
promised  to  prostrate  in  a  general  overthrow  the  still  struggling 
remnants  of  the  Southern  armies.  Cut  oif  from  the  outside 
world,  the  Confederate  defensive  strength  must  alone  be  raised 
upon  their  own  soil,  and  their  armies  replenished  from  their  own 
citizens. 

The  American  sectional  struggle,  being  the  commencement 
upon  the  Western  Continent  of  the  great  battle  of  Communism 
with  capital  and  stable  government,  the  Red  Republicans  of  the 
old  world  lent  all  their  influence  to  the  cause  of  the  revolution 
ists,  throwing  their  weight  into  the  abolition  scale  by  enlisting 
themselves  in  tens  of  thousands  in  the  Northern  armies.  Europe 
imported  its  exuberant  sans  culotte  population  upon  our  shores; 
fanaticism  turned  the  negro  slaves  of  the  South  into  conscripting 
fields;  and  from  these  two  sources,  the  Northern  military  strength 
in  a  large  measure  was  steadily  replenished.  But  the  conquest 
of  the  Southern  rebels  had  not  taken  place  in  sixty  days,  as  had 
been  promised.  The  negroes  of  the  South  now  proved  a  valua 
ble  reserve,  upon  which  the  war  party  of  the  2s"orth  could  fall 
back,  and  red  republicanism  also  arose  in  demand  to  assist  in  the 


390  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

completion  of  the  work  that  had  at  first  been  sneered  at  as  a 
matter  of  insignificance. 

That  abolitionism  and  communism  should  have  united  in  our 
sectional  struggle,  was  altogether  natural,  inasmuch  as  they  had 
like  aspirations,  being  sisters  of  a  common  patronage.  Both* 
followed  the  movement  of  modern  free  thought,  which  for  ages 
had  desired  to  reach  in  governmental  spheres,  the  practical  equali 
zation  of  humanity.  To  strive,  however,  for  full  human  equality 
was  to  endeavor  to  remove  what  the  inscrutable  wisdom  of  Diety, 
for  certain  reasons,  had  implanted  in  nature.  And  those  who 
did  so,  influenced  by  logical  reasoning,  were  they  for  the  most 
part,  who  were  unwilling  to  recognize  the  existence  of  a  Supreme 
Creator  and  ruler  of  men  ;  and  their  desire  was  to  remove  all  the 
inequalities,  which  the  creative  .mind  had  left  upon  the  face  of 
universal  being.  They  were  those  who  officiously  set  themselves 
up  as  wiser  than  the  Divine  Lawgiver,  and  as  competent  to  rec 
tify  the  work  of  His  hands. 

Freedom  itself  has  been  the  conception  of  the  philosophical 
thought  of  the  world ;  and  an  attribute  of  those  alone  who  have 
been  able  to  comprehend  and  enjoy  it.  It  has  been  the  birth 
right  of  the  few  in  all  ages  and  countries ;  and  so  will  it  ever 
remain.  The  great  mass  of  mankind  are  born  either  tyrants  or 
slaves,  both  being  endowed  with  like  characteristics.  For  the 
slave  becomes  the  most  unrelenting  task-master,  when  circum 
stances  have  elevated  him  from  his  former  menial  condition ; 
and  the  tyrant,  in  turn,  readily  sinks  to  a  state  of  servitude, 
when  reverses  of  fortune  have  overtaken  him.  It  is  only  he 
whom  nature  has  endowed  with  the  principles  of  freedom,  who 
stubbornly  resists  the  condition  of  slavery,  in  which  his  birth 
may  have  placed  him ;  and  who  makes  incessant  effort  to  relieve 
himself  from  the  chains  of  bondage.  The  great  bulk  of  man 
kind  do  not  realize  the  bondage  of  their  creation ;  and  hence 
thay  make  no  effective  effort  to  relieve  themselves  from  it. 
Freedom  does  not  consist  in  being  relieved  from  the  necessity  of 
manual  labor,  but  in  the  right  to  think,  speak  and  act  as  a  moral 
intelligence.  Esop  and  Epictetus,  the  philosophers,  were  free 
men,  though  occupying  the  condition  of  slavery.  He  alone  is  a 
free  man,  whom  his  moral  and  intellectual  qualities  make  free. 
And  he  is  one,  again,  who  only  asks  from  others  what  he  would 
be  willing  to  extend  were  circumstances  changed ;  but  seeing  the 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  391 

inequality  implanted  upon  the  face  of  creation,  wisdom  admon 
ishes  him  to  permit  the  laws  of  destiny  to  remain  unquestioned 
as  they  are  fixed* 

Free  government,  likewise  being  the  product  of  philosophical 
thought,  has  hitherto  sunk,  because  too  large  a  proportion  of 
mankind  have  ever  permitted  themselves  to  be  made  the  slaves 
of  designing  tyrants,  who  care  alone  for  their  own  promotion 
and  success.  The  ancient  Republics  of  Greece  and  Rome  disap 
peared,  because  their  freemen  were  too  few  in  numbers  to  defend 
them  against  the  natural  foes  of  their  existence.  Centralization, 
the  antipodal  force  to  freedom,  from  the  origin  of  government, 
has  been  active  and  has  always  succeeded  in  submerging  free 
institutions  in  the  abyss  of  despotism.  During  the  middle  ages, 
also,  the  Teutonic  intellect  succeeded  in  establishing  free  repub 
lics  and  an  enlargement  of  freedom  in  different  parts  of  Europe ; 
but  all  these  were  overthrown  in  the  centralizing  movements 
that  reared  absolute  monarchies  in  France,  Spain,  England  and 
elsewhere,  about  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century.  The  tvrants 
pretended  to  enlarge  the  liberties  of  the  lower  classes,  in  order 
to  entice  them  to  their  support  •  and  by  means  of  the  aid  thus 
obtained  they  were  enabled  to  prostrate  freedom  in  one  common 
ruin,  and  ride  in  triumph  over  those  whose  services  they  had  so 
treacherously  subsidized. 

And  in  the  alliance  between  abolitionism  and  the  communistic 
element  of  Europe,  free  government  in  the  Western  world  was 
again  assailed  by  enemies  who  appeared  in  the  habiliments  of  Con 
federates,  These  foes  stood  forth  as  the  friends  of  freedom  and 
universal  humanity;  and  professed  the  most  sincere  love  for 
America  and  her  institutions.  The  attitude,  however,  which 
these  assumed,  clearly  demonstrated  that  their  zeal  outstripping 
their  wisdom,  rendered  them  like  Matthison  and  John  of  Ley  den, 
the  enemies  of  social  order  and  constitutional  law ;  and  that  their 
efforts  to  extend  freedom  beyond  its  natural  limits,  would  in  the 
end  turn  out  to  be  labor  in  vain  and  purely  abortive.  And  worse 
than  this  would  follow,  as  it  was  perceived,  that  these  super- 
serviceable  efforts  would  prove  the  suicidal,  and  destroy  even 
liberty  of  those  worthy  of  it ;  and  as  had  happened  in  other 
ages,  aid  in  centralizing  all  the  power  of  the  government,  and 
ultimately  lead  to  the  establishment  of  an  empire  where  the  peace 
ful  and  prosperous  Republic  of  America  had  flourished. 


593  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

A  tendency  to  centralization,  as  before  observed,  had  existed 
from  the  origin  of  the  Federal  Union ;  and  it  was  one,  which  of 
all  others,  distinguished  the  Federal  party  and  its  successors  from 
their  opponent,  through  all  the  periods  of  our  history.  Against 
this  trait  of  Federalism,  the  Democratic  party  early  arrayed 
itself,  and  steadfastly  adhered  to  this  position ;  and,  although  it 
was  the  party  of  the  humble  classes,  and  the  one  which  might 
have  been  supposed  most  likely  to  sympathize  in  all  efforts  to 
elevate  mankind ;  yet  comprising  in  its  ranks  a  body  of  philosoph 
ical  thinkers,  whom  principle  alone  detained,  it  was  not  strange 
that  it  ever  remained  the  Constitutional  party  of  the  country, 
which  was  opposed  to  all  useless  aims  of  fanatical  zeal.  The 
Democratic  party  was  indeed,  from  its  origin,  the  exponent  of 
the  most  enlarged  freedom  of  which  men  are  capable.  It  was 
the  one  that  made  our  country  the  home  of  the  oppressed  of  all 
nations,  and  which  strove  by  means  of  constitutional  law  to 
afford  them  all  the  means  by  which  they  might  uninterruptedly 
work  out  their  own  destiny.  It,  however,  never  accepted  the 
theory  of  the  universal  equality  of  all  races  of  men.  But  Cau 
casian  equality,  in  a  certain  sense,  having  been  the  established 
theory  upon  which  the  government  was  framed,  this  was  accepted 
as  the  embodiment  of  the  largest  practical  liberty  that  was  attain 
able.  The  Democratic  was,  therefore,  simply  the  Constitutional 
parly  of  the  nation. 

Having  been  such,  then,  rather  than  a  sans  culotte  Democracy -, 
which  its  name  might  have  implied ;  when  the  fanatical  and  rev 
olutionary  element  of  the  country  had  developed  itself  to  strength, 
and,  like  the  tyrants  of  Europe,  sought  to  subvert  the  funda 
mental  theory  of  government,  under  the  hypocritical  cry  of 
universal  Democracy,  it  was  natural  that  the  party  of  Jefferson 
should  stand  by  the  constitutional  institutions  of  the  Republic, 
It  thus  exhibited  itself  as  consistent  with  its  early  record,  and 
opposed  to  the  destructive  principles  of  fanaticism  and  com 
munism  ;  both  of  which  ever  lie  in  wait  for  the  overthrow  of  ail 
established  government  when  an  opportunity  presents  itself. 
The  uneasy,  agitating  and  revolutionary  elements  of  Europe, 
led  by  Yictor  Hugo,  Garibaldi,  and  others  of  like  character,  were 
very  naturally,  therefore,  in  sympathetic  accord  with  American 
fanaticism.  The  British  Red  Republican  classes  were  so  grati 
fied  with  the  re-election  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  that  a  large  body 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA,  893 

of  them  in  a  letter,  promptly  congratulated  the  successful  can 
didate  upon  his  political  success. 

Fanaticism  in  America,  fortified  as  it  was,  therefore,  in  the 
affections  of  the  unreflecting  millions  of  Europe,  was  a  force  of 
nearly  invincible  power.  It  is  ever  such  in  its  nature,  being 
propelled  by  the  emotions  rather  than  by  the  reason  of  mankind. 
What  else  furnished  the  crusaders  the  material,  that  prolonged 
for  centuries  their  struggles  for  the  conquest  of  the  holy  land  ? 
The  thirty  years'  war  of  Germany  was  inspirited  by  that  evei 
living  principle  of  the  human  breast ;  and  the  blood  that  flowed 
on  Saint  Bartholomew's  night,  and  which  moistened  the  soil  of 
France,  Spain  and  the  Netherlands  for  ages,  was  shed  by  this 
active  enemy  of  human  repose.  Did  not,  indeed,  leading  Abo 
litionists  openly  declare  that  nothing  could  justify  the  flooding 
of  American  fields  with  crimson  gore,  except  the  principle  which 
had  produced  the  war  ?  And  what  was  that  principle,  as  they 
themselves  confessed  it,  but  that  urging  of  the  equality  of 
all  mankind  ?  In  behalf  of  this,  then,  European  and  American 
fanatics  were  united.  This  union  could  not,  therefore,  be  but 
almost  omnipotent  and  resistless. 

Fanaticism  was  the  ruling  force  during  the  middle  ages,  and 
down  to  the  peace  of  Westphalia.  But  philosophic  reason  rose 
to  the  helm  about  this  period.  The  principles  of  Des  Cartes  and 
Bacon,  taught  men  that  when  two  religious  parties  of  antago 
nistic  principles  live  in  the  same  country,  it  is  the  dictate  of  wis 
dom,  that  the  one  do  yield  to  the  other,  so  far  as  that  they  can 
live  together  in  peace,  rather  than  in  a  state  of  perpetual  war 
fare.  It  was  perceived  that  conquering  a  people  does  not  lead 
to  the  change  of  their  opinions,  but  rather  intensifies  them  in 
their  former  notions.  Fanatical  and  religious  wars  disappeared 
as  the  consequence  of  such  views,  from  the  face  of  Europe ;  and 
the  adjudication  of  questions  of  this  nature,  was  remitted  to  the 
forum  of  reason  and  sound  -judgment.  The  peace  of  Minister 
inaugurated  in  government  the  era  of  religious  coleration. 
Compromise,  from  this  period,  settled  what  before  had  been  re 
ferred  to  the  arbitrament  of  arms. 

But  as  Christianity,  the  religion  of  peace,  haa  been  perverted 
by  fanaticism  into  one  of  enthusiastic  zeal  and  bloodshed,  so  was 
the  philosophy  of  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries 
changed  by  the  like  influence  into  revolution  and  governmental 


894  A.  REVIEW  OP  THE 

rnin.  The  same  classes  of  men  who,  upon  the  religious  arena, 
had  converted  the  divine  love  of  the  master  into  bloody  fervor, 
mow  entered  the  department  of  social  life,  and  corrupted  the 
principles  of  pure  thought  in  the  furnace  of  the  French  revolu 
tion.  Excessive  zeal  and  fanatical  ardor,  threatened  during  this 
eventful  period,  to  overturn  all  sound  government  in  an  abyss  of 
social  destruction ;  and  it  was  simply  owing  to  the  sagacious  wis 
dom  of  European  Statesmen,  that  the  current  of  fanaticism,  now 
found  in  the  new  channel,  was  able  to  be  successfully  stemmed. 
The  stream  of  fury,  crime  and  madness  was  at  length  stopped, 
but  numerous  lessons  were  written  by  the  hand  of  destiny  for 
the  edification  of  future  ages. 

Fanaticism  ever  performs  acts  of  kindred  character.  Doing 
the  bidding  of  emotion,  it  never  consults  reason,  and  hence  its 
work  is  hastily  and  imperfectly  executed.  Being  the  quality  of 
feminine  minds,  it  moves  without  the  guidance  of  reflective 
thought,  which  is  needed  to  direct  human  action.  American  ab 
olitionism  being  of  like  quality  Avith  other  fanaticisms,  its  move 
ments  in  the  war  against  the  South  must  likewise  be  similar. 
And  so  indeed  did  it  show  itself.  Having  refused  all  tenders  of 
amicable  settlement  and  compromise  between  the  sections,  before 
the  outbreak  of  hostilities,  it  was  not  to  be  supposed  these  pa 
cific  modes  would  be  embraced  after  the  demon  of  battle  had  lit 
up  the  flames  of  sectional  strife.  Death  must  continue  his  work 
of  destruction,  or  the  zeal  of  the  invaders  would  not  be  satisfied. 
Instead  of  terms  of  adjustment  being  considered,  the  car  of  rev 
olution  pressed  onwards  to  its  final  goal, 

Sherman's  invading  hosts,  by  means  of  fire  and  sword,  cut 
their  way  through  South  Carolina  and  Georgia ;  arid  Columbia, 
the  capitol  of  the  Spartan  State  of  the  Southern  Confederacy, 
sunk  amidst  the  cracking  of  hostile  flames  and  the  bombs  of 
Northern  artillerists.  The  shade  of  the  brave  Count  Pulaski, 
from  his  honored  monumental  summit  in  the  City  of  Savannah, 
was  next  compelled  to  view  the  old  flag  of  the  Republic,  carried 
as  a  ^despot's  banner,  for  which  ignoble  service  the  heroic  Pole, 
in  his  devotions  to  constitutional  liberty,  had  never  consecrated  it. 
Torn  up  railroads,  burnt  bridges,  and  plundered  residences, 
marked  the  path  of  General  Stoneman  and  his  followers  through 
South-western  Virginia  and  Western  North  Carolina,  Alabama 
and  Y7cstern  Georgia  received  rude  experience  in  the  severities 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  395 

of  war.  Captured  cities  and  the  remains  of  burned  locomotives, 
cars  and  cotton,  attested  the  presence  of  Wilson  and  his  raiders. 
The  beautiful  and  fertile  valley  of  the  Shenandoah,  meandered 
by  the  river  of  its  own  name,  was  made  memorable  in  modern 
warfare,  because  of  the  fiendish  and  Attilla-like  destruction  of 
property  by  General  Sheridan  and  his  devastating  soldiery.  The 
flouring  mills  and  barns  *  of  this  large  valley  district  of  Virginia 
were  consumed  in  the  flames  of  Federal  atrocity,  an  act  of  bar 
barity  that  finds  no  parallel  in  the  annals  of  civilized  war.  And 
upon  the  flimsy  pretext  that  a  Northern  engineer  had  been  killed 
by  some  unknown  rebel,  the  Federal  Haynau  confesses  that  "all 
the  houses,  within  an  area  of  five  miles,  were  burned."  f 
Destruction  and  desolation  spread  their  ravages  in  all  directions, 
as  the  armies  of  the  North  meandered  in  tortuous  courses, 
through  the  barren  fields  of  the  South;,  and  the  black  and 
smoking  ruins  that  marked  the  invaders  paths,  presented  sad 
evidence  of  the  love  that  held  together  in  fraternal  union  the 
Northern  and  Southern  people. 

Whilst  the  blows  which  fanaticism  dealt,  were  falling  thick 

J  O 

and  fast  upon  the  Southern  Confederacy  ;  and  whilst  its  walls 
already  breached,  upon  all  sides,  were  showing  unmistakable 
signs  of  yielding  to  the  assaults  of  the  enemy,  the  valleys  began 
to  resound  with  shouts  of  joy  for  the  nearly  grasped  victory. 
The  mask  that  had  so  long  been  worn  to  conceal  the  object  of 
the  war,  was  now  laid  aside  by  the  boldest  of  the  radical  leaders. 
George  W.  Julian,  a  Member  of  Congress  from  Indiana,  in  his 
speech  of  February  8th,  1865,  boldly  avowed  that  the  designs  of 
his  party  never  contemplated  anything  further  in  their  war  for 


*  General  Sheridan  reported  the  destruction  effected  by  his  soldiers,  as 
follows : 

"  In  moving  back  to  this  point,  the  whole  country  from  the  Blue  Ridge 
to  the  North  Mountain,  has  been  made  untenantable  for  a  rebel  army. 
I  have  destroyed  over  2,000  barns  filled  with  wheat  and  hay  and  farming 
implements,  over  seventy  mills  filled  with  flour  and  wheat  ?  have  driven 
in  front  of  the  army  over  4,000  head  of  stock,  and  have  killed  and  issue  1 
to  the  troops  not  less  than  3,000  sheep.  This  destruction  embraces  the 
Luray  Valley  and  Little  Fort  Valley,  as  well  as  the  main  valley."— 
Greeley's  Conflict,  Vol.  2,  p.  611. 

f  Horace  Greeley,  in  his  History  of  the  American  Conflict,  Volume  2, 
page  611,  speaks  as  follows  of  the  devastation  of  the  Shenandoah  Valley  : 

"  It  is  not  obvious  that  the  national  cause  was  advanced,  or  the  national 
prestige  exalted,  by  this  resort  to  one  of  the  very  harshest  and  mosc 
questionable  expedients,  not  absolutely  forbidden  by  the  laws  of  civilized 
warfare,"- 


390  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

the  Union,  expect  their  triumph  for  human  rights,  that  is  tho 
the  emancipation  of  the  negro  race,  and  their  elevation  to  equal, 
social  and  political  rights  with  the  whites.  Characterizing  the 
conflict  as  a  war  of  the  people,  he  said : 

"They  (the  people),  expect  that  Congress  will  pass  a  bill  for  the  con 
fiscation  of  the  fee  of  rebel  landholders,  and  they  expect  the  President 
will  approve  it.  They  expect  that  Congress  will  provide  for  the  recon 
struction  of  the  rebel  States,  by  systematic  legislation,  \vhich  shall 
guarantee  republican  governments  to  each  of  those  States,  and  the  com 
plete  enfranchisement  of  the  negro.  *  *  They  expect  that 
Congress  will  provide  for  parcelling  out  the  forfeited  and  confiscated 
lands  o£  the  rebels  in  small  homesteads,  among  the  soldiers  and  seamen 
of  the  war,  as  a  fit  reward  for  their  valor,  and  a  security  against  the 
ruinous  monopoly  of  the  soil  in  the  South." 

In  the  same  speech  Mr.  Julian  even  admitted  that  "  the  whole 
policy  of  the  Administration  had  been  revolutionized."  But 
this  was  an  acknowledgment  that  would  not  have  been  made  at 
a  much  earlier  period.  It  had  beon  the  standing  accusation  of 
the  Anti-wnr  Democrats,  but  was  steadily  resented  by  the  men 
themselves  who  had  produced  thg  revolution.  Now,  however, 
when  their  hold  of  the  Government  for  the  next  four  years  was 
fully  established,  and  when  the  rebellion  seemed  to  be  nearing 
its  close,  the  men  that  had  hitherto  averred,  in  the  most  solemn 
language,  that  the  war  was  alone  prosecuted  for  the  defense  of 
the  Union,  could  step  forward,  the  success  of  their  ideas  being 
assured,  and  confess  their  hypocrisy  and  the  deception  that  had 
been  practiced  upon  the  country. 

In  the  second  session  of  the  38th  Congress,  fanatical  hopes  were 
buoyant  beyond  what  had  before  been  witnessed.  The  Presi 
dential  election  that  crowned  the  Republican  party  with  victory ; 
and  had  dispirited,  in  a  corresponding  measure,  large  numbers 
of  Democrats  who  felt  that  for  the  time  being,  their  party  was 
utterly  prostrated.  The  car  of  radical  destruction  had  obtained 
such  velocity  that  it  seemed  to  many  as  labor  in  vain  to  attempt 
any  longer  to  resist  it.  And  when  Representative  Ashley  on  the 
6th  of  January,  1865,  called  up  in  the  House  his  favorite  joint 
resolution  to  submit  to  the  States,  the  Constitutional  Amendment 
abolishing  slavery  throughout  the  Union,  several  Democrats  who, 
in  the  former  session  of  Congress,  had  opposed  the  Amendment, 
now  co-operated  with  the  Republicans  and  gave  it  their  support. 
Those  who  now  for  the  first  time  supported  the  measure,  had 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  397 

become  fully  convinced  that  though  violative  of  the  Constitution, 
it  would  be  finally  carried ;  and  that  longer  resisting  it  would 
be  attended  with  no  beneficial  results.  And  notwithstanding, 
duty  to  principle  and  obedience  to  their  oaths,  demanded  of  all 
sincere  Democrats,  that  they  defend  with  their  votes  the  Federal 
Constitution ;  and  that  they  allow  the  responsibility  for  its  vio 
lation  and  overthrow  to  rest  upon  other  shoulders  than  their  own. 
After  a  heated  controversy  of  three  weeks  on  the  floor  of  the 
House,  the  joint  resolution  was  adopted  by  119  yeas  to  56  nays. 
"When  this  result  was  announced,  fanatical  zeal  as  it  ever  does, 
burst  all  the  barriers  of  order,  and  filled  the  Hall  of  Congress 
with  loud  and  continued  demonstrations  of  joy.  One  historian, 
himself  a  Republican,  says :  "  Never  was  such  a  scene  before 
witnessed  in  any  legislative  hall."* 

At  this  session  of  Congress,  the  establishment  of  a  Freedmen's 
Bureau  was  considered.  A  measure  of  this  character  was  found 
necessary  to  be  established,  when  the  authority  of  the  Southern 
master  had  been  broken  by  the  Presidential  edict ;  and  the  negro 
slaves  set  adrift  as  freemen.  And  the  demand  for  governmental 
protection  came  from  the  same  classes  of  the  people,  who  had 
ever  claimed  for  the  negro  the  highest  rights ;  and  that  they 
were  fully  competent  to  take  care  of  themselves  if  freedom  was 
granted  to  them.  The  request  for  such  a  bureau  came  from  the 
Freedmen's  Aid  Societies  of  Boston,  New  York,  Philadelphia 
and  Cincinnati ;  End  from  men  who  were  the  most  ardent  friends 
of  emancipation  and  negro  equality.  As  soon,  however,  as  this 
equality  had  been  proclaimed  by  the  Government,  these  same 
people  instinctively  shrunk,  as  it  were,  from  allowing  the  negro 
unaided  to  make  his  future  way  through  life.  They  were  fully 
conscious  that  he  was  incompetent  to  cope  with  thu  superior 
white  man  in  the  struggle  for  existence,  much  as  they  had 
boasted  of  his  ability.  But  their  emotional  natures,  driving  them 
without  rudder  or  compass,  they  had  looked  to  emancipation  as 
the  long  sought  haven  of  hope ;  and  as  soon  as  this  had  been 
reached,  a  gleam  of  reason  seemed  to  signify  to  them  that 
the  freed  African  was  incompetent  to  retain,  if  left  to  him 
self,  what  he  had  grasped.  George  H.  Pendleton,  of  Ohio,  when 
this  matter  had  been  discussed,  at  the  former  session  of  Congress, 

^Barrett's  life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  p.  68G. 


393  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

turned  the  argument  against  the  Abolitionists  in  the  following 
words : 

*•  Nor  need  I  remind  gentlemen,  that  this  very  difficulty  was  frequently 
foretold,  that  the  incapacity  of  the  negro  to  take  care  of  himself,  was 
often  alluded  to,  and  that  you  always  ridiculed  the  idea.  What  will  you 
do  with  the  negro  when  you  shall  have  emancipated  him?  was  fre 
quently  asked  ;  and  as  often  your  virtuous  indignation  boiled  over  at  the 
bare  intimation  that  he  was  not  thoroughly  competent  to  take  care  of 
himself."* 

The  Freed  men's  Bureau  Bill  was  the  subject  of  a  long  and 
heated  discussion  in  both  Houses  of  Congress.  It  was  contended 
by  those  opposed  to  the  measure,  that  the  Constitution  con 
ferred  no  authority  upon  the  General  Government  to  establish 
such  a  bureau  of  African  affairs ;  but  it  was  become  necessary, 
that  stronger  arguments  should  be  urged  against  the  passage  of  a 
bill,  than  its  unconstitutionality.  The  faction  whose  aim  was 
resisted  by  that  instrument  of  compact,  was  not  likely  to  heed 
arguments  drawn  from  it.  This  was  particularly  so  now,  when 
the  revolutionists  believed  that  they  were  about  to  triumph  in 
the  near  future  over  the  armed  combattants  of  the  South.  Some 
of  the  Republicans  of  both  Houses,  besides  the  Democrats, 
opposed  the  passage  of  the  Freedmen's  Bureau,  as  a  measure  not 
contemplated  within  the  purview  of  the  General  Government. 
John  P.  Hale,  of  New  Hampshire,  and  others,  argued  that  as  the 
negro  was  now  freed,  he  should  be  left  to  manage  his  affairs  to 
the  best  of  his  ability.  The  measure,  however,  passed  both  the 
Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  and  having  received  the 
assent  of  President  Lincoln,  became  a  law  March  2d,  1865. 

The  act  embraced  the  management  of  the  affairs  of  freedmen 
refugees,  and  abandoned  lands  in  the  South.  The  bureau  created 

O  5 

by  it  was  attached  to  the  War  Department;  and  its  friends, 
doubtless  wishing  to  excite  no  inquiry  as  to  the  expense  that 
would  be  required  to  sustain  it,  made  no  appropriation  for  carry 
ing  out  its  purposes.  But  E.  M.  Stanton,  the  Secretary  of  War, 
exhibited  his  humble  obeisance  to  his  masters ;  and  greatly  en 
deared  himself  with  them  in  the  service  he  rendered  their  pro 
ject  by  his  illegal  action.  lie  assigned  army  officers  to  take 
charge  of  the  new  bureau's  concerns,  provided  buildings  for  its 
accommodation,  and  furnished  the  supplies  required  by  requisi 
tions  on  the  Quarter-Master's  Department.  By  this  method  the 

*Spcejh  of  March  1st,  1861 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  SS9 

expense  needed  to  sustain  the  newly  created  bureau,  could  not 
easily  be  known,  as  the  War  Department  was  able  to  cover  the 
whole  with  its  ample  wings. 

The  proceedings  of  the  second  session  of  the  Thirty-eighth 
Congress,  evinced  a  spirit  of  malignity  and  vindictiveness  on  the 
part  of  the  revolutionary  men  who  shone  conspicuous  in  those 
bodies,  that  even  supassed  in  intensity  the  worst  exhibitions  that 
the  war  fury  had  as  yet  produced.  Indeed,  this  spirit  in  a 
measure  animated  the  breasts  of  the  war  patriots  from  the  com 
mencement  of  hostilities.  Bloody  conquest  and  destruction  of 
the  Southern  people,  was  the  motto  imprinted  upon  the  banners 
of  the  braves,  led  by  the  hyena  captains  of  the  North,  and  in 
spired  by  the  infidel  clergy  of  New  England ;  the  hypocrites 
who  pretended  to  be  the  followers  of  the  meek  and  lowly  man 
of  Nazareth ;  but  who  were  simply  the  exponents  of  the  princi 
ples  of  Yoltaire,  Condorcet  and  Rousseau,  and  visionary  propa 
gandists  of  the  murderous  creed  of  the  leaders  of  the  French 
revolution. 

Universal  extermination  of  the  Southern  whites,  wholesale 
seizure  of  their  property,  and  its  distribution  amongst  the  eman 
cipated  negro  slaves,  were  the  proclaimed  doctrines  of  Stevens, 
Wade,  Sumner,  and  the  other  stars  of  the  first  magitude  that 
sparkled  in  the  firmament  of  fanatical  glory.  Rather  than  com 
promise  with  traitors,  Thaddeus  Stevens,  early  in  the  war,  had 
announced  himself  as  willing  "  to  see  the  Union  shattered  into 
ten  thousand  fragments"  One  revolutionary  scheme  after 
another  had  been  from  the  first  proposed  in  Congress  by  the 
most  violent  of  these  men,  all  designed  to  destroy  the  Southern 
whites  and  elevate  barbarians  to  political  equality  with  them.  A 
retroactive  spirit,  antipodal  to  the  destructive,  during  the  first 
stages  of  the  war,  had  the  ability  to  hold  the  demoniac  force  in 
more  circumscribed  bounds  than  the  French  Girondists  had  been 
able  to  do,  in  the  old  world.  The  spirit  was  the  same,  however, 
but  no  vast  American  city  afforded  equal  opportunities  for  its 
development,  as  existed  across  the  waters. 

The  closing  session  of  the  Thirty-eighth  Congress,  supplemented 
former  acts  of  negro  elevation,  by  opening,  at  last  to  the  new 
American,  the  privilege  of  carrying  the  United  States  mails. 
This  was  done  at  a  period  when  demoralization  and  corruption, 
had  made  such  inroads  into  the  Republican  party,  that  it  was, 


400  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

perhaps,  difficult  for  t\ie_pure  government  of  fanaticism,  to  find 
enough  of  loyal  whites,  of  sufficient  honesty  to  perform  even 
the  menial  service  of  carrying  the  mails.  But,  if  negro  purity 
was  even  at  that  time  above  par,  the  leaders  had  unfortunately 
omitted  to  consult  their  great  Apostle,  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau, 
who  would  have  advised  them  that  the  African's  morality  would 
sink  in  the  proportion  as  culture  was  thrust  upon  him. 

The  leading  revolutionists,  during  this  session  of  Congress, 
had  a  fine  opportunity  to  inflame  the  minds  of  the  Northern 
unthinking  people,  by  accusing  the  rebels  of  cruelty  towards 
Federal  prisoners  of  war.  It  was  not  at  all  sincere  sympathy 
for  the  Northern  soldiers  lying  in  Southern  prisons,  that  excited 
these  complaints,  but  the  desire  to  intensify  Northern  hate 
against  the  rebels,  which  was  the  sole  food  that  sustained  the 
revolutionary  Republican  party.  Generous  breasts  were  equally 
touched  with  pity  for  prisoners  of  war,  whether  confined  in 
Northern  or  Southern  prisons.  But  the  party  that  had  it  in 
their  power  to  end  the  captivity  of  all  the  Northern  prisoners  by 
an  exchange  for  Southern  in  their  possession,  and  refused  to  do 
so,  could  not  be  supposed  to  entertain  very  ardent  sympathy  for 
their  captives  languishing  in  the  enemy's  custody.  At  this  time, 
the  North  held  twice  as  large  a  number  of  Southern  prisoners,  as 
the  Confederates  had  in  their  keeping.  Besides,  real  sympathetic 
men,  would  not  have  spurned  the  generous  tender  of  Lord 
"VVharncliffe,  a  British  Nobleman,  to  mitigate  the  miseries  of 
Federal  prison  life,  as  William  11.  Seward,  the  representative 
of  the  Administration,  had  the  audacity  to  do. 

Retaliation,  confiscation  and  extermination  were  the  current 
watch-words  of  fanatical  feeling ;  and  no  measures  of  Congress 
received  ardent  support,  save  as  they  approximated  the  attainment 
of  these  righteous  standards  of  intemperate  zeal.  Even  the 
patriot  daughters,  the  Sanitary  and  Christian  Commissions,  and 
the  other  charitable  agencies  of  the  North,  could  raise  their  five 
hundred  millions  of  dollars  to  support  Congress  in  its  unconsti 
tutional  advances ;  and  to  aid  in  sending  the  demon  of  war  upon 
his  fiendish  mission  to  the  South.  Another  Madame  Roland  upon 
the  American  continent  might  have  cried  aloud :  "  (9,  Christi 
anity,  what  crimes  are  committed  in  thy  name  /"  An  infidel 
priesthood  had  deluded  the  people  into  the  belief,  that  the  bible 
meant  what  its  words  contradicted ;  and  an  oligarchy  of  mad- 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  401 

dened  enthusiasts,  at  the  dictation  of  an  atheistic  Congress,  sought 
to  canonize  the  overthrow  of  constitutional  rights  as  the  highest 
attainment  of  humanitarian  effort.  Passionate  hatred  of  slave 
holders  was  esteemed  by  all  these  as  the  holiest  inspirations  of 
Divinity. 

The  38th  Congress  closed  its  session  March  3d,  1865,  having 
expended  their  every  effort  to  pour  out  the  full  vial  of  their 
demoniac  wrath  upon  the  heads  of  the  Southern  people.  Meas 
ures  of  almost  every  character,  were  considered  to  complete  the 
work  of  destruction.  The  leaders,  however,  were  unable  to  secure 
the  passage  of  their  bill  of  retaliation,  which  should  permit  them 
to  inflict  vengeance  upon  the  rebel  prisoners  in  their  hands,  al 
though  the  same  was  pressed  for  a  tune  with  great  earnestness. 
Full  confiscation  of  rebel  property,  as  Mr.  Stevens  would  have 
desired,  was  also  too  daring  a  project  to  run  the  gauntlet  of 
public  criticism  in  the  North.  Its  pressure  was  left  in  abeyance. 
The  great  question  of  reconstruction,  although  considerably  de 
bated,  was  likewise  left  for  future  discussion  when  fanaticism  had 
fully  grasped  its  victory. 

But  the  tide-  of  war  moved  onwards,  and  speedily  prostrated 
one  embankment  of  opposition  after  another.  The  battle  of  the 
Five  Forks  was  lost  by  the  Confederates ;  and  the  long  and 
heroic  defense  of  Richmond  and  Petersburg,  was  ended.  The 
Capitol  of  the  resistant  States  was  evacuated,  and  General  Robert 
E.  Lee  and  his  depleted  army  were  compelled  to  surrender  them 
selves  prisoners  of  war  to  the  Northern  invaders.  The  sun  of 
the  Confederacy  sunk  at  Appomattox  ;  and  the  night  of  fanatical 
despotism  covered  with  its  mantle  the  thirty-six  States  of  the 
American  Union. 

The  old  Whig  party  had  been  prostrated  by  fanaticism  ;  the 
Democracy  had  been  rent  and  overthrown  by  it ;  and  now,  after 
four  years  of  the  bloodiest  strife  that  civilization  had  ever  contem 
plated,  the  united  South  was  forced  to  lower  her  standards  from 
the  Potomac  to  the  Rio  Grande,  and  do  repentant  homage  for 
daring  to  defend  the  inherited  rights  of  her  people.  The  Roman 
Republic  was  buried  on  the  field  of  Phillippi ;  American  Free 
Government  was  also  gathered  to  its  fathers,  in  the  land  of  its 
birth,  beneath  the  soil  of  Virginia.  The  social  cataclysm  that 
the  founders  and  friends  of  the  Republic  had  foreseen  and  dreaded, 
with  pensive  awe,  had  come  at  last  in  all  its  direful  reality. 


402  A  EEVIEW  OF  THE 

The  windows  of  a  wrathful  heaven  had  opened  wide  upon  their 
hinges  ;  and  the  foundations  of  the  great  deep  of  constitutional 
liberty  were  broken  up  and  destroyed. 

Victory,  however,  had  fully  perched  upon  the  banners  of  the 
revolutionists,  and  their  triumphant  armies  were  receiving  the 
plaudits  of  a  deluded  people.  Kivers  of  blood  had  been  shed, 
and  near  a  million  of  America's  youth  had  perished  in  the 
terrific  confict  of  arms  which  madness  had  provoked.  Besides 
the  enormous  expenditure  of  several  thousand  millions  of  dollars 
which  were  required  to  prosecute  a  four  years'  war,  a  debt  of 
almost  three  thousand  millions  of  dollars,  and  a  large  pensionary 
list  were  entailed  as  a  legacy  upon  the  country,  for  the  benefit  of 
coming  ages.  But  the  fanatics  knew  no  bounds  to  their  ecstasy, 
when  victory  finally  crowned  their  banners.  The  gain  was  so 
incalculable,  in  their  estimation,  that  their  shouts  of  applause 
almost  rent  in  twain  the  whole  Northern  heavens.  They  had 
wrested,  without  compensation,  four  millions  of  negro  bondmen 
from  the  ownership  of  their  Southern  masters,  and  they  had 
done  nothing  more.  What  was  this,  however,  save  the  equity 
and  justice  which  robbers  exhibit  ?  But  had  they  not  (as  history 
will  inquire)  also  preserved  the  Union  from  destruction  and  dis 
memberment  ?  The  old  Union,  the  product  of  mutual  consent 
and  compromise,  needed  no  defenders  before  the  rise  of  the 
Abolition  party  of  the  North ;  and  but  for  this  baneful  organi 
zation  no  defense  should  have  been  at  all  necessary.  The  free 
government  of  the  Constitution  had  been  metamorphosed  into  a 
despotism  under  the  name  of  a  Republic.  Such  is  the  govern 
ment  which  Abolitionists  preserved  for  Americans.  And  their 
service  in  behalf  of  the  Union  simply  resembled,  therefore,  the 
aid  of  those  generous  banditti,  who  enroll  their  names  as  a 
municipal  constabulary,  to  protect  the  city  against  their  own 
secret  robberies. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  £03 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

THEORIES  IN   CONFLICT. 

The  rebellious  armies,  after  their  long  and  valorous  resistance, 
finally  stocked  their  arms  in  submission  to  the  Federal  Adminis 
tration.  Iniquity  and  crime  were  now  permitted  to  take  their 
seats  as  conquerors,  and  dispense  justice  to  their  humbled  vassals. 
But  vengeance,  one  of  the  compensating  furies  of  humanity,  turned 
her  hand  and  snatched  the  figure-head  of  conquest  from  its  ex 
alted  seat,  which  left  a  void  to  be  filled  by  another.  The  rancor 
of  Marat,  and  the  revenge  of  Charlotte  Corday,  had  crossed  the 
ocean,  and  were  again  confronting  each  other.  In  the  moment 
of  despair  a  victim  is  sacrificed.  The  American  President  was 
shot  in  Ford's  Theatre,  in  the  City  of  Washington,  by  the  furious 
J.  Wilkes  Booth.  The  apparent  embodiment  of  the  victory,  as 
usually  happens,  rather  than  of  the  crimes  committed,  was  the 
one  consigned  by  the  fates  to  the  eternal  shades. 

But  Abraham  Lincoln,  the  representative  of  the  Abolition 
party,  was  by  no  means  the  worst  man  in  its  ranks ;  and  ven 
geance  missed  its  mark  when  he  was  selected  to  bear  into  the 
wilderness  the  sins  of  fanaticism.  The  Marat  of  the  revolution 
had  escaped,  and  was  still  breathing  forth  slaughter  against  the 
objects  of  his  venom.  But  the  act  of  canonization  performed 
over  the  manes  of  the  deceased  President,  will  fail  to  rescue 
his  name  from  the  odium  that  must  ever  rest  upon  it  as  the 
representative  despot  who,  in  violation  of  his  oath,  trampled 
upon  the  Constitution  of  his  country.  Saintship  in  this  case  was 
too  hastily  conferred ;  and,  it  is  to  be  feared,  that  in  after  years 
the  adversary  will  yet  rise  and  read  so  long  a  list  of  charge?,  that 
a  re-hearing  being  granted,  the  verdict  of  fanaticism  may  be 
rescinded.  "Will  not  the  enemy  be  tempted  to  cite  even  the 
place  of  the  assassination,  as  an  unbecoming  one,  in  which  saints 
and  martyrs  should  be  congregated,  when  the  blood  of  their 
countrymen  was  moistening  many  a  battle  field.  The  assassin's 


404  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

poniard  drank  the  life-blood  of  Saint  Thomas  a'Becket,  in  a 
spot  more  holy  than  the  theatre.  But  Nero  is  said  to  have  fid 
dled  whilst  Rome  was  burning,  which  was  of  a  piece  with  visit 
ing  the  theatre  when  death  in  every  shape  was  stalking  the 
land. 

The  mantle  of  the  assassinated  President  fell  upon  Andrew 
Johnson,  the  Yice-President,  who,  after  qualifying  himself, 
entered  upon  the  discharge  of  his  official  functions  as  the  Chief 
Magistrate  of  the  United  States,  ]\lr.  Johnson  was  a  Southern 
citizen ;  and  as  a  Senator  in  Congress  from  Tennessee,  had  re 
sisted  the  secession  movement  of  his  people  with  all  the  ability 
he  could  command.  Even  after  his  State  had  seceded  he  re 
mained  firm  in  his  attachment  to  the  Government ;  and  for  so 
doing  had  been  burned  in  effigy  in  nearly  every  village  of  Ten 
nessee.  Although  elected  to  high  positions  by  his  countrymen,  nc 
cordial  sympathy  had  ever  existed  between  the  ruling  classes  oi 
the  South  and  himself.  The  former  viewed  him  as  a  sans 
culotte  of  ability,  who  had  risen  to  position  without  wealth, 
culture  or  social  standing.  A  natural  antagonism,  in  turn,  re 
pelled  him  from  these ;  and  allied  him  in  feeling  with  the  hum 
ble  classes  of  his-  State  and  of  the  whole  country.  And  again, 
though  a  member  of  the  extre^i^  Southern  State  Rights  party, 
yet  having  lacked  that  cultured  training  needed  to  produce 
the  finished  statesman,  he  never  fully  accepted  the  ultimate  de 
ductions  of  the  Jeffersonian  and  Calhoun  theory  of  constitutional 
construction ;  and  when  secession  came,  his  repugnance  to-  the 
slave-holding  classes  of  the  South,  induced  him  to  take  his  stand 
with  the  representatives  of  the  General  Government,  as  being 
the  surer  embodiment  of  freedom  and  popular  democracy. 

A  hurricane  of .  rage  and  vindictive  fury  swept  over  the 
Northern'  States,  as  the  news  of  the  assassination  of  Abraham 
Lincoln  sped  over  the  telegraphic  wires  of  the  country.  It  was 
the  period  of  the  highest  intensity  of  public  feeling  that  had  man 
ifested  itself  since  the  announcement  of  the  attack  on  Fort  Sump- 
ter  in  April,  1861.  Freedom  of  opinion  disappeared  absolutely  f  or 
a  time,  and  it  wras  expected  that  a  sad  melancholy  should  clothe 
the  countenances  of  all  in  sorrow,  for  the  misfortune  that  had 
befallen  the  Union.  A  philosopher  would  hardly  have  expected 
that  all  should  be  wrapped  in  sadness  for  the  death  of  one  who 
had  permitted  himself  to  be  the  leading  representative  of  the 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  405 

fanatical  classes  of  the  country ;  who,  In  order  to  carry  out  their 
wild  and  chimerical  ideas,  had  overthrown  all  the  embankments 
of  constitutional  liberty,  and  flooded  in  a  sea  of  blood  the  one- 
half  of  the  States  of  the  Federal  Union.  A  sort  of  compensa 
tion,  however,  always  obtains  in  the  affairs  of  men  and  nations. 
Such  may  have  happened  in  this  case,  in  the  divine  order  of 
omnipotence.  Fanaticism  had  triumphed.  A  check  was  re 
quired  ;  and  a  subservient  President  would  by  no  means  supply 
the  demand.  Destiny  had  selected  one  of  stern  material  for  the 
performance  of  the  service  she  required.  Andrew  Johnson,  with 
unquailing  firmness,  had  already  passed  through  the  furnace  of 
opposition,  which  had  steeled  him.  with  the  courage  that  enabled 
him  to  grapple  successfully  with  the  boldest  assailant  he  might 
be  compelled  to  encounter. 

But  to  comfort  themselves  for  the  removal  of  their  Presi 
dent,  the  Abolitionists  pretended  to  believe  that  they  recog 
nized  the  finger  of  Providence  in  what  had  occurred.  The  kind 
hearted,  charitable  and  humane  Abraham  Lincoln,  as  they  ef 
fected  to  believe  him  to  have  been  constituted,  was  not  the  man 
to  dispense  full  and  exact  justice  to  rebels  and  traitors,  who  had 
maliciously  exerted  themselves,  to  the  best  of  their  ability,  to 
destroy  the  Union,  and  establish  a  new  one  with  slavery  as  its 
corner  stone.  The  man  who,  as  Military  Governor  of  Tennessee, 
had  shown  himself  relentless  towards  traitors,  was  the  one  to  fill 
the  Presidential  Chair  which  the  times  demanded.  Such  ex 
pressions  as  the  following  were  everywhere  current :  "  The 
traitors  have  killed  their  lest  friend  •  Andrew  Johnson  will 
show  no  mercy  to  traitors  /  Jefferson  Davis  and  Robert  E.  Lee 
will  now  swing  high  on  a  sour  apple  tree" 

The  new  President  in  his  expressions  and  conduct,  at  first 
gave  seekers  of  blood  some  verbal  assurance  that  the  mantle  of 
authority  had  fallen  upon  suitable  shoulders.  Delegations  of 
citizens  from  different  States  waited  upon  the  Chief  Magistrate, 
and  tendered  him  their  hearty  support.  To  one  of  these  from 
New  Hampshire,  shortly  after  his  installation,  he  used  the  fol 
lowing  language : 

•'Treason  is  a  crime  and  must  be  punished  as  a  crime.  It  must  not  be 
regarded  as  a  mere  difference  of  political  opinion.  It  must  not  be  ex 
cused  as  an  unsuccessful  rebellion,  to  be  overlooked  and  forgiven.  It  is 
a  crime  before  which  all  other  crimes  sink  into  insignificance  ;  and  in 


406  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

saying  this,  it  must  not  be  considered  that  I  am  influenced  by  angry  or 
revengeful  feelings."* 

Not  only  did  President  Johnson  express  himself  in  the  strong 
est  terms,  that  treason  must  ~be  made  odious  ;  but  as  an  adroit 
dissembler  he  humored  public  sentiment,  and  moved  with  the 
current  as  it  drifted.  Deferring  to  public  opinion,  which  came 
to  suspect  that  Booth  and  his  accomplices,  were  simply  -  instru 
ments  in  the  hands  of  the  President  of  the  defunct  Confederacy, 
and  other  prominent  men  of  the  South,  on  the  2d  of  May,  1865, 
he  issued  a  proclamation  offering  large  rewards  for  the  arrest  of 
certain  prominent  characters,  whom  suspicion  had  designated. 
In  this  proclamation,  one  hundred  thousand  dollars  were  offered 
for  the  capture  of  Jefferson  Davis;  and  twenty-five  thousand 
each,  for  Clement  C.  Clay,  Jacob  Thompson,  George  N".  Sanders 
and  Beverly  Tucker ;  and  ten  thousand  for  William  C.  Cleary, 
the  late  clerk  of  Mr.  Clay. 

It  was  not  long,  after  the  President's  accession  to  the  Chair  of 
State,  that  one  remark  after  another  began  to  disclose  his  real 
sentiments ;  and  show  that  he  was  not  in  sympathy  with  the 
revolutionary  element  of  the  party  to  which  he  owed  his  election. 
In  an  address  to  a  delegation  from  Indiana,  April  21st,  18G5,  he 
touched  the  cardinal  question  of  the  time,  that  of  reconstruction, 
in  the  following  words  : 

"Some  are  satisfied  with  the  idea  that  States  are  to  be  lost  in  terri 
torial  and  other  divisions, — are  to  loose  their  character  as  States.  But 
their  life-breath  has  only  been  suspended,  and  it  is  a  high  constitutional 
obligation  we  have  to  secure  each  of'  these  States  in  the  possession 
and  enjoyment  of  a  republican  form  of  government.  * 

While  I  have  opposed  dissolution  and  disintegration  on  the  one  hand, 
on  the  other  I  have  opposed  consolidation  or  the  centralization  of  power 
in  the  hands  of  the  fe\v."f 

Such  language  disclosed  the  fact  that  Andrew  Johnson  was  neith 
er  an  advocate  of  the  State  suicide  theory  of  Sumnerand  Stevens 
nor  a  consolidationist  of  the  school  of  Alexander  Hamilton.  To 
reconcile,  however,  the  above  and  other  utterances  of  like  char 
acter,  with  expressions  made  whilst  he  was  Military  Governor  of 
Tennessee,  is  a  somewhat  difficult  problem,  but  which  time  per 
haps  may  aid  in  solving.  But  a  Maurice  of  Saxony,  was  needed  to 
figure  upon  the  arena  of  American  history.  In  Andrew  John- 


* Annual  ( 'ycJopcedia  for  1865,  p.  801. 
^Annual  Cyclopaedia,  for  1865,  p.  801. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  437 

eon,  it  may  have  been  that  the  gold  of  constitutional  democracy 
was  again  beginning  to  gleam  through  the  sedimental  fiith  of 
fanaticism,  which  had  flooded  it  since  the  advent  of  the  revolu 
tionists  to  power. 

The  President  for  a  time  was  very  guarded  in  his  expressions, 
and  only  an  occasional  sentence  dropped  from  him,  that  (as  time 
disclosed)  indicated  his  genuine  opinions.  The  excitement  aroused 
by  the  assassination  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  upon  the  close  of  the  re 
bellion,  caused  almost  the  firmest  defenders  of  principle  to  vacillate 
somewhat  in  their  political  action,  and  bend  before  the  terrific  blasts 
of  vindictive  fury  that  were  coursing  all  sections  of  the  country. 
President  Johnson  wyould  have  required  well-nigh  super-human 
endowments  to  have  resisted  all  the  demands  which  fanaticism 
exacted  of  him ;  and  to  have  steadily  opposed  every  effort  which 
the  revolutionists  made  to  utterly  crush  with  the  merciless  heel 
of  oppression,  the  conquered  people  of  the  Southern  States.  On 
the  first  of  May,  1865,  the  President,  following  the  advice  of 
his  Attorney-General,  appointed  a  military  commission  to  try 
the  conspirators  for  the  assassination  of  the  murdered  President. 
This  officer  pretented  to  find  in  the  law  of  nations,  authority  for 
trying  the  culprits  by  military  rather  than  by  civil  law.  It  was 
not  difficult  for  that  law  officer  of  the  Administration  to  invent 
excuses  for  the  appointment  of  a  military  commission,  when, 
after  the  close  of  the  war  he  could,  as  chief  legal  expositor  of 
the  Government,  declare  that  the  wearing  of  Confederate  uni 
forms  was  a  fresh  act  of  hostility. 

The  military  commission,  charged  with  the  trial  of  the  conspira 
tors,  sat  from  May  13th  until  June  29th,  1865  ;  and,  after  having 
heard  the  evidence,  sentenced  the  accused  to  punishments  which  the 
civil  law  had  no  power  to  inflict.  Four  of  those  charged  as 
conspirators,  David  E.  Harold,  George  S.  Atzerodt,  Lewis  Payne 
and  Mary  E.  Suratt,  were  sentenced  by  the  Commission  to  be 
hung,  which  sentence  was  approved  by  President  Johnson,  and 
the  7th  of  July  was  fixed  for  their  execution.  A  writ  of  Habeas 
Corpus,  sued  out  in  behalf  of  Mrs.  Suratt,  was  suspended  by  the 
President;  and  strenuous  efforts  were  made  in  the  interests  of 
this  individual,  in  order  to  shield  her  from  the  doom  of  legal 
murder  to  which  the  American  officials  had  condemned  her. 
Even  President  Johnson,  on  the  morning  of  the  execution, 
refused  to  meet  the  suppliant  daughter  of  the  devoted  woman, 


403  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

whom  the  furies  were  about  to  immolate  to  the  manes  of 
Abraham  Lincoln.  A  dark  cloud  must  ever  rest  upon  the  mem 
ory  of  the  President  who  permitted  fanaticism  to  exult  in  the 
sacrifice  of  this  innocent  female.  Indeed,  the  execution  of  these 
four  victims  will  ever  stand  in  American  history  as  one  of  the 
darkest  blots  upon  its  pages.  The  four  victims  were  virtually 
murdered,  inasmuch  as  they  were  tried  and  condemned  by  a  tri 
bunal  unauthorized  by  the  Federal  Constitution.  This  govern 
mental  compact  declares  that : 

"No  person  shall  be  held  to  answer  for  a  capital  or  otherwise  infamous 
crime,  unless  on  the  presentment  or  indictment  of  a  Grand  Jury,  except 
in  cases  arising  in  the  land  or  naval  forces,  or  in  the  militia  when  in 
actual  service,  in  time  of  war  or  actual  danger." 

On  the  29th  of  May,  1865,  the  President  instituted  measures 
for  the  re-establishment  of  Federal  authority  in  the  subjugated 
States  of  the  South.  On  this  date  he  issued  his  Proclamation 
of  Amnesty  and  Pardon,  granting  general  forgiveness  for  past 
offenses  to  all  those  engaged  in  the  rebellion,  with  fourteen  ex 
ceptions,  which  included  the  most  influential  and  intelligent  of 
the  Southern  Confederates.  And  following  in  the  wake  of  his 
predecessor,  President  Johnson,  as  a  Roman  Emperor,  would 
have  selected  his  pretors,  named  one  after  another,  Military 
Governors  for  the  States  of  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina, 
Alabama,  Georgia,  Florida,  Mississippi  arid  Texas ;  but  none 
were  appointed  for  Virginia,  Tennessee,  Arkansas  and  Louisiana. 
The  measures  already  taken  by  Abraham  Lincoln  for  the  re-or 
ganization  of  these  last  named  States,  were  regarded  by  his 
successor  as  having  placed  them  rectae  in  curia.  William  M. 
Holden,  the  first  appointed  of  these,  was  named  Governor  of 
North  Carolina  the  same  day  on  which  the  afore  mentioned  edict 
of  amnesty  had  been  promulgated.  In  this  pronunciamento  it 
was  ordered,  as  regards  all  voters  in  the  South,  before  being  re- 
clothed  with  the  elective  franchise,  that  they  should  take  and 
subscribe  an  oath  which  the  Constitution  did  not  prescribe  ;  and 
which  required  them  to  abide  by  and  support  all  laws  and  proc 
lamations,  which  had  been  made  during  the  rebellion,  with  ref 
erence  to  the  emancipation  of  slaves.  All  such  demands  made 
of  the  people  of  the  South,  were  utterly  inconsistent  with  the 
principles  of  the  Federal  Government.  In  the  appointment  of 
the  Governors,  and  in  the  forced  dictation  of  terms  for  the  res- 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  £09 

toration  of  authority  in  the  subjugated  section,  whilst  the  States 
were  still  named  as  such,  they,  nevertheless,  were  treated  simply 
as  conquered  provinces ;  and  governed  by  the  laws  of  military 
dominion,  which  obtained  during  the  middle  ages. 

Revolutionary  as  was  the  method  pursued  by  President  John 
son,  for  restoring  the  rebel  States  to  their  autonomy  in  the 
Union,  it  was  not  sufficiently  so  to  meet  the  approval  of  the 
radical  Abolitionists.  It  was  clearly  understood  before  the 
avowal  of  any  plan  of  restoration  by  the  President,  that  unless 
his  views  coincided  with  the  radicals,  his  policy  would  be  coin- 
batted  by  them.  The  unconcealed  Abolitionists  no  longer  de 
manded  emancipation  alone  for  the  negro,  but  they  now  in 
sisted  likewise  upon  his  social  and  political  equality  with  the  whites. 
Wendell  Phillips,  one  of  the  early  and  consistent  leaders  of  the 
Abolition  party,  in  a  speech  delivered  at  the  Cooper  Institute, 
May  12th,  1865,  gave  utterance  to  the  following  sentiments : 

"Abolitionists  secured  liberty  for  the  black  man  ;  he  achieved  but  half 
of  his  work,  which  he  had  pledged  half  his  life  to  effect  during  thirty 
years.  I  shall  never  relax  my  efforts  till  an  amendment  to  the  Constitu 
tion  is  passed,  declaring  that  no  State  shall  make  any  distinction  between 
persons  born  on  our  soil,  and  those  residing  on  it,  on  account  of  race, 
color  or  descent."  * 

iu)  sooner,  therefore,  had  the  President  avowed  his  plan  of 
restoring  the  Southern  States  in  the  appointment  of  William  ~W. 
Holden,  as  Military  Governor  of  isorth  Carolina,  than  the  con 
flict  with  him  was  commenced.  By  his  method,  which  was 
simply  pursuing  that  inaugurated  by  Abraham  Lincoln,  the 
Southern  whites  would  have  had  in  their  hands  the  sole  power 
to  re-shape  their  Constitutions,  and  mold  the  legislation  of  their 
respective  States.  Two  antagonistic  theories  were  striving  for 
the  ascendancy  in  the  work  of  reconstruction.  The  Presidential 
plan  was  reprobated  at  once  by  Wendell  Phillips,  Salmon  P. 
Chase,  Horace  Greeley,  Thaddeus  Stevens,  Charles  Sumner,  and 
other  shining  lights  of  radicalism.  A  division  in  the  Republi 
can  ranks  was  imminent ;  but  it  was  the  work  of  the  tacticians 
to  keep  it  from  spreading  to  any  further  extent  than  could  be 
avoided.  . 

The  Military  Governors  appointed  by  the  President,  issued 
proclamations  to  the  people  of  their  different  States,  calling 

*New  York  World,  May  13th,  1865. 


410  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

upon  them  to  elect  delegates  to  conventions  to  revise  their  several 
Constitutions ;  these  being  now  viewed  by  the  conquerors  as  en 
tirely  defunct.  All  the  proceedings,  however,  which  looked  to 
the  restoration  of  the  Federal  authority  in  the  Confederate 
States,  were  deemed  necessary  to  be  employed  in  .order  to  com 
plete  the  first  measure  of  radical  desire.  The  plan  of  revising 
the  several  State  Constitutions,  was  a  more  modest  method  of 
getting  fully  rid  of  the  institution  of  slavery,  than  any  other 
that  might  have  been  devised.  Abolition  aspiration  from  the 
inauguration  of  the  war,  aimed  at  this  as  the  first  object  to  bo 
accomplished ;  and  no  method  promised  for  this  result  absolute 
surety,  save  the  suppression  of  the  institution  by  the  Southern 
States  themselves,  after  having  been  brought  under  Federal  con 
trol.  And  the  task  was  no  difficult  one  upon  the  downfall  of 
the  rebellion.  The  great  object  of  the  war  being  well  under 
stood  by  all  intelligent  classes,  whether  Northern  or  Southern  ; 
when  resistance  to  the  Government  was  abandoned,  the  Con 
federates,  with  one  consent  almost,  gave  up  any  further  defense 
of  their  institution. 

Prominent  statesmen  throughout  the  South,  declared  their 
readiness  to  acquiesce  in  the  overthrow  of  the  institution  of 
slavery,  deeming  the  further  advocacy  of  it  nugatory.  It  was 
altogether  as  they  conceived,  ready  to  be  ranked  amongst  the  things 
of  the  past.  There  were  many,  however,  who  \iewed  the 
amnesty  oath,  which  the  citizens  were  obliged  to  subscribe  before 
being  clothed  with  the  elective  franchise,  as  a  despotic  trampling 
upon  the  rights  of  free  men  born  in  a  republican  government ; 
but  the  current  of  popular  opinion  in  the  South,  notwithstanding 
this,  turned  strongly  in  favor  of  resuming,  at  the  earliest  practi 
cable  moment,  and  by  the  only  method  proposed,  amicable 
relations  with  the  people  of  the  Northern  States.  Officers  w^ere 
authorized  in  all  places  to  administer  oaths  of  amnesty  to  the 
citizens,  and  furnish  them  such  certificates  thereof,  as  would 
enable  them  to  participate  in  the  elections  to  be  held  for  dele 
gates  to  the  conventions  to  revise  their  several  State  Constitu 
tions.  Before  taking  the  oath,  the  applicant  was  required  to 
make  affidavit  that  he  did  not  belong  to  any  of  the  fourteen  ex- 
cepted  classes.  Having  subscribed  this,  he  was  then  allowed  the 
oath  of  amnesty,  which  operated  as  a  pardon  for  all  past  political 
offenses,  and  restored  him  fully  to  the  rights  of  citizenship. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IIS  AMERICA.  411 

Public  meetings  were  held  throughout  the  entire  South,  and 
candidates  of  talent  and  character  were  nominated,  and  in  many 
instances  pledged  to  the  repeal  of  the  Ordinances  of  Secession 
and  the  abolition  of  slavery ;  and  also,  in  favor  of  such  amend 
ments  to  the  State  Constitutions,  as  might  seem  necessary,  under 
the  new  condition  of  affairs. 

All  the  time,  from  the  announcement  of  the  Presidential  plan 
of  reconstruction,  public  opinion  in  the  iSTorth  was  in  a  condition 
of  ebullition.  Political  lines  began  at  once  to  divide  somewhat 
upon  the  new  issues.  Prominent  radical  papers  began  to  endorse 
the  ideas  of  Sumner,  Stevens  and  other  leaders,  who  had  ex 
pressed  themselves  as  favorable  to  universal  suffrage.  Democratic 
newspapers,  on  the  contrary,  soon  after  the  appointment  of 
William  "W.  Holden  as  Governor  of  North  Carolina,  began  to 
view  the  new  President,  although  elected  by  Republicans,,  as  a 
man  who  was  not  dominated  by  fanatical  ideas,  and  who  desired 
a  fair  and  honorable  restoration  of  the  Southern  States  to  their 
place  in  the  Federal  Union,  and  with  all  their  rights  save  slavery 
unimpaired.  Early  in  June,  1865,  Democratic  Committees  re 
corded  their  endorsement  of  the  President's  reconstruction 
policy.  In  endorsing  the  President's  plan  of  reconstruction,* 
the  Democrats  did  so,  however,  simply  as  a  choice  of  evils,  and 
not  because  it  was  a  method  which  they,  as  rulers,  would  have 
devised.  A  considerable  number  of  prominent  Ilepublicans  also 
ranked  themselves  under  the  Presidential  banner.  Many  of 
those  who  did  so,  were  anxious  to  preserve  harmony  in  the 
Republican  party.  Even  as  strong  a  radical  as  Gov.  Andrew, 
of  Massachusetts,  thought  the  effort  to  force  negro  suffrage  in 
the  South,  was  premature ;  and  that  the  Government  should 


^President  Johnson's  plan  of  reconstruction,  was  the  same  as  that  which 
Abraham  Lincoln  and  his  Cabinet  had  originated.  William  H.  Seward. 
the  Secretary  of  the  State,  under  both  administrations,  in  his  speech  of 
October  20th,  1865,  at  Auburn,  New  York,  said  :  "We  are  continually 
hearing  debates  concerning  the  origin  and  the  plan  of  restoration.  New 
converts,  North  and  South,  call  it  the  President's  plan.  All  speak  of  it 
as  if  it  were  a  recent  development.  On  the  contrary,  we  now  see  that 
it  is  not'  specially  Andrew  Johnson's  plan,  nor  even  a  new  plan  in  any 
respect.  It  is  the  plan  which  abruptly,  yet  distinctly,  offered  itself  to 
the  last  Administration,  at  the  moment,  I  have  before  recalled,  when 
the  work  of  restoration  was  to  begin  ;  at  the  moment  when,  although 
by  the  world  unperceived,  it  did  begin,  and  it  is  the  only  plan  which 
thus  seasonably  presented  itself  ;  and,  therefore,  is  the  only  possible 
plan  which  then,  or  ever  afterwards,  could  be  adopted." — New  York 
World,  October  2±th,  1863. 


412  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

simply  retain  its  military  grasp  of  the  rebel  States,  and  universal 
suffrage  would  in  time  follow.  The  Governor  was  very  anxious 
to  avoid  a  breach,  with  the  President.  General  Cox,  the  Repub 
lican  candidate  for  Governor  of  Ohio,  came  out  in  a  letter  early 
in  1865,  opposing  negro  suffrage. 

The  fissure  between  President  Johnson  and  the  radicals  once 
formed  by  the  announcement  of  his  plan  of  reconstruction,  con 
tinued  steadily  to  grow  wider  and  develope  itself.  It  soon  be 
came  apparent  in  the  Summer  of  1865,  that  the  leaders  of  the 
conflicting  theories  of  State  restoration  had  taken  their  posttioiis, 
and  that  no  retreat  was  contemplated  by  either  party.  The 
!New  York  World  spoke  of  this  party  schism  as  follows  : 

"  The  split  in  the  Republican  party  has  made  too  much  progress  to  be 
arrested.  Several  of  the  most  eminent  Republican  leaders,  with  a  ma 
jority  of  the  party  to  back  them*,  stand  against  negro  suffrage  and  they 
will  not  recede.  Chief  Justice  Chase,  Senators  Sherman,  Wilson,  Sum- 
ner,  and  others  of  equal  influence  and  distinction,  are  ardent  negro  suf 
frage  men,  in  declared  opposition  to  the  policy  of  the  President ;  and  the 
first  Republican  State  Convention  held  since  Mr.  Johnson's  avowal  of 
his  policy  on  this  subject  (that  of  Iowa  on  June  14th,  1865),  adopted 
negro  suffrage  as  a  plank  in  their  platform.  *  *  *  The  quar 
rel  will  be  likely  to  culminate  in  the  next  Congress,  when  the  radical 
members  will  assume  to  revise  the  Constitutions  of  the  reconstructed 
States,  that  do  not  admit  negroes  to  the  elective  franchise."! 

Iii  a  public  speech,  Senator  Wilson  had  already  been  bold 
enough  as  to  warn  the  President  that  the  radicals  in  Congress 
would  reject  every  State  Constitution,  which  did  not  come  up  to 
their  mark  on  the  slavery  question.  Radical  meetings  were  held 
in  different  sections  of  the  North,  favoring  negro  suffrage.  The 
Republican  Convention  of  the  State  of  Maine,  held  in  1865, 
took  exception  to  the  President's  reconstruction  policy,  and  by 
implication  condemned  it;  the  Democratic  Convention  of  the 
game  State,  on  the  contrary,  endorsed  it  without  reservation. 
The  representative  party  bodies  of  other  States,  placed  themselves 
in  about  the  same  attitude  towards  the  President's  policy  as  did 
those  of  the  States  already  named. 


*  This  clause  of  the  World's  statement,  that  the  majority  of  the  Re 
publican  party  stood  with  those  leaders  who  opposed  negro  suffrage  was 
clearly  overdrawn.  The  majority  of  the  party  at  this  time  were  favor 
able  to  universal  suffrage.  Negro  suffrage  was  made  a  party  question  in 
the  State  of  Connecticut  in  1865,  and  only  defeated  by  6272  votes.  No 
Democrat  supported  it. 

\New  York  World,  June  21st,  1875. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA. 

The  confiscation  and  extermination  theory  of  reconstruction, 
also  found  its  advocates  along  with  the  others  that  were  advocated 
in  1865.  The  leading  representative  of  this  theory  was  Thad- 
deus  Stevens,  who  upon  the  close  of  the  war,  loomed  up  as  the 
great  beacon  of  radicalism ;  and  the  man  who  was  destined  to 
exert  a  potent  influence  upon  the  reconstruction  policy  of  the 
nation.  Since  the  commencement  of  the  war  he  had  stood  before 
the  country  as  the  most  radical  abolitionist  in  the  lower  House  of 
Congress ;  and  the  representative  of  all  others,  who  determined 
that  no  constitutional  barriers  should  interpose  between  him  and 
his  party  in  their  race  towards  the  goal  of  universal  liberty  and 
equality.  Being  the  extreme  leader  of  the  extreme  wing  of  his 
party,  crowned  at  length  with  victory  over  their  opponents,  Mr. 
Stevens  was  now  able  to  bear  a  weight  upon  his  political  arms 
that  cone  other  could  pretend  to  carry.  He  could  with  impunity, 
therefore,  dare  to  advocate  a  policy  that  would  have  been  unsafe 
for  any  other  leader  of  his  party  to  have  urged.  Regarded  as 
the  unconcealed  opponent  of  the  principles  that  had  triumphed 
in  the  overthrow  of  the  rebellion,  he  was  free  to  claim  their 
legitimate  fruits ;  and  with  unabashed  effontry,  he  assumed  as 
the  dictator  of  his  party,  to  demand  them. 

In  September,  1S65,  Mr,  Stevens  delivered  a  speech  in  the 
City  of  Lancaster,  in  which  he  advocated  the  confiscation  of  the 
property  of  all  the  leading  rebels  whose  estate  was  worth  ten 
thousand  dollars,  or  whose  land  exceeded  two  hundred  acres  in 
quantity.  He  estimated  that  one-tenth  of  the  whites  only 
would  loose  their  property  by  such  a  proceeding ;  yet  that  most 
of  the  real  estate  would  be  confiscated,  it  being  held  by  the  few. 
Of  the  property  thus  to  be  taken  from  the  wealthy  rebels,  he 
declared  that  justice  demanded  that  forty  acres  of  it  should  be 
given  to  each  freedmen,  and  the  balance  sold  to  liquidate  the 
national  debt.  He  calculated  that  by  this  process  the  sum  of 
three  thousand  five  hundred  millions  of  dollars  would  flow 
into  the  public  treasury,  enough  to  pay  off  the  debt  contracted 
in  the  subjugation  of  the  Southern  people.  The  alliance  be 
tween  abolitionism  and  communism  was  proven  in  the  demand 
of  this  intellectual  leader.  A  more  wholesale  confiscation  of  the 
property  of  the  discomfitted  resistants  of  fanaticism,  was  urged 
by  Mr.  Stevens,  than  had  taken  place  in  England  under  William 
the  Norman,  The  real  animus  of  abolitionism,  however,  was 


<U*  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

shown  in  the  position  of  this  bold  champion  of  his  party. 
The  elections  for  the  constitutional  conventions  took  place  at 
the  times  determined  upon  in  the  different  States  of  the  South. 
The  delegates  to  these  promptly  convened  and  proceeded  to  organ 
ize,  as  the  conquerors  prescribed.  Many  of  the  prominent  men 
of  these  States,  and  those  even  who  had  figured  in  the  rebellion, 
appeared  and  took  seats  as  members  of  the  constitutional  con 
ventions,  A  dictatorial  oath  was  likewise  imposed  upon  every 
member  of  these  several  conventions,  that  they  would  support 
all  laws  and  proclamations  which  had  been  made  during  the  war 
with  reference  to  slaves.  These  bodies  adopted  resolutions  re 
scinding  the  acts  of  secession  which  their  several  States  had 
enacted  and  abolishing  slavery ;  and  they  framed  Constitutions  for 
their  respective  Commonwealths  in  conformity  with  the  altered 
situation  of  affairs.  After  the  adoption  of  the  new  Constitutions, 
elections  were  held  in  these  different  States  for  Governors,  Mem 
bers  of  Congress,  Members  of  State.  Legislatures,  and  other 
officials.  When  the  Legislatures  convened,  they  in  general 
adopted  the  amendment  to  the  Constitution  proposed  by  Con 
gress,  abolishing  slavery.  President  Johnson  strongly  urged 
upon  the  Legislature  of  South  Carolina,  that  it  ratify  the  newly 
submitted  amendment,  as  an  example  for  the  imitation  of  the 
other  States.  It  did  so,  by  an  almost  unanimous  vote.  But  the 
representative  assemblies  of  these  States  were  for  the  time 
being,  pure  automata,*  subject  to  the  dictation  of  those  who 
controlled  opinion  at  the  seat  of  the  National  Government ;  and 
their  acts  in  no  wise  represented  the  free  and  independent  senti 
ments  of  their  people. 

*  Thaddeus  Stevens  was  fully  conscious  that  the  Constitutions  already- 
forced  upon  the  Southern  States,  in  1865,  were  altogether  the  result  of 
Northern  domination.  Speaking  of  the  Confederates,  when  once  re 
stored  to  their  place  in  the  Union  and  become  masters  of  their  own 
alfairs,  in  his  speech  of  December  18th,  1865,  he  said  :  "  That  they  (the 
Southern  people)  would  scorn  and  disregard  their  present  Constitutions, 
forced  upon  them  in  the  midst  of  martial  law,  would  be  both  natural 
and  just.  No  one  who  has  any  regard  for  freedom  of  elections,  can  look 
on  those  governments,  forced  upon  them  in  duress,  with  any  favor." — 
Congressional  Globe,  ZWi  Congress,  First  Session,  Vol.  1,  p.  74. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  Ds  AMERICA.  415 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

ANTI-REPUBLICAN  RECONSTRUCTION. 

The  unconstitutionally  and  anti-republican  character  of  tlie 
war  for  emancipation  and  negro  elevation,  under  the  pretense  of 
defending  the  Union,  were  fully  displayed  after  the  close  of  the 
national  conflict;  when  efforts  were  inaugurated  to  re-cement 
"  the  broken  and  dishonored  fragments  of  a  once  glorious 
Union."  The  appalling  spectacle  in  all  its  horror  was  in  full 
view,  which  !N"ew  England's  ablest  statesman,  with  ardent  love 
of  country,  had  wished  never  to  contemplate.  The  prayer  of 
the  patriot  had  been  heard,  but  the  drama  was  being  witnessed 
of  "  States  discordant,  belligerent,  a  land  rent  with  civil  feuds," 
and  but  lately  "  drenched  in  fraternal  blood."  The  glorious 
ensign  of  the  Republic  was  no  longer  waving  over  the  peaceful 
fabric  of  the  American  Union  -,  but  what  remained  of  it,  typi 
fied  an  anarchical  despotism,  more  ignoble  and  tyrannous  than 
could  be  found  outside  of  the  dominions  of  Asia. 

The  principle  of  monarchy  had  mailed  the  batallions  that 
prostrated  constitutional  government  on  the  American  continent. 
The  harmonious  people  of  the  States  had  been  hurled  into  sec 
tional  strife  by  mischievous  intermeddling,  induced  by  the 
monarchical  conception  which  assumed  in  essence  to  declare,  "  / 
am  holier  than  thou"  Instead  of  a  free  and  happy  Union, 
whose  yeasly  governmental  expenditure  did  not  require  over 
seventy  millions  of  dollars,  the  "unrighteous  war  of  the  emanci 
pationists  entailed  upon  it  an  annual  expense  of  nearly  five  hun 
dred  millions,  in  order  to  meet  the  interest  upon  the  Northern 
debt  and  other  attendant  demands.  A  highly  oppressive  tariff, 
enhanced  for  the  consumers  the  value  of  the  articles  of  every 
day  necessity,  and  yielded  for  the  liquidation  of  current 
expenses,  over  one  hundred  millions  of  dollars ;  where  prior  to 
the  struggle  less  than  half  that  amount  had  been  raised  through 
this  politic  method  of  indirect  taxation.  Interest  on  the  national 


416  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

debt  of  three  thousand  millions,  was  to  be  collected  from  the 
labor  of  a  highly  taxed  people.  A  pension  list  of  Northern 
soldiers  required  the  annual  sum  of  thirty  millions.*  A  Freed- 
men's  Bureau  had  been  created  for  a  population  which,  in  its 
natural  condition  of  subordination,  was  comfortable  and  happy 
before  the  intermedlers  appeared.  This  newly  framed  Bureau 
required  for  its  support  as  large  a  sum  of  money  as  the  whole 
Government  during  the  Administration  of  John  Q.  Adams  had 
consumed.  Besides,  the  expense  of  a  considerable  standing 
army  to  watch  the  movements. of  the  Southern  people,  was  added 
to  the  burden  of  the  citizens. 

Anti-republicanism,  after  the  close  of  the  struggle  of  arms, 
dominated  more  strongly  than  ever  in  the  counsels  of  both  wings 
of  the  conquering  party  of  the  K'orth,  in  the  efforts  made  to 
adjust  the  sectional  strife.  It  was  attempted  to  be  settled  upon 
the  principle  of  might  dictating  to  right ;  and  by  means  of 
the  basest  pandering  to  the  uncultured  ideas  of  the  mob,  that 
ever  was  witnessed  in  any  country  All  justice  was  ignored 
and  the  equality  of  the  States  repudiated.  The  refusal  to  con 
sider  the  question  of  adjusting  Southern  loss  in  the  unjust 
emancipation  of  their  slaves'  the  forced  obliteration  of  the 
Confederate  debts ;  and  the  pensioning  of  Northern  soldiers  to 
the  exclusion  of  Southern,  simply  added  new  fuel  to  the  flames 
of  strife  between  the  sections,  intensified  existing  hate,  and  made 
republican  union  upon  such  a  basis  an  impossibility  Henry  S. 
Lane,  a  Republican  Senator  from  Indiana,  seeing  these  difficulties 
in  the  way  of  an  amicable  settlement,  spoke  as  follows : 

"Do  you  suppose  they  (the  Southern  people)  will  willingly  tax  them 
selves  to  pay  the  interest  upon  the  immense  debt,  created  for  their  sub. 
jugation  and  overthrow  ? 

"There  are  other  questions  you  will  be  called  upon  to  decide.  You 
will  have  to  provide  a  fund  for  the  payment  of  your  invalid  pensioners. 
Think  you  they  will  vote  willingly  to  raise  money  to  pay  the  pensions  of 
your  invalid  soldiers,  when  their  own  invalid  pensioners  are  excluded  ? 
Can  you  hope  for  any  cordial  co-operation  between  the  rebels  and  your 
selves,  upon  any  of  these  great  subjects  of  national  legislation  ;••*'» 
I  tremble  in  view  of  the  evil  consequences  which  would  result  from  tho 
admission  of  rebel  members  to  your  national  debt,  to  the  national  credit, 
the  plighted  faith  of  the  nation,  to  your  bondholders,  the  plighted  faith 
of  the  nation  to  your  living  and  dead  heroes."f 

*  Annual  Report  of  Commissioner  of  Pensions  for  1874,  p.  8. 
t  Annual  Cyclopaedia,  in  1866,  p.  151. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  417 

But  it  was  only  the  faith  of  fanatics  that  was  plighted  in  the 
North,  and  that  for  base  political  purposes.  And  faith  was  not 
plighted  upon  one  side  alone.  Southern  faith  had  been  plighted 
in  defense  of  the  rights  guaranteed  by  the  Constitution.  And 
Confederate  honor  was  equally  sensitive  with  Federal ;  and  was 
never  dimmed  when  compared  with  any  of  which  the  North  could 
boast.  Equity,  therefore,  had  demands  in  behalf  of  Southern 
wrongs,  equally  as  foi  Northern.  And  Confederate  soldiers  felt 
their  weakness  and  wounds,  quite  as  keenly  as  did  those  who  had 
been  maimed  under  McClellan  at  Antietam  or  Meade  at  Gettysburg. 
The  God  of  Justice  demanded  that  the  poor  and  wounded  Con 
federate  be  treated  by  a  generous  'and  Christian  nation  with 
equal  tenderness  as  the  Federal  who  had  exhausted  his  strength, 
to  do  what  his  hypocritical  masters  denied  that  they  meant  to 
accomplish.  The  poor  Confederate  was  not  even  accused  by  his 
savage  conquerors,  of  having  sinned  in  conscience,  in  lighting  for 
his  section  and  people,  and  in  defense  of  their  inherrited  and 
constitutional  rights.  If  the  soldiers  of  either  of  the  contestants 
deserved  to  be  pensioned,  they  surely,  with  equal  right,  deserved 
this  favor  who  fought  for  constitutionalism  and  the  inheritances 
of  their  countrymen.  But  a  pretended  and  pitiful  amnesty  was 
all  the  boon  accorded  the  crippled  Southern  soldier  to  soothe  his 
declining  years,  and  soften  the  hard  pillow  of  advancing  days. 
It  was  generous  and  humane  to  pension  the  wounded  Federal 
soldiers,  who  had  risked  their  lives  upon  the  fields  of  battle, 
fought  between  the  sections  of  om  country.  But  no  holier  zeal 
inspired  them  than  animated  the  Confederate  soldiers  to  hazard 
all  in  the  service  of  their  States.  The  Federals  obeyed  what 
they  conceived  to  be  lawful  authority ;  so  did  the  Confederates. 
When  the  former  in  the  great  settlement  were  deemed  by  a 
kind  government  deserving  of  being  pensioned,  the  latter  were 
entitled  to  the  same  consideration.  In  addition  to  this,  it  was 
the  only  method  for  the  Government  to  pursue,  it  it  meant,  to 
harmonize  in  one  pacific  Union,  the  Northern  and  Southern 
States.  The  needy  and  crippled  Confederate  was,  however, 
contemptuously  cast  aside,  as  not  even  deserving  the  sympathy 
of  the  people  of  his  own  native  South.  An  opening  ear  of  jus 
tice  will  yet  meet  his  troubles  and  compensate  him  for  what  the 
obdurate  heart  of  fanaticism  denied  him.  But  the  widow  and 
orphan,  and  thousands  equally  innocent,  whose  all  was  treasured 


418  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

up  in  Southern  capital,  which  sunk  at  the  dictate  of  the  revolu 
tionists,  were  likewise  overlooked  by  men  who  madly  expected  to 
cement  a  peaceful  Union,  by  means  of  war,  rapine  and  robbery. 

Wise  and  philosophica*  statesmen,  desirous  of  restoring  the 
(Jnion,  would  not  have  demanded  of  the  Southern  people,  that 
they  abandon  all  the  rights  for  which  they  fought ;  and  acquiesce 
wholly  in  the  imperious  behests  of  the  conquerors.  None,  save  a 
wicked  and  demented  tyrant,  refuses  to  consider  the  causes  which 
have  induced  his  subjects  te  rebel.  If  the  Union  of  the  States 
was  to  be  reformed,  this  could  alone  be  done  by  a  general  and 
free  convention  of  the  representative  minds  of  the  conflicting 
sections;  and  upon  such  terms  as  would  be  acceptable  to  all 
parties  and  interests.  It  was  fully  dissolved  by  the  war  of  the 
rebellion ;  and  if  a  new  Union  were  to  be  constructed,  it  must  of 
necessity  be  the  work  of  compromise,  and  effected  in  the  same  man 
ner  as  it  h?,d  originally  been  organized.  But  to  a  thinking  mind, 
the  destruction  of  the  Union  was  final  and  complete  the  moment 
that  wrar  fired  up  the  passions  and  fury  of  the  people  of  the 
North  and  South  against  each  other.  The  antagonism  of  two 
powerful,  warring  nations,  as  were  the  Federals  and  Confederates, 
can  never  afterwards  be  eradicated  ;  and  humanity -and  civilization 
both  demanded  a  peaceful  separation,  in  preference  to  the  wicked 
four  year  conflict,  that  was  cruelly  waged  to  subjugate  a  free 
people,  and  give  freedom  to  barbarians,  who  are  incapable  of 
appreciating  its  fruits. 

But  the  base  spirit  of  tyranny  and  monarchy,  which  inspirited 
the  crazy  madmen  of  the  North  to  inaugurate  and  wage  with 
their  own  people  a  bloody  war  of  several  years,  still  rode  tri 
umphant,  and  animated  the  revolutionists  to  further  victor}". 
The  weakness  of  democratic  government  fully  unfolded  itself, 
during  the  fierce*  struggle  of  arms,  and  afterwards  in  the  forum 
of  legislation.  Its  infirmity  arose  from  the  multitude  of  foes 
within  its  own  household.  Its  foes  are  the  tyrants  and  slaves, 
that  ever  produce  the  festering  and  corruption  of  humanity 
which  ends  in  monarchy  and  despotism.  In  all  the  efforts  of 
President  Johnson  to  restore  the  seceded  States,  the  virus  of 
despotism  was  blighting  instead  of  giving  life  to  the  branches  of 
the  Republic.  What  else  was  the  unconstitutional  test  oaths 
which  Southern  citizens  were  required  to  accept,  before  being 
permitted  to  exercise  the  rights  of  franchise  ?  What,  besides 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  419 

that,  was  it  that  induced  the  arrest  and  incarceration  of  Jefferson 
Davis,  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  and  other  prominent  citizens  of 
the  South,  who  had  with  their  people  been  recognized  as  bellig 
erents  in  the  family  of  nations  ?     What,  but  despotism,  was  it 
that  required  the  Southern  legislators  to  adopt  the  amendment 
to  the  Constitution,  abolishing  slavery,  and  repudiate  all  the  debts 
contracted  in  resisting  the  Abolition  Administration  ?     In  assum 
ing  to  pardon  rebels,  President  Johnson  simply  deferred  as   a 
demagogue  to  the  popular  ideas  of  the  ^orth  ;  there  being  in  a 
strict  constitutional  view,  nothing  to  be  pardoned,  as  the  intelli 
gent  revolutionists  themselves  well  understood.'55'     The   experi 
ment,  at  least,  was  never  hazarded  to  determine,   whether  any 
treason  had  been  committed  by  the  rebellious  men  of  the  South. 
The  mongrels  knew  that  to  be  dangerous  ground,  and  never  had 
the  courage  to  venture  upon  it.     In  the  forum  of  law  and  reason, 
they   themselves  might  have  been  convicted  of  all  the  treason 
that  was  committed,  and  shown  to 'have  been  the  wicked  deceivers 
who  caused  all  the  blood  to  be  shed  that  flowed  in  the  unhappy 
struggle.     The  future  has  this  judgment  yet  in  store  for  them, 
and  to  be  gibbeted  in  infamy  with  England's  regicides.     But  in 
executing  the  pretended  power  to  pardon  the  rebels,  Andrew 
Johnson   acted   as   a   despot,    rather   than   the   President   of  a 
Republic.     A  wise  and  liberal  policy  demanded  that  rebels  and 
Federals  be  treated  as  equals,  and  that  they  freely  and  without 
constraint  be  permitted,  through  their  Representatives,  to  deter 
mine  whether  they  would  live  together  in  one  government,  or 
organize  separate  ones. 

But  despotic  as  was  the  policy  of  Andrew  Johnson,  for  the  res 
toration  of  the  rebel  States,  which  had  been  coined  for  his  use  by 
President  Lincoln  and  his  counsellers,  it  was  not  such  a  one  as  suited 
the  purposes  of  the  extreme  revolutionists.  The  radical  leaders 
perceived  the  disadvantage  they  would  sustain,  should  the  South 
ern  States  be  restored  to  their  places  in  the  Union ;  and  they 
sought  by  every  means  in  their  power  to  delay  the  restoration  of 
those  States  until  negro  'suffrage  could  be  forced  upon  them,  and 


*Gerritt  Smith,  the  fanatic  but  honest  abolition  pioneer,  delivered  an 
address  at  Cooper  Institute,  New  York,  to  prove  that  "  the  government 
has  neither  the  legal  nor  the  moral  right  to  try  the  rebels."  He  con 
tended  that  the  Government  had  absolved  them  from  the  crime  of  trea 
son  by  acknowledging  them  as  belligerents. — -Yew  York  Tones,  June  10, 
IfcGo. 


420  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

the  rebel  strength  neutralized  by  barbarian  Africans.  These 
States,  during  the  Autumn  of  1865,  under  the  plan  of  recon 
struction  presented  for  their  acceptance  by  President  Johnson, 
had  elected  Senators  and  Representatives  to  the  Thirty-ninth 
Congress,  which  was  to  meet  in  December,  1865.  To  prevent 
the  admittance  of  these  was  the  work  of  Thaddeus  Stevens  and 
the  crafty  leaders  of  his  party.  When  Congress  assembled, 
December  4th,  it  was  shrewdly  arranged  that  the  names  of  the 
Senators  and  Members  of  Congress  elected  from  the  eleven 
Southern  States,  should  be  omitted  from  the  rolls  of  the  respective 
Houses  until  after  the  organization  of  both  bodies.*  This  was 
the  turning  point  of  the  scheme.  It  was  determined  upon  in 
conclave,  that  but  few,  if  any,  from  those  States  should  be  ad 
mitted  until  they  would  be  reconstructed  upon  the  basis  of  negro 
suffrage. 

In  accordance  with  what  had  been  planned,  and  before  Presi 
dent  Johnson's  Message  had  been  presented  to  Congress,  Thad 
deus  Stevens  submitted  his  famous  resolution,  which  had  been 
approved  in  a  secret  caucus  of  the  revolutionists.  This  resolution 
called  for  the  appointment  of  a  joint  committee  of  fifteen — six 
Senators  and  nine  Members  of  the  House — whose  duty  it  should 
be  to  inquire  into  the  condition  of  the  Southern  States,  and  re 
port  whether  any  of  them  are  entitled  to  be  represented  in  either 
House  of  Congress ;  and  until  such  report  shall  have  been  sub 
mitted,  no  member  from  any  of  these  shall  be  received  into 
either  of  the  representative  bodies. 

Mr.  Stevens  secured  the  passage  of  his  resolution  in  both 
Houses  of  Congress,  and  was  made  Chairman  of  the  "  Revolu 
tionary  Committee."  Of  all  the  men  who  might  have  been 
named,  he  was  most  deserving  of  that  honor.  The  work  to  be 
performed  by  this  dark  tribunal,  was  of  suck  a  character  as  to 

*That  the  omission  of  these  names  was  part  of  a  concerted  plan,  tli3 
following  extract  from  a  speech  of  George  T.  Curtis,  in  Brooklyn,  seems 
to  show  :  "  The  culminating  point  on  which  this  matter  is  to  turn,  will 
be  the  action  of  the  Clerk  of  the  last  House  of  Representatives  in  prepar 
ing  the  list  of  the  members  elect  of  the  new  House.  It  is  given  out — I 
know  not  on  what  authority — that  the  gentleman  who  held  the  office  of 
Clerk  of  the  last  House,  intends  not  to  place  upon  the  list,  the  names  of 
any  persons  returned  as  members  of  the  new  House  from  any  S:ate  that 
has  been  in  rebelion.  If  the  Clerk,  Mr.  McPherson.  means  to  act  wisely, 
I  would  advise  him  to  seek  the  opinion  of  some  constitutional  lawyer, 
who  is  above  being  influenced  in  his  legil  opinions  by  his  political  affin 
ities,  and  to  act  upon  the  opinion  that  may  be  given  to  him.  It  may 
save  him  much  future  tribulation/' — New  York  Times,  Nov.  8,  1865. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  421 

require  the  services  of  an  entrepid,  reckless  and  daring  man, 
such  as  Mr.  Stevens  had  already  shown  himself  to  be.  He  was 
on  all  sides,  even  by  his  political  enemies,  acknowledged  as  the 
ablest  and  most  influential  leader  of  his  party  in  Congress.  This 
secret  committee,  being  a  conscience  extinguisher,  a  man  was 
required  as  its  director,  who  in  former  years  had  desired  no  in 
trusive  monitions  from  that  unruly  messenger  of  humanity ; 
and  who  had  the  boldness  to  enjoin  his  partisans  to  consign  the 
busy  intruder  to  the  custody  of  Pandemonium's  master.  The 
service  to  be  performed  by  this  ever  to  be  remembered  committee, 
was  of  a  death-bringing  nature  to  the  principles  of  republicanism 
and  free  government ;  and  such  as  Mr.  Stevens  and  his  intelligent 
party  followers  could  not  but  have  realized.  The  task  of  this 
despotic  directory,  was  to  disfranchise  a  sufficient  number  of  the 
rebels ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  enfranchise  the  emancipated 
negroes,  so  as  thereby  to  secure  the  permanent  ascendancy  of  the 
revolutionary  party,  who  might  in  after  years  rear  monuments 
of  glory  to  its  intellectual  creator. 

Free  government  being  the  conception  and  product  alone  of 
the  Caucasian  race,  the  attempt  in  republican  America  to  thrust 
its  keeping  into  the  hands  of  barbarian  negroes,  was  one  of  the 
maddest  and  wickedest,  schemes  that  State-craft  and  perfidy  ever 
devised  for  selfish,  partisan  purposes.  It  fully  equalled  the  mad 
ness  of  the  French  revolution,  as  subsequent  experience  has 
clearly  demonstrated.  With  the  exception  of  a  few  bold  and 
dangerous  destructives,  the  Abolition  leaders  themselves  believed 
that  the  Southern  negroes  were  entirely  unfitted  to  be  entrusted 
with  the  right  of  suffrage.  Senator  Fessenden,  himself  an 
ardent  Abolitionist,  after  the  appointment  of  the  above  danger 
ous  committee,  and  whose  purpose  was  already  planned,  spoke  of 
universal  suffrage  as  follows  : 

"  At  this  time  no  one  contends  that  the  mass  of  the  population  of  the 
recent  slave  States,  is  fit  to  be  admitted  to  the  exercise  of  the  right  of 
suffrage."* 

But  the  leaders  were  well  aware  that  the  Southern  whites 
were  almost  a  unit  in  opposition  to  the  political  theories  of  the 
Abolition  party ;  and  perceiving  this,  they  saw  that  it  was 
necessary  to  secure  the  aid  of  the  negroes  in  the  South,  or  their 
party  would  certainly  be  overthrown  with  Southern  restoration. 

*  Annual  Cyclopaedia,  1866,  p.  150. 


422  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

They,  were  well  aware  that  the  Northern  Democrats  and  the 
Southern  whites  would  again  unite  to  resist  the  party  of  destruc 
tion  ;  and  that  united,  these  would  be  able  to  seize  control 
of  the  Government.  And  it  was  to  avert  this  political  calamity 
that  negro  suffrage  was  so  strongly  advocated  by  the  revolution 
ists.  It  was  not,  therefore,  the  belief  that  universal  suffrage  was 
demanded  as  a  right,  or  that  the  interests  of  republican  govern 
ment  would  be  promoted  by  its  bestowal  upon  tho  blacks,  that 
prompted  the  negro  suffragists  in  their  movements ;  but  base 
policy  induced  the  support  of  it  in  order  to  prevent  the  disinte 
gration  of  the  most  corrupt  organization  which  ever  controlled 
the  affairs  of  any  nation. 

Thaddeus  Stevens,  the  Chairman  of  the  odious  Committee, 
was  a  follower  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  and  one  who  believed 
that  Great  Erittain  exhibited  the  best  form  of  government  that 
the  wisdom  of  man  had  ever  yet  devised.*  In  that  country,  a 
restricted  suffrage  prevailed.  It  would  be  very  improbable  to 
suppose  that  a  believer  in  the  perfection  of  the  kingly  govern, 
ment  of  England,  could  be  induced  to  favor  negro  suffrage, 
unless  he  desired  the  more  speedily  to  ruin  republican  institu 
tions,  in  order  that  his  favorite  system  of  polity  might  be  substi 
tuted.  By  far  the  most  likely  motive,  however,  which  prompted 
Mr.  Stevens,  in  his  efforts  to  secure  the  right  of  suffrage  for  the 
freed  blacks,  was,  as  he  himself  confessed,  to  bolster  up  his  party 
and  forever  weaken  his  political  antagonists,  the  constitutional 
democracy.  Base  and  ignoble  were  all  such  motives;  and  the 
men  thus  incited  to  act,  deserve  the  execration  of  all  future  ages. 
The  American  Union  had  been  pronounced  the  model  republic 
of  the  ancient  or  modern  world ;  and  even  to  hazard  its  perpe 
tuity  or  the  principles  it  embodied,  was  more  fiendish  and  dia 
bolical  than  the  darkest  treason  of  midnight  conclaves. 


*  During  the  trial  of  the  Christiana  rioters  in  Philadelphia,  Mr.  Stevens, 
who  was  one  of  the  counsel  in  the  celebrated  case,  in  interviews  which 
he  had  in  the  house  of  an  old  political  companion,  who  had  sat  with  him 
as  a  member  of  the  Reform  Convention  of  1837-'8,  expressed  the  opinion 
that  the  British  form  of  government  was  the  most  perfect  conception  of 
man.  Had  he  expressed  this  opinion  after  the  ruin  which  fanaticism 
had  brought  upon  the  country  he  would  be  excusable,  and  could  with 
justice  be  named  a  monarchist  from  necessity;  but  having  entertained 
the  belief  before  the  deluge  of  social  destruction  came,  is  sufficient  to 
entitle  him  to  be  enrolled  as  a  monarchist  in  principle,  and  an  Abolitionist 
from  a  desire  to  be  odd  and  eccentric,  which  was  somewhat  in  him  a 
characteristic.  His  aspirations  for  fame  are  proof  of  this  latter  view. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  453 

The  doctrine  of  Sumner  and  Stevens,  which  sustained  the 
appointment  of  the  Revolutionary  Committee  of  fifteen,  was 
endorsed  by  the  extremists  because  it  was  the  only  one  which 
would  secure  in  their  interest  negro  suffrage.  This  was  the  sole 
object  sought  to  be  accomplished  in  the  reconstruction  of  the 
Union.  If  the  plan  of  restoration,  which  Andrew  Johnson 
adopted  for  the  Southern  States ;  and  which  came  to  be  known 
as  the  Presidential  policy,  should  be  accepted,  the  question  of 
suffrage  would  be  left  with  the  people  of  the  States,  where  the 
Constitution  placed  it.  Mr.  Stevens  and  his  allied  revolutionary 
followers  well  knew  that  the  people  of  the  South  were  most  in 
tensely  hostile  to  conferring  the  right  of  suffrage  upon  the  igno 
rant  negroes,  who  had  lately  been  their  slaves.  These  radical 
men  perceived,  however,  that  the  subversion  of  the  rebel  States  as 
organizations  must  be  accomplished  at  every  hazard,  otherwise 
suffrage  could  not  be  secured  for  the  emancipated  slaves.  Presi 
dent  Johnson  had  already  become  an  object  of  hatred  with  the 
leaders,  because  they  had  been  unable  to  water  him*  with  that 
advantage  which  they  had  hoped.  Mr.  Stevens,  who  was  a 
shrewd  discerner  of  men,  in  the  Baltimore  Convention  of  1864, 
seemed  to  have  surmised  a  future  difficulty  of  this  character  in 
the  nomination  of  Andrew  Johnson,  a  citizen  of  a  slave  State, 
for  the  Yice-Presidency.  lie  no  doubt  felt  that  all  native 
Southerners  would  oppose  negro  suffrage  as  a  measure  inimical 
to  republican  government. 

The  annihilation  of  the  statehood  of  the  seceded  common 
wealths,  being  the  grand  essential  to  be  acknowledged  in  recon 
struction,  the  Committee  of  Fifteen  became  the  ready  engine  for 
this  purpose.  It  was  insisted  that  the  States  by  their  rebellion 
had  ceased  to  be  members  of  the  Federal  Union ;  were,  by  the 
overthrow  of  their  armies,  become  conquered  provinces  ;  and  that 

*  Wendell  Phillips,  the  great  moral  leader  of  Abolitionism,  remarked 
on  a  certain  occasion  :  "  Mr.  Lincoln  is  a  growing  man  ;  and  why  does 
he  grow?  Because  we  have  watered  him."  Garret  Davis,  of  Kentucky, 
in  his  speech  in  the  Senate  of  June  7th,  1866,  having  quoted  the  above 
words  of  the  Abolition  apostle,  said  :  "  There  was  a  great  deal  of  truth 
expressed  in  those  few  words.  The  Abolitionists  in  Congress,  and  out  of 
Congress,  watered  the  late  President.  They  cause  I  him  to  grow  in  the 
direction  and  shape  that  they  wished  him.  They  warped  him  from  his 
own  principles  and  policy  to  theirs.  And  what  is  the  great  sin  of  the 
present  Executive  of  the  United  States  ?  It  is  that  he  will  not  make 
himself  the  leader,  the  obedient  tool  of  the  majorities  of  the  two  Houses 
of  Congress  ;  that  his  judgment  of  his  powers  of  his  duties  to  the  coun 
try  is  inconsistent  with  and  may  conflict  with  their  party  purposes." 


434  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

r 

their  Senators  and  Representatives  should  be  inhibited  from  seats 
in  the  National  Congress,  until  their  several  State  Constitutions 
were  altered  in  conformity  with  the  wishes  of  their  Northern 
masters.  In  this  demand,  whLh  was  simply  a  part  of  the  secret 
programme  originally  concerted,  the  revolutionists  were  disclos 
ing  their  full  purposes  as  yet,  however,  in  a  measure  concealed 
as  a  party  principle.  During  the  campaign  of  '1865,  the  politic 
leaders  of  the  Republican  party,  denied  that  negro  suffrage  was  a 
principle  of  their  organization,  in  order  still  further  to  play  the 
old  card  of  deception,  in  which  experience  had  rendered  them 
very  skillful.*  In  supporting  the  annihilation  of  Southern  state 
hood,  the  revolutionists  were  unable  to  determine  at  what  period 
the  act  of  State  destruction  had  taken  place.  Had  this  most 
important  event  occurred  when  the  State  Ordinances  of  Secession 
were  respectively  adopted,  or  when  they  appeared  in  insurrection 
against  the  United  States  ?  If  not  at  either  of  these  periods,  did 
it  take  place  when  they  surrendered  their  arms  to  General  Grant 
and  Sherman,  or  when  they  dissolved  their  Confederate  Govern 
ments,  and  acknowledged  obedience  to  the  Constitution,  and 
laws  of  the  land  ? 


*  John  Cessna,  the  Chairman  of  the  Republican  State  Committee  of 
Pennsylvania,  denied  in  a  pubUc  letter,  in.  the  campaign  of  18(55,  that 
negro  suffrage  was  a  principle  of  his  party. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA,  425 


CHAPTER  XXVII, 


BREACH  WITH  PRESIDENT  JOHNSON. 


After  the  Reconstruction  Committee  of  Fifteen  had  been  ap 
pointed  by  the  Thirty-ninth  Congress,  other  movements  were 
instituted  by  the  revolutionary  leaders,  one  after  another  all 
designed  to  pave  the  way  for  negro  suffrage.  It  was  now  become 
apparent  to  all  observers,  that  this  was  the  last  grand  act  to  be 
performed  ;  and  then  the  curtain  would  drop  and  the  drama  be 
ended.  Fanatical  aspiration  aimed  at  this  as  its  ultimate  goal. 
Senator  Stewart,  of  Nevada,  an  unconcealed  Abolitionist,  con 
fessed  this  in  his  speech  of  January  18th,  1866.  He  said : 

••  If  this  question  (negro  sugrage)  were  out  of  the  way,  we  could  settle 
everything  else  in  two  weeks,  at  least,  so  far  as  a  portion  of  the  Southern 
States  are  concerned,  and  we  could  receive  such  Southern  representa 
tives  that  are  loyal  and  none  other.  As  the  Senator  from  Ohio  has  said, 
there  would  be  no  difficulty  in  agreeing  upon  everything  else,  if  it  were 
not  for  the  question  of  negro  suffrage.  We  may  as  well  meet  this  issue 
here  and  understand  each  other.  This  is  the  issue — the  only  issue  before 
the  country.  *  *  There  are  some  who  are  determined  to 

sacrifice  the  Union  and  the  Constitution,  unless  they  can  achieve  the 
right  of  suffrage  for  the  negro." 

It  was  determined  by  the  managers,  that  an  enlargement  of  the 
powers  of  the  Freedmen's  Bureau  should  be  pressed  as  one  of 
the  means  to  elevate  the  negro  to  equality  with  the  white  race. 
The  original  bill  for  the  creation  of  this  bureau,  became  a  law 
March  3d,  1865 ;  and  was  to  continue  in  force  for  one  year  after 
the  close  of  the  rebellion.  Being  a  serviceable  engine  of  mili 
tary  law  to  foster  strife  in  the  South,  Which  was  the  nutriment 
of  the  Republican  party,  it  could  not  with  propriety  be  aban 
doned  by  the  revolutionists  at  a  period  when  the  future  was 
clouded  with  uncertainty.  The  conflict  of  arms,  it  is  true,  was 
ended;  but  the  warfare  was  only  transferred  again  from  the 
field  to  the  forum.  The  Southern  people  had  been  forced  to  renew 
their  allegiance ;  the  amended  Constitutions  of  their  States  were 


42G  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

framed  in  obedience  to  the  dictates  of  the  Executive  and  the 
radical  rulers.  But  the  whites  were  still  masters  of  their  State 
administrations,  and  would  so  remain  unless  Congress  interfered. 

A  plausible  pretext  was  afforded  for  the  continuance  of  the 
Freedmen's  Bureau,  in  the  enactment,  by  some  of  the  recon 
structed  Legislatures  of  the  South,  of  vagrant,  contract  and 
apprentice  laws  for  the  government  of  the  emancipated  bond 
men,  which  seemed  to  recognize  the  freed  negroes  as  the  inferiors 
of  their  late  masters.  All  men  of  ordinary  observation  could  not 
but  see  that  the  emancipated  slaves  were  inferior  to  their  former 
owners  ;  and  the  necessity  of  laws  to  regulate  their  conduct  in 
the  new  situation  in  which  they  were  placed,  was  felt  by  all  who 
had  it  in  their  power  to  rise  above  political  prejudice.  But  any 
l3gislation,implying  ever^hat  a  natural  difference  existed  between 
the  two  races,  was  extremely  offensive  to  men  who  had  spent  a 
life-time  in  securing  the  emancipation  and  liberty  of  the  colored 
race.  If  these  revolutionists  did  not  as  yet  dare  unitedly  to  pro 
claim  the  enfranchisement  of  the  negro,  they  were  able  to  do 
what  was  next  to  it,  forbid  all  discrimination  in  State  Legislation, 
so  as  to  make  him  as  far  as  possible  the  equal  of  the  Caucasian 
in  other  particulars.  And  to  accomplish  this, 'the  Freedmen's 
Bureau  must  be  continued  for  a  period,  and  made  to  embrace  all 
that  was  possible  to  be  grasped.  In  the  early  part  of  the  first 
session  of  the  Thirty-ninth  Congress,  therefore,  a  bill  for  this 
purpose  was  introduced  into  the  Senate  by  Lyman  Trumbull,  of 
Illinois,  and  was  supported  by  the  great  body  of  his  party  as  an 
act  which  necessity  imperatively  demanded. 

The  working  of  the  Freedmen's  Bureau  was  already  perceived 
to  be  in  the  interest  of  the  fanatical  party ;  and  in  view  of  'the 
determination  to  exclude  the  Southern  States  from  representation 
in  Congress,  until  negro  suffrage  could  be  forced  upon  them,  it 
must  be  continued  yet  for  some  years.  Under  it,  a  system  of 
military  law  might  be  perpetuated,  and  this  was  an  advantage 
not  to  be  overlooked  by*the  revolutionists.  The  great  object  to 
be  achieved  by  them,  was  to  thwart  the  State  Legislation  of  the 
Southern  whites,  as  far  as  the  same  conflicted  with  radical  policy ; 
baffle  Presidential  reconstruction,  and  endeavor  to  elevate  the 
negroes  at  the  expense  of  the  discomh'tted  rebels.  Already 
under  color  of  the  Act  of  March  3d,  1865,  as  originally  passed, 
authority  had  been  exerted  far  surpassing  the  tenor  and  words 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  427 

of  the  Statute,  and  transcending  the  bounds  claimed  for  it. 
Even  when  Senator  Summer,  during  the  discussion  of  the  Freed- 
nien's  Bureau  Bill  had  asked  for  an  enlargement  of  power,  his 
request  was  denied ;  and  jet,  so  soon  as  the  Act  was  passed,  all 
which  he  had  requested,  w^as  without  law  carried  into  practice. 
The  law  makers  were  too  timid  to  concede,  what  they  were  well 
aware  would  be  enforced. 

Besides,  victory  had  not  completely  crowned  the  banners  of  the 
revolutionists,  when  the  novel  bureau  was  first  created.  They 
now,  however,  were  fully  masters  of  the  situation,  and  could 
dictate  terms  which  prior  to  this,  policy  forbade.  A  communistic 
advance  was  no  longer  so  dangerous,  as  before  it  would  have 
been  considered.  The  distribution  of  rebel  property  amongst 
the  freedmen,  could  now  be  discussed  with  some  safety  ;  and  the 
enlargement  of  the  bureau's  powers  afforded  an  admirable  oppor 
tunity  for  this  purpose.  It  was  urged,  with  boldness,  by  the 
friends  of  the  bureau,  that  several  millions  of  acres  of  good  land, 
seized  as  the  property  of  the  Confederates,  should  be  set  aside 
for  the  new  citizens ;  and  that  houses,  schools  and  hospitals 
should  be  erected  for  them  at  public  expense. 

The  Democrats  resisted  the  enlargement  of  the  Freedmen's 
Bureau,  because  of  its  perpetuation  of  military  rule  in  the 
Southern  States ;  and  in  that  view  they  contended  that  it  was 
violative  of  the  Federal  Constitution.  The.  bill  clothed  the 
President  with  authority  to  appoint  an  army  of  officers  in  the 
South;  and  this  they  regarded  as  an  unwarranted  stretch  of 
power.  They  further  urged  that  the  military  jurisdiction  thus 
indefinitely  attempted  to  be  extended  over  the  eleven  Southern 
States,  and  designed  to  embrace  all  questions  that  might  arise 
concerning  contracts,  in  which  negroes  were  parties,  was  alto 
gether  anti-republican  in  its  character.  The  creation  of  such  a 
power,  without  any  authority  for  revision  by  higher  tribunals, 
was  at  variance  with  the  fundamental  principles  of  American 
jurisprudence.  Such  legislation,  in  their  view,  must  in  the 
nature  of  the  case,  be  attended  by  acts  of  caprice,  injustice  and 
passion  ;  and  was  without  precedent  in  the  former  history  of  the 
country.  The  proceedings  of  trials  so  conducted  for  the  punish 
ment  of  offenders  in  civil  life,  and  when  no  war  was  raging,  were 
in  no  respect  dissimilar  from  those  in  courts  martial.  The  trials 
were  to  proceed  without  any  previous  presentment,  contrary  to 


428  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

what  tli?  Constitution  required,  an  indictment  not  even  being 
necessary  to  advise  the  defendant  of  the  accusations  to  which  he 
would  be  required  to  plead.  Charges  and  specifications,  in  lieu 
thereof,  were  alone  to  be  submitted.  It  was  contended  that  this 
course  would  be  an  infringement  of  the  Constitution,  which  declares 
that :  "  No  person  shall  be  held  to  answer  for  a  capital  or  other 
wise  infamous  crime,  unless  on  the  presentment  01  indictment  of 
a  Grand  Jury,  except  in  cases  in  the  land  or  naval  forces,  or  in 
the  militia,  when  in  actual  service,  in  time  of  war  or  public  dan 
ger."  The  trials  to  take  place,  were  furthermore,  in  conflict 
with  the  Constitution,  wThich  prescribed  that :  "  In  all  criminal 
prosecutions,  the  accused  shall  enjoy  the  right  to  a  speedy  and 
public  trial  by  an  impartial  jury  of  the  State  and  district  wherein 
the  crime  shall  have  been  committed." 

After  a  warm  debate  in  Congress,  the  enlarging  Freedmen's 
Bureau  Bill  passed  both  Houses,  and  was  remitted  to  President 
Johnson  for  his  approval.  This  officer  occupied  as  embarassing 
a  position  at  the  time,  as  could  well  be  conceived.  Having  lent 
his  influence  to  the  extreme  men,  who  had  prosecuted  the  uncon 
stitutional  crusade  against  the  people  of  the  Southern  States-,  he 
could  expect  little  real  sympathy  from  those  who  had  re 
sisted  the  war  upon  principle,  should  he  break  with  his  party. 
But  with  the  subsidence  of  the  rebellion,  his  early  democratic 
ideas  began  to  recur  to  him  ;  and  having  now  reached  the  highest 
seat  of  power  in  the  nation,  he  thought  himself  competent  to  check 
the  revolution  in  its  mad  career,  which  doubtless  he  had  thus  far 
accompanied  rather  as  as  demagogue  than  a  patriotic  statesman. 
He  returned,  therefore,  February  19th,  1866,  the  bill  to  the 
Senate,  in  which  it  had  originated,  with  his  reasons  for  withhold 
ing  his  official  signature.  Andrew  Johnson's  reasons  for  his 
veto,  were  more  sound  than  consistent  with  his  prior  conduct,  as 
Military  Governor  of  Tennessee  and  President  of  the  United 
States.  In  objecting  to  the  bill,  because  of  its  military  character, 
tlia  Executive  was  simply  unconsciously,  as  it  wrere,  passing 
sentence  upon  his  own  conduct,  in  permitting  up  to  that 
period  and  afterwards,,  the  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus  to  be  sus 
pended  in  the  eleven  States  of  the  South.  If  opposed  in  prin 
ciple,  to  the  execution  of  military  law  by  that  part  of  the  army, 
charged  with  the  execution  of  the  Freedmen's  Bureau,  why  did  he 
permit  the  same  kind  of  authority  to  be  carried  into  practice  by 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  409 

the  other  divisions  of  the  army  ?  The  fact  is  undeniable  that 
military  commissions  up  to  that  period,  with  the  President's 
sanction,  had  been  held  all  over  the  South ;  and  these  had  con 
signed  men  to  penitentiaries,  and  inflicted  other  odious  punish 
ments  in  violation  of  the  plainest  provisions  of  the  Federal 
Constitution.  But  the  breach  between  the  President  and  the 
radicals  was  now  rendered  complete  by  his  veto  ;  and  his  impeach 
ment  from  that  period  was  one  of  the  questions  of  discussion. 
Even  before  the  open  rapture  memorials  had  been  in  circulation 
asking  that  he  be  impeached  for  official  delinquency. 

The  Civil  Rights  Bill,  which  was  simply  complemental  to  the 
Freedmen's  Bureau  Bill ;  and  part  of  a  scheme  for  perpetuating 
military  rule  in  the  South,  and  subverting  State  sovereignty,  was 
next  the  engrossing  topic  of  Congressional  discussion.  It  was 
also  introduced  by  Senator  Trumbull,  Chairman  of  the  Judiciary 
Committee,  as  part  of  the  plan  to  govern  the  rebel  States  until 
his  party  should  be  able  to  reconstruct  them  upon  the  basis  of 
universal  suffrage.  The  essence  of  the  Bill  was  contained  in  the 
first  section,  which  declared  that  the  emancipated  slaves  "  shall 
have  the  same  right  in  every  State  and  Territory  in  the  United 
States,  to  make  and  enforce  contracts,  to  sue,  be  parties  and  give 
evidence,  to  inherit,  purchase,  lease,  sell,  hold  and  convey  real 
and  personal  property ;  and  to  the  full  and  equal  benefit  of  all 
laws  and  proceedings  for  the  security  of  persons  and  property  as 
is  enjoyed  by  white  persons." 

In  support  of  the  Bill,  it  was  urged  that  several  of  the  South 
ern  States,  since  their  reconstruction  upon  the  Presidential  plan, 
had  enacted  laws  for  the  freedmen,  which  w^uld  practically  reduce 
them  to  a  condition  of  slavery  It  was  the  same  argument  that 
had  been  produced  in  support  of  the  Freedmen's  Bureau.  The 
friends  of  the  measure  believed  that  they  would  have  the  support  of 
the  President  in  its  behalf,  as  he  already  in  several  instances  had 
caused  the  legislative  acts  of  these  States,  which  discriminated 
against  the  blacks,  to  be  set  aside.  He  had  done  so,  through 
General  Sickles,  declaring  that  "  all  laws  shall  be  applicable  alike 
to  all  inhabitants."  By  his  own  fiat, -the  President,  through 
General  Howard,  set  aside  an  Act  of  the  Legislature  of  Missis 
sippi  ;  and  by  another  order,  through  General  Terry,  an  Act  of 
the  Legislature  of  Virginia ;  and  forbade  any  magistrate  or  civil 
officer  from  attempting  to  execute  it.  He  likewise  ordered  Gen- 


430  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

eral  Canby  to  cause  the  State  Courts  in  his  Department,  to  sus 
pend  all  suits  against  persons  charged  with  offenses  for  which 
white  persons  were  not  punished.  From  what  source  a  President 
who  was  a  believer  in  the  doctrine  of  State  Rights,  could  con 
ceive  that  such  arbitrary  power  as  the  above,  was  derived,  is 
somewhat  difficult  to  say.  It  was  as  plain  an  infraction  of  State 
Rights  as  could  be  committed.  It  was,  however,  no  difficult 
matter  for  a  President  to  act  in  this  manner,  who  could  so  far 
forget  himself  as  to  have  uttered  the  following  declaration  : 

"Whenever  you  hear  a  man  prating  about  the  Constitution,  spot  him 
as  a  traitor."* 

The  Democrats  in  Congress  resisted  the  Civil  Rights  Bill  in 
all  its  phases,  and  portrayed  with  startling  vividness  the 
manner  in  which  it  undermined  the  independence  of  the  judic 
iary.  If  Federal  District  Attorneys,  Marshals,  Agents  of  the 
Freed  men's  Bureau,  and  other  officials,  shall  have  it  in  their 
power  to  arraign  any  State  Judge,  who  may  interpret  a  State  law 
in  a  way  unsatisfactory  to  some  claimant  of  justice,  of  what  use 
they  insisted,  can  State  laws  and  State  Judges  be  ?  Better 
abolish  both,  without  delay.  But  not  only  were  these  petty 
Federal  officials  empowered,  under  the  Civil  Rights  Bill,  to  ap 
pear  as  accusers  of  the  State  judiciary ;  they  even  had  a  premium 
held  out  to  them  to  prefer  charges.  For  every  case  of  alleged 
injustice  to  a  freedman,  a  fee  was  fixed.  Should  the  accused  be 
declared  innocent,  the  fee  was  to  come  out  of  the  United  States 
Treasury ;  but  if  found  guilty,  the  convict  was  compelled  to  help 
to  increase  the  store  of  the  Federal  informer, 

If  the  colored  race  had  been  worthy  of  freedom,  no  such  ex 
treme  measures,  as  the  Freedmen's  Bureau  and  the  Civil  Rights 
Bill,  need  have  been  resorted  to  by  their  emancipators  to  secure 
them  in  their  liberty.  No  such  legislation  was  ever  required  to 
bolster  up  and  support  the  liberty  of  the  serfs  of  Europe,  when 
public  opinion  concurred  in  the  propriety  of  according  them  their 
freedom.  But  the  Northern  anti-slavery  zealots  were  aware  that 
they  had  forced  negro  emancipation  before  its  time ;  and  had 
violated  all  precedent  and  history  in  their  unconstitutional  efforts 
to  make  freemen  of  barbarians.  They  knew  that  they  had  sub 
verted  the  foundations  of  society  in  one-half  of  the  Union,  in 


*  Andrew  Johnson  was  reported  in  the  public  journals   to  have   made 
this  remark  whilst  acting  as  Military  Governor  of  Tennessee. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  431 

opposition  to  the  cautionary  protests  of  the  wisest  statesmen  of 
America,  and  the  universal  intelligence  of  the  South ;  and  to 
sustain  their  unrighteous  acts,  laws  must  be  enacted  by  Congress 
to  counteract  Southern  revulsion,  and  practically  encliain  the 
educated  and  enlightened  intellect  of  that  section.  If  the  Con- 

O 

stitution  had  hitherto  proved  no  barrier  to  the  wild  advances  of 
fanatical  legislators,  could  it  be  hoped  that  it  would  be  such 
when  the  South  was  crushed  beneath  the  heel  of  Jacobinical 
fury  ?  And  although  the  Statutes  of  the  United  States  and  the 
journals  of  Congress  afforded  no  instance  of  such  legislation 
ever  having  been  proposed,  the  revolutionary  leaders  hesitated 
not  to  introduce  and  sustain  in  the  Civil  Rights  Bill,  a  law,  that 
invaded  the  reserved  rights  of  the  States,  and  trampled  upon  the 
compacts  of  the  Constitution.  The  whole  force  of  the  party 
machinery  was  brought  to  the  support  of  this  bill,  and  it  passed 
both  Houses  of  Congress  by  heavy  majorities.  Even  the  un 
just  ejection*  of  legally  elected  Congressmen  was  resorted  to 
for  the  purpose  of  having  a  two -thirds  majority  in  each  House, 
in  order  to  counterpoise  the  Presidential  veto,  and  prevent  it 
from  proving  an  insuperable  obstacle  in  the  way  of  radical 
advance. 

But  the  President  came  again  to  the  defense  of  the  Constitu 
tion,  and  vetoed  the  Civil  Rights  Bill  March  27th,  1866,  basing 
his  reasons  therefor,  upon  sound  democratic  arguments.  The 
demagogue,  impelled  by  the  monitions  of  duty,  was  endeavoring 
to  throw  aside  his  hypocritical  robes,  and  array  himself  with  the 
pure  men  of  the  country,  with  whom  his  reason  allied  him.  As 
a  vile  politician,  however,  he  had  mingled  with  the  social  dregs 
against  which  his  natural  tastes  revolted ;  and  now,  like  his  pro 
totype,  he  was  desirous  of  breaking  with  the  repulsive  alliance. 
He  declared  in  his  Message,  vetoing  the  bill,  that  "  it  is 
another  step  or  rather  stride,  towards  the  centralization  and  the 


*John  P.  Stockton,  a  legally  elected  Democratic  Senator  from  New  Jer 
sey,  was  debarred  from  his  seat  in  the  United  States  Senate,  by  the 
revolutionary  men  who  controlled  that  body.  The  Committee  of  Seven, 
appointed  to  pass  upon  his  case,  five  of  whom  were  Republicans,  reported 
in  his  favor  ;  but  partisan  feeling  and  interest,  both  demanded  the  ex 
clusion  of  every  Democrat  upon  the  most  frivolous  pretences.  The  Sen 
ator  was,  as  a  consequence,  ousted  from  his  seat.  Daniel  W.  Voorhees, 
John  D.  Baldwin  and  James  Brooks,  Democratic  Members  of  the  Lower 
House,  were  likewise  ejected  from  their  seats  in  the  Thirty-ninth  Con 
gress,  for  partisan  purposes. 


433  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

concentration  of  all  legislative  powers  in  the  National  Govern 
ment."  But  lie  forgot  that  he,  more  perhaps  than  any  other 
single  individual,  had  helped  to  strengthen  the  party  of  centrali 
zation,  which  from  their  iirst  seizure  of  power,  had  been  invading 
the  Constitution  ;  and  having  up  to  this  time  been  permitted  un 
checked  to  tread  upon  it,  their  regard  for  it  could  not  be  expected 
to  revive  at  the  dictation  of  one  who,  with  themselves,  had  proved 
false  to  its  most  sacred  mandates.  Gamblers  and  thieves  do  not 
heed  the  pious  monitions  of  one  of  their  own  number ;  sudden 
conversions  being  ever  criticised  with  considerable  scrutiny. 

"When  the  news  of  the  veto  by  President  Johnson,  of  the 
Civil  Eights  Bill,  was  spread  over  the  North,  a  torrent  of  rage 
and  vituperation  poured  forth  more  terrific  and  violent,  even, 
than  that  which  followed  his  first  refusal  to  accompany  the  revo 
lution  in  its  late  developments.  He  was  denounced  as  a  tyrant 
and  usurper ;  and  numerous  were  the  demands  made  by  the  in 
cendiary  press  to  impeach  and  remove  him  from  the  high  office, 
which  he  was  accused  of  intending  to  prostitute  in  the  interest 
of  the  discomfitted  rebels.  The  veto  was  taken  up  on  the  4th 
of  April,  1866,  in  the  Senate ;  and  was  defended  in  masterly 
arguments  by  Senators  Johnson,  Hendricks,  Guthrie  and  other 
able  men  ;  and  the  unconstitutionally  of  the  bill  was  particu 
larly  dwelt  upon  by  these  patriotic  Statesmen.  Being,  however, 
a  favorite  measure  of  the  revolutionary  party,  it  obtained  the 
requisite  two-thirds  majority  of  that  body.  It  was  next  taken 
up  in  the  House  on  the  9th  of  the  same  month,  and  secured  a 
like  majority ;  and  thus  became  a  law  without  the  Presidential 
signature. 

From  the  period  of  the  President's  veto  of  the  Civil  Rights 
Bill,  a  steady  and  persistent  war  was  waged  with  the  Executive 
Department  of  the  Government.  Indeed,  from  the  commence 
ment  of  this  session  of  Congress,  the  whole  of  the  legislation  of 
almost  whatever  character  it  might  consist,  was  made  subsidiary 
by  Thaddens  Stevens  and  the  other  radicals,  to  the  attainment  of 
the  one  great  object,  universal  suffrage.  Henry  J.  Raymond,* 
Editor  of  the  New  York  Times,  himself  a  Republican  Member  of 
the  House,  spoke  in  his  paper  of  the  object  of  his  party,  as  follows : 

*  Henry  J.  Raymond  belonged  to  that  wing  of  the  Republican  party 
which  sustained  President  Johnson  in  his  policy  of  restoration  of  the 
Southern  States. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  433 

"  Universal  negro  suffrage,  as  the  condition  sine  qua  non,  of  the  re. 
etoratioii  of  the  Union,  is  now  and  has  been  from  the  beginning  of  the 
session,  the  grand  goal  and  objects  of  all  their  (the  Republican  revolu 
tionists)  efforts.  They  have  cloaked  it  more  or  less,  partly  from  policy 
and  partly  from  fear ;  but  the  time  is  drawing  nigh  when  they  can  cloak 
it  -no  longer.  The  whole  subject  of  restoration  was  first  put  into  the 
hands  of  the  Reconstruction  Committee,  there  to  await  the  manipulations 
necessary  for  success.  Each  House  was  pledged  to  admit  no  member 
from  the  South,  until  that  Committee  should  have  reported,  and  until 
final  action  should  have  been  taken  by  both  Houses  on  that  report.  This 
tied  Congress  hand  and  foot,  and  left  the  field  perfectly  clear  for  the 
grand  campaign.  Every  attempt  that  has  been  made  to  draw  attention 
to  the  case  of  Tennessee  to  the  returns  and  qualifications  of  Southern 
members  to  the  testimony  reported  to  the  Committee,  or  to  any  other 
general  branch  of  this  subject,  has  been  temporarily  squelched,  by  being 
sent  under  the  Speaker's  ruling,  to  the  Committee  of  Fjfteen,  and  under 
the  injunct  ion  of  secresy  to  this  hour. 

"  Meantime  all  the  talk  and  all  ths  excitement  that  had  been  raised 
about  constitutional  amendments,  equality  of  civil  rights,  status  of  the 
Rebel  States,  &c.,  &c.,  has  been  simply  dust  thrown  in  ths  eyes  of  the 
public  to  cover  the  approach  to  the  grand  fundamental,  indispensable 
principle  of  universal  negro  suffrage,  as  the  condition,  without  which 
no  Southern  State  should  ever  be  admitted  to  the  Union.  This  is  the 
secret  of  all  the  elaborate  legal  endeavors  to  prove  that  the  Union  is 
destroyed — that  the  States  went  out  of  it,  and  that  they  can  get  back 
only  on  such  conditions  as  Congress  may  prescribe.  This  was  the  reason 
why  Stevens  entitled  them  conquered  States,  deprived  of  all  rights,  ex 
cluded  from  the  protection  of  the  Constitution,  and  to  be  dealt  with  as 
conquered  subjects  at  the  sovereign  will  and  pleasure  of  the  conquerors- 
This  was  the  object  of  the  studied  legal  argument  of  Mr.  Shellaberger, 
in  support  of  the  doctrine  of  State  suicide,  and  of  his  more  recent  effort 
to  prove  that  if  even,  in  the  Union,  they  may  rightfully  be  held  to  have 
forfeited  all  the  rights  of  citizenship  under  the  Constitution.  The  feeble 
but  still  more  zealous  efforts  of  Hart,  Ward,  Holmes  and  other  radical 
members  from  this  side,  have  all  aimed  at  the  same  thing — namely,  to 
lay  a  foundation  for  demanding,  at  the  hands  of  the  South,  universal 
negro  suffrage  as  the  condition  of  restoration. 

"The  plan  does  not  work  quite  to  their  liking;  some  of  the  more 
timid  among  them  begin  to  doubt  whether  it  is  quite  safe.  Its  strength 
with  the  people  does  not  quite  equal  their  anticipations.  The  President 
is  more  obstinate  in  his  fidelity  to  the  principles  and  platform  of  the 
Union  party  than  they  expected.  The  country  is  not  convinced  that  the 
South  is  out  of  the  Union,  that  their  people  are  conquered  subjects,  or 
that  Congress  has  the  right  to  force  universal  negro  suffrage  upon 
them. 

"Mr.  Stevens,  announced,  very  early  in  the  session,  that  he  and  the 
friends  of  universal  negro  suffrage  were  strong  enough,  by  uniting  with 
he  Democrats,  to  defeat  any  kind  of  negro  suffrage.  *  *  *  That 
radicals  on  the  Reconstruction  Committee,  will  follow  the  policy  marked 


431  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

out  by  Wendell  Phillips,*  who  is  really  the  leader  of  the  radical  move 
ment.  They  will  report  in  favor  of  universal  negro  suffrage  as  the  only 
basis  on  which  the  Union  shall  be  restored — as  the  only  condit^n  on 
which  the  Southern  States  Phall  ever  again  be  represented  in  Congress — 
and  they  will  require  these  hesitating,  halting  gentlemen  to  walk 
up  to  the  mark  and  vote  with  them  in  its  support.  »•/•*.*  They 
have  excluded  Tennessee  in  spite  of  the  conviction  of  three-fourths  of 
the  House,  that  her  members  ought  to  be  admitted.  They  have  repeat 
edly  passed  resolutions  insulting  the  President,  in  spite  of  a  professed 
desire  for  harmony  between  the  Executive  and  Legislative  Departments 
of  the  Government.  And  they  have  passed  against  the  veto  by  over 
whelming  majorities,  and  with  loud  applause  a  bill  (the  Civil  Rights 
Bill),  which  a  majority  of  their  own  faction  admitted  by  necessary  im 
plication  to  be  utterly  beyond  the  constitutional  authority  of  Congress. 
And  all  this  has  been  done  by  party  drill  and  party  menace. ''f 

Senator  Stewart  condemned  the  inconsistency  of  his  party  in 
the  following  words : 

"  Do  you  think  if  you  had  avowed  that  negro  suffrage  was  your  ulti 
matum,  that  you  knew  the  States  were  not  in  the  Uni6n,  that  your  pur 
pose  was  not  to  keep  them  in  the  Union,  but  to  govern  them  as  Territo 
ries,  that  you  could  have  drawn  the  loyal  masses  of  the  North  to  this 
terrible  conflict.  Show  me  the  platforms  upon  which  this  fight  was 
made ;  show  me  the  resolutions  of  Congress  ;  show  me  the  declarations 
that  put  in  issue  the  question  of  negro  suffrage,  which  is  now  delaying 
the  peace  and  disturbing  the  country."  $ 

The  District  of  Columbia  was  the  first  place  upon  which  the 
revolutionists  determined  to  force  negro  suffrage.  A  bill  was 
introduced  into  the  House  for  this  purpose  in  the  first  session  of 
the  Thirty-ninth  Congress,  and  after  a  warm  discussion  received 
the  approval  of  that  body,  and  was  remitted  to  the  Senate  for  its 
concurrence.  But  the  cautious  Senatorial  House,  though  equally 
radical  as  the  representative  assemblage,  feared  to  concur  in  this 
measure  until  the  elections  of  1866  had  been  successfully  tided 
over;  although  it  had  virtually  committed  itself  to  the  same 
principle,  when  the  organization  of  the  Territory  of  Montana  had 
been  before  it.  But  prudence  deterred  the  political  leaders  of 
the  revolutionary  party  from  too  openly  committing  themselves 
to  negro  suffrage,  being  well  aware  that  too  free  a  committal 
upon  this  question  would  jeopard  their  success,  as  partisans,  in 
the  coming  political  campaign.  The  eyes  of  the  deluded  Nortk- 

*  President  Johnson,  in  his  speech  to  the  citizens  of  Washington  City, 
on  the  22d  of  February,  1866,  characterized  Thaddeus  Stevens,  Charles 
Snmner  and  Wendell  Phillips,  as  the  three  leaders  of  the  radical  party. 

f  New  York  Times,  April  27th,  1866. 

i  Speech  of  January  18,  1866. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA,  43: 

ern  people  must  not  be  too  fully  opened  to  the  designs  of  men, 
who  only  strove  to  rivet  party  chains  at  the  expense  of  traditional 
institutions. 

The  Thirty-ninth  Congress  having  delegated  all  authority  over 
the  admission  of  Senators  and  Members  from  the  Confederate 
States,  to  the  Committee  of  Fifteen,  on  reconstruction,  awaited 
with  humble  submission  the  decrees  of  this  Central  Directory, 
In  the  meantime  this  Committee,  under  the  Chairmanship  of 
Mr.  Stevens,  now  become  the  recognized  leader  of  his  party, 
busied  itself  in  taking  testimony  concerning  the  condition  of  the 
Southern  States,  the  temper  of  their  people,  the  details  of  crime, 
the  action  of  magistrates,  and  the  general  character  and  tendency 
of  their  officers,  No  member  from  any  Southern  State  was  ad 
mitted,  or  even  allowed  to  bring  his  credentials  to  the  notice  and 
judgment  of  either  the  Senate  or  House  of  Representatives. 
Without  the  least  courtesy  of  recognition,  they  were  remitted 
with  their  passports  to  the  august  Sanhedrim  of  revolutionary 
domination.  The  local  State  Governments  already  in  operation 
in  the  South,  were  ignored ;  and  communications  from  the  Gov 
ernors  elected  by  their  people,  under  the  authority  of  those  ap 
pointed  by  the  President,  were  not  received ;  and  these  officers, 
themselves,  were  even  denied  receptions. 

Whilst  this  Central  Committee  was  engaged  with  its  special 
labors,  Congress  was  by  no  means  idle,  Numerous  bills  were 
introduced  and  referred  to  their  respective  committees ;  all  of 
them  as  varied  as  the  mental  constitutions  of  their  several  pro 
posers.  Bills  were  submitted  for  erecting  Territorial  Govern 
ments  in  the  Southern  States ;  for  confiscating  the  real  estate 
and  other  property  of  the  Southern  people;  for  annulling  the 
action  of  the  President  in  granting  pardons;  for  excluding  from 
the  exercise  of  political  rights  the  great  mass  of  the  Southern 
citizens ;  for  dividing  among  the  freed  slaves  the  lands  of  the 
Southern  planters ;  for  conferring  the  elective  franchise  upon  tho 
emancipated  blacks  of  the  South ;  and  in  general  for  accomplish 
ing  all  such  changes  in  the  structure  of  the  Government,  as  the 
authors  of  these  measures  respectively,  found  most  consistent 
with  their  ideas  of  an  Utopian  Republic,  Numerous  amend 
ments  of  the  Constitution,  some  of  them  of  the  most  sweeping 
character,  were  presented  and  pressed  upon  Congress  and  the 
attention  of  the  country.  Resolutions  were  adopted  to  hold  the 


43(5  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

Southern  States  under  absolute  military  rule  during  the  pleasure 
of  Congress.  The  general  scope  of  all  the  attempted  action  of 
that  body,  was  to  concentrate  supreme  authority  over  the  States 
in  the  Federal  Government ;  and  all  power  in  that  Government 
in  the  hands  of  Congress. 

After  many  long  and  heated  discussions  in  Committee  and  in 
both  Houses  of  Congress,  an  amendment*  to  the  Constitution 
was  at  length  agreed  upon,  and  submitted  for  the  consideration 
of  the  States  on  the  13th  of  June,  1866.  This  amendment  con 
ferred  :  First — an  equality  of  civil  rights.  Second — Federal 
representation,  based  substantially  upon  voters  instead  of  popul  a- 
tion.  Declared — Third — the  exclusion  from  office  of  certain 
classes  of  rebels.  Proclaimed — -Fourth — the  public  debt  as  in 
violate,  and  forbade  payment  for  emancipated  slaves.  Fifth 
— gave  Congress  power  to  carry  these  provisions  into  effect 
This  amendment  was  by  no  means  what  the  radicals  desired. 
But  they  were  doomed  to  the  necessity  of  presenting  something, 
and  what  they  desired  was  as  yet  too  extreme  for  the  timid 
party  slaves.  Mr.  Stevens  made  no  concealment  that  the  amend 
ment  failed  to  meet  his  views  on  the  question  of  negro  suffrage ; 
but  he  declared  it  the  best  in  his  view  that  could  then  be  secured. 
It  was  believed  by  many  that  the  interest  of  the  Southern  peo 
ple  would  overcome  their  prejudices  to  the  negro,  and  that  they 
would  finally  grant  to  him  the  right  of  suffrage.  But  if  nothing 
else  would  have  prevented  the  Southern  States  from  accepting 
the  proposed  amendment,  the  known  insincerity  that  accompanied 
its  presentation  would  have  been  sufficient.  Though  endorsed 
by  Congress  as  just  and  desirable,  its  adoption  by  any  Southern 
State,  or  by  the  whole  of  them,  was  not  presented  as  a  condition 
of  re-admission  to  representation  in  Congress ;  but  that  matter 
was  left  open  as  before  to  the  constitutional  discretion  of  each 
House.  Wendell  Phillips,  the  great  moral  leader  of  Abolition 
ism,  in  his  speech  of  July  4th,  1866,  disclosed  the  designs  of  the 
revolutionary  leaders  in  submitting  the  amendment.  He  said  : 

"The  Republican  party  to-day  repeats  the  sama  experiment,  and 
hopes  it  willbe  successful.  What  the  leaders  in  Congress  think,  is  that 
the  amendment  will  be  rejected.  *  What  then  does 

Stevens,  what  does  Boutwell,  what  does  Wade,  what  does  Sumner  ex 
pect  ?  When  the  elections  are  over  and  the  amendment  defeated,  what 
do  they  expect?  Why,  they  expect  that  the  Republican  party,  victorious 

*  This  is  what  was  afterwards  ratified  as  Amendment  No.  14. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  437 

at  the  ballot-box,  unfettered  by  the  adoption  of  the  amendment,  will 
float  back  into  Congress,  able  to  pass  an  act  that  shall  give  the  ballot  to 
the  negro  and  initiate  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  which  shall 
secure  it  to  him.  They  hope,  they  expect,  that  after  the  defeat  of  the 
amendment  in  the  fall  elections,  the  party  will  return  to  Congress 
stronger  than  it  stands  to-day.  They  do  not  want  the  amendment 
accepted.  The  worst  possible  news  that  Thaddeus  Stevens  could  hear, 
would  be,  that  the  amendment  was  adopted.  The  most  unwelcome  news 
you  could  carry  to  George  Boutwell,  of  Groton,  would  be  that  tho 
amendment  had  been  ratified.  They  neither  expect  it  nor  wish  it.  It  is 
a  party  move.  I  do  not  disgrace  it  when  I  say  it  is  a  party  trick  to  tide 
over  the  elections  and  save  time — nothing  else  ;  to  serve  a  purpose — 
to  get  rid  of  an  emergency — to  tide  over  the  summer — to  get  on  the  other 
side  of  the  elections — that  is  all."* 

On  May  22d,  1866,  in  the  House  of  Bepresentatives,  a  bill  was 
reported  to  continue  in  force  the  Freedmen's  Bureau  for  two 
years.  Some  features  of  this  measure  had  been  altered  from 
the  last  one,  which  had  failed  in  its  passage  because  of  the 
Presidential  veto;  and  it  also  embodied  the  provisions  of  the 
Civil  Bights  Bill.  It  passed  both  Houses  with  some  modifica- 
cations,  after  its  introduction,  but  again  failed  to  receive  the  sig 
nature  of  the  Executive,  and  for  very  similar  reasons  to  those 
which  he  had  assigned  as  causing  his  disapproval  of  the  former 
Freedmen's  Bill.  This  time,  however,  the  opposition  to  the 
President  mustered  in  full  strength,  and  the  new  bill  excogitated 
out  of  pretended  charitable  regard  for  the  negro  race,  was  passed 
in  both  Houses  over  the  veto,  and  enrolled  upon  the  statute 
books  of  the  nation. 

But  Congress,  though  recognizing  Thaddeus  Stevens  as  its 
intellectual  leader,  feared  to  follow  him  in  his  mad  scheme  for 
confiscating  Southern  property,  and  distributing  it  amongst  the 
emancipated  slaves.  This  stretch  of  communism  was  too  nause 
ating  for  many  who  obeyed  him  as  lord  and  master  in  every 
other  particular.  Many  other  propositions  that  found  individual 
advocates  in  one  or  other  House  of  Congress,  failed  likewise  to 
receive  such  approval  as  to  give  them  the  character  of  laws. 
Although  warmly  urged,  out  of  opposition  to  President  Johnson 
no  enactments  were  passed  for  ignoring  or  superseding  the  local 
governments  of  the  Southern  States ;  for  organizing  Territories 
upon  their  soil ;  for  disfranchising  the  white  people,  or  for  con 
ferring  the  right  of  suffrage  on  the  colored  race.  These  were 

*Ne\v  York  World,  July  7th,  18G6. 


433  ,  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

all  regarded  as  too  daring  innovations  to  be  as  yet  hazarded. 
Time  must  do  its  work  before  any  of  these  bold  measures  could 
with  safety  receive  strong  party  support.  The  Representatives 
to  Congress  from  Tennessee  were  admitted  just  before  the  close 
of  this  session ;  but  this  right  was  simply  extended  to  them  as  a 
blind  to  deceive  the  unwary  in  the  coining  Autumn  elections. 

The  other  action  of  this  Congress,  also  portrayed  its  partisan 
predilection.  The  Internal  Revenue  Taxation,  before  the  close 
of  this  session,  underwent  a  modification  at  the  dictation  of  the 
revolutionary  rulers.  An  unheard-of  excise  of  three  cents  per 
pound,  was  imposed  upon  cotton ;  and  two  dollars  a  gallon  on 
whiskey.  The  Maine  liquor  law  reformers  were  now  in  ecstasies. 
The  millenium  was  surely  advancing  with  rapid  strides.  No  fair 
and  equitable  deduction,  however,  was  made  in  the  odious  and 
unjust  tariff,  which  special  interests  had  originally  procured  to  be 
enacted.  Corporations  and  railroad  monopolies  came  in  writh 
their  sweeping  demands ;  and  an  obsequious  Congress  hesitated 
not  to  donate  vast  tracts  of  the  public  domain  in  behalf  of  wild 
enterprises;  which  public  property  should  rather  have  been  hus 
banded  with  care,  as  a  fund  to  help  in  the  reduction  of  the  public 
debt,  and  pay  the  expenses  of  the  Government.  The  members 
of  this  Congress,  whilst  displaying  an  almost  total  disregard  of 
the  public  interest,  were  by  no  means  neglectful  of  their  own 
affairs.  As  shrewd  private  financiers,  they  determined  that  a  salary 
of  five  thousand  dollars  per  annum  would  more  swell  their  purses 
than  the  three  thousand  they  already  were  receiving.  A  New 
York  editor,  himself  a  Member  of  the  House,  spoke  of  the  par 
tisan  and  financial  action  of  this  Congress  as  follows : 

"  Its  general  action,  in  matters  of  expense,  has  been  lavish,  where 
party  interests  were  involved  ;  and  its  general  temper  throughout  the 
session  has  indicated  a  pretty  close  regard  for  securing  the  supremacy 
of  the  Union  (Abolition)  party  in  the  iuture»"* 

*New  York  Times,  July  30,  1806. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

THE  POLITICAL  CAMPAIGN  OF   1866. 

The  break  of  President  Johnson  with  the  radicals,  led  to  the 
belief  that  a  new  party,  with  the  Executive  as  the  central  figure, 
might  be  organized,  able  to  wrest  power  from  the  hands  of  the 
latter.  The  Democratic  part}7  was  not  in  a  condition  to  contest 
successfully  upon  the  political  arena  with  its  old  opponent.  It 
had  been  decoyed  by  false  leaders,  in  violation  of  its  principles, 
and  in  opposition  to  the  advice  of  its  wisest  members,  into  the 
endorsement  of  the  war  against  the  Southern  people;  and  in 
doing  so  it  played  the  role  of  duplicity,  inasmuch  as  its  leaders 
and  thinkers  were  well  known  to  entertain  the  belief  that  no 
constitutional  warrant  existed  for  making  war  against  the  seceded 

O  O 

States  of  the  South.  Upon  the  close  of  the  rebellion,  it  was  no 
difficult  matter,  therefore,  for  the  crafty  demagogues  of  the  Re 
publican  party  to  affix,  as  a  stigma,  the  brand  of  seeming  dis 
loyalty  upon  the  brow  of  the  political  opposition  ;  who  were 
vituperated  as  pretending  to  support  the  war  for  the  Union,  when 
they  were  known  to  be  hostile  in  sentiment  to  its  prosecution. 
It  was  not  difficult  to  cite  the  utterances  of  representative  Demo 
crats,  who,  prior  to  the  outbreak  of  hostilities  and  down  to  their 
close,  had  declared  the  war  to  have  been  an  unconstitutional 
invasion  of  the  rights  of  the  Southern  people.  Might,  never 
theless,  triumphed  over  the  Constitution ;  and  its  defense,  of 
necessity,  became  treason.  The  Democracy  had  been  quilty  of 
no  higher  offense  than  defending  in  its  letter  and  spirit  the 
compacts  of  the  fathers ;  but  the  revolutionists,  having  succeeded 
in  overthrowing  the  old  constitutional  barriers,  and  being  now  in 
possession  of  the  authority  of  government,  towered  aloft  as  the 
patriots  of  the  new  order  of  affairs.  Those  members  of  the 
Democratic  party  in  the  IS forth,  the  most  sincere  and  conscientious 
men  in  its  ranks,  who  had  been  conspicuous  from  their  opposition 
to  the  war,  were  after  its  close  viewed  by  their  fellows  as  danger- 


440  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

ous  leaders  in  the  future  political  contests  of  the  country.  Men 
must  henceforth  lead  the  party  to  victory,  who  had  either  favored 
the  Avar  against  the  South,  or  who  had  been  so  cautious  in  their 
utterances  as  not  openly  to  have  committed  themselves  against  it. 
The  pure  Democrats  had  martyred  themselves  upon  the  altar  of 
principle ;  politic  leaders  now  stepped  forward,  seized  hold  of 
the  party  reins,  and  marshalled  the  organization  in  accordance 
with  the  perverted  ideas  which  the  revolution  introduced.  It 
was  fraud  truckling  to  ignorance,  and  demonstrated  the  demor 
alizing  tendency  of  politics  when  the  moral  and  intellectual 
leaders  of  a  people,  from  any  cause,  have  been  stricken  down. 

Early  in  the  year  18G6,  a  political  association,  called  the 
National  Union  Club,  was  organized  in  the  City  of  Washington, 
by  Republicans,  who  coincided  with  the  President  in  their  views, 
and  was  designed  to  be  the  germ  of  similar  organizations  through 
out  the  whole  Union.  The  basis  of  the  organization  was  expressed 
in  a  series  of  resolutions,  denying  the  right  of  sesession ;  ex 
pressing  confidence  in  the  ability,  patriotism  and  statesmanship 
of  the  President ;  endorsing  the  resolution  of  Congress  of  the  22d 
of  July,  1861 ;  asserting  from  the  Chicago  platform  of  1860  the 
importance  of  jjiaintaining  the  rights  of  the  States ;  declaring  the 
constitutional  right  of  the  several  States  to  prescribe  the  qualifica 
tions  of  electors  therein ;  that  the  war  having  closed,  the  rights 
of  the  States  should  be  maintained  inviolate ;  that  the  States 
were  entitled  to  representation,  and  all  loyal  members  should  be 
admitted  into  Congress  without  unnecessary  delay  ;  that  no  com 
promise  should  be  made  by  bartering  "  universal  amnesty  "  for 
"  universal  suffrage ; ?J  and  endorsing  cordially  the  restoration 
policy  of  President  Johnson  as  in  harmony  with  that  of  President 
Lincoln. 

This  club  was  subsequently  united  with  another  of  the  same 
character  in  Washington  ;  and  a  National  Union  Executive  Com 
mittee  likewise  appointed.  One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  National 
Union  Club,  was  to  give  an  evening  serenade,  on  the  23d  of 
May,  to  the  President  and  members  of  his  Cabinet,  in  order  to 
elicit  an  expression  of  opinion  upon  the  existing  political  issues 
from  the  advisers  of  the  President.  A  part  of  the  Cabinet  fully 
committed  themselves  to  the  Presidential  plan  of  reconstruction, 
yet  some  of  them  declined  to  do  so.  William  II.  Seward,  the 
Secretary  of  State,  and  Hugh  McCullough,  the  head  of  tho 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  441 

Treasury  Department,   without  reserve,  endorsed  the   views  of 
President  Johnson. 

Emboldened  by  the  endorsement  given  to  the  President's 
policy  by  the  Members  of  his  Cabinet,  itself  the  selection  of  his 
predecessor,  his  friends  and  admirers  believed  that  the  task  of 
organizing  a  new  party  upon  Executive  popularity,  would  be  no 
difficult  one.  A  man  who,  in  his  own  State,  had  resisted  the 
waves  of  secession ;  had  obtained  the  support  of  the  Republican 
party ;  been  elevated  by  the  votes  of  the  people  to  the  second 
highest  office  in  the  nation ;  and  now  transferred  by  constitu 
tional  succession  to  the  highest  place  of  power;  must  unques 
tionably,  as  was  conceived,  have  a  strength  with  the  people  of 
considerable  magnitude.  The  managers,  therefore,  with  sagacious 

O  O  J  ^ 

adroitness,  untertook  the  task  of  organizing  the  Presidential  fol 
lowers  into  a  political  party  that  might  strive  with  probability  of 
success,  before  the  Northern  people,  in  the  Congressional  elec 
tions  of  1866.  A  number  of  leading  Republicans,  Members  of 
the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  lent  themselves  to  the 
undertaking:,  which  aimed  at  nothing  less  than  obtaining  the  con- 

CD?  O  O 

trol  of  the  Government  of  the  country.  The  Executive  Com 
mittee  of  the  National  Union  Club,  issued  on  the  25th  of  June, 
a  call  for  a  National  Convention,  oL  at  least  two  delegates  from 
each  Congressional  District  of  all  the  States,  and  four  at  large  . 
from  each  of  them,  to  meet  in  the  City-  of  Philadelphia,  en  the 
litli  of  August. 

The  probability  of  building  up  a  party  that  might  be  able  to 
resist  that  one  which  sustained  the  revolutionary  Congress,  was 
based  upon  the  belief  that  the  Democracy  would  co-operate  with 
any  organization  which  promised  the  overthrow  of  radicalism. 
In  this  expectation,  the  friends  of  the  President  were  not  mis 
taken.  Forty-one  Democratic  Members  of  Congress  signed  an 
address  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in  which  they  de 
clared  their  cordial  approval  of  the  call  for  the  National  Union 
Convention,  and  their  endorsement  of  the  principles  which  it 
enunciated.  They  urged  the  people  of  each  State,  Territory  and 
Congressional  District,  to  promptly  select  wise,  moderate  and 
conservative  men  to  represent  them  in  the  Philadelphia  Con 
vention.  The  reasons  alleged  by  the  signers  of  this  appeal, 
were  that  dangers  threatened  the  Constitution  ;  that  the  citadel 
of  the  public  liberties  was  assailed;  that  it  was  essential  to 


4i3  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

National  Union,  that  the  rights,  the  dignity  and  the  equality  of 
the  States,  including  the  right  of  representation  and  the  exclusive 
right  to  control  their  own  domestic  concerns  under  the  Constitu 
tion  should  be  preserved ;  that  eleven  States  were  unjustly  ex 
cluded  from  the  National  Council,  and  that  whilst  denied  repre 
sentation,  laws  affecting  their  highest  interests,  have  been  passed 
without  their  consent,  and  in  utter  disregard  of  the  fundamental 
principles  of  free  government. 

The  action  of  President  Johnson,  with  reference  to  the  Freed- 
men's  Bureau  and  the  Civil  Eights  Bill,  turned  the  Democratic 
party  in  his  favor,  as  it  was  perceived  that  he  exhibited  a  greater 
regard  for  the  Constitution  than  did  his  enemies.  And,  although 
men  of  that  organization  could  by  no  means  justify  the  course 
he  had  pursued  in  sustaining  the  war  against  the  South,  and  the 
other  numerous  L  roaches  of  the  Constitution,  which  had  been 
perpetrated  with  his  acquiescence ;  yet  the  politicians  were  will 
ing  to  ignore  the  past,  in  hope  of  a  brilliant  and  successful 
future.  But  this  was  again,  to  repeat  the  original  error,  which 
the  party  hal  committed  in  endorsing  the  prosecution  of  the 
war  for  the  restoration  of  the  Union.  The  first  error,  from  time 
to  time,  necessitated  repetitions  of  the  same ;  all  of  which  would 
have  been  averted  had  the  Democratic  party  from  the  first  stood 
firmly  by  its  cardinal  principle  of  State  Sovereignty,  and  refused 
to  permit  an  armed  blow  to  have  been  struck  in  behalf  of  the 
Federal  Union.  As  the  Union  had  died  in  secession,  it  should 
have  been  permitted  to  be  resurrected  by  the  same  life-giving 
process  of  evolution,  as  it  were,  by  means  of  which  it  had  been 
created.  That  process  was  consent,  the  only  one  that  can  origi 
nate,  preserve  or  reconstruct  the  republican  government.  Mon 
archical  republicanism  may,  it  is  true,  rest  upon  the  sword ;  but 
it  is  impossible  that  any  other  kind  should  do  so. 

But,  as  the  Democratic  party  by  its  desertion  of  principle,  in 
supporting  coercion  as  a  means  of  restoring  the  Union,  had 
rendered  the  war  popular  with  the  unreflecting  masses  of  the 
North,  how  was  it  to  regain  power  for  a  time  upon  old  issues, 
save  by  the  basest  conceivabb  hypo.rlsy  ?  It  was  necessary  that 
its  old  tried  and  trusted  leaders,  who  had  never  bowed  the  knee 
to  the  false  gods  of  abolitionism  should  be  ostracised,  and  new 
ones  selected  who  had  trampled  upon  the  Constitution  of  their 
2ountry,  as  if  it  were  the  waste  paper  of  the  highway. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  443 

Andrew  Johnson,  in  the  movement  which  culminated  in  the 
Philadelphia  Convention,  was  viewed  as  a  leader  under '  whose 
banner,  as  it  was  believed,  the  Democracy  might  again  ride  to 
victory.  In  the  estimation,  however,  of  reflecting  men,  this 
hope  seemed  baseless  and  chimerical.  If  the  war  was  justifiable, 
then  the  party  that  had  prosecuted  it  to  its  close  was  the  ens 
to  administer  upon  its  effects,  and  gather  the  fruits  of  conquest. 
Was  it  to  be  supposed  that  the  people  of  the  country,  who  be 
lieved  in  the  nationality  of  the  Government,  would  entrust  the 
adjudication  of  the  affairs  which  the  victory  over  the  South 
placed  within  their  power,  to  men  who  were  suspected  of  having 
entertained  sentiments  of  hostility  to  the  war  and  its  ultimate 
objects  ?  A  superficial  knowledge  of  human  nature  alone,  was 
sufficient  to  disprove  such  a  supposition. 

As  the  Democratic  party,  however,  in  1866,  was  unable  to  re 
trieve  its  error,  for  the  same  reason  that  induced  its  original  com 
mission  ;  it  left  this  duty  to  be  undertaken  in  the  future,  and  to 
be  accomplished  during  the  same  period  when  the  republican 
union  shall  be  in  process  of  restoration  (if  this  ever  be  possible,) 
out  of  the  chaos  of  revolutionary  despotism ;  and  by  the 
only  method  which  modern  Christian  civilization  recognizes; 
unless  prior  to  the  happening  of  this  event  the  ship  of  State 
shall  have  been  finally  wafted  within  the  whirpool  gulph  of 
a  crushing  absolutism.  But  the  party  of  Jefferson  and  Cal- 
houn,  was  led  by  false  guides  to  the  footstool  of  Executive 
power;  and  through  hope  of  political  triumph,  made  to  endorse 
results  which  had  been  attained  by  means  of  the  most  iniquitous 
character.  It  was  believed,  nevertheless,  by  conservative  Re 
publicans  and  politic  Democrats,  that  the  convention  to  assemble 
in  Philadelphia,  on  the  14th  of  August,  would  be  able  to  unite 
an  opposition  against  the  revolutionary  party,  that  had  broken 
the  Union  into  fragments  ;  and  which,  in  attempting  to  re-cement 
these  by  force,  was -only  further  pressing  them  into  the  lowest 
depths  of  social  perdition. 

The  efforts  that  led  to  the  holding  of  the  Philadelphia  Con 
vention,  were  the  first  endeavors  since  the  war,  that  were  fairly 
made  to  bridge  the  chasm  of  blood  that  seperated  the  two  sec 
tions  of  our  country.  Difficulties  encompassed  the  situation 
upon  all  sides,  and  the  work  of  civil  war,  only  began  to  present 
its  terrible  visage  to  the  reflective  intellect  of  the  nation,  when 


444  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

tlie  leaders  set  themselves  to  the  task  of  bringing  the  people  and 
sections  upon  a  common  platform.  As  the  convention  to  assemble? 
was  to  represent  the  sentiments  of  all  those  who  were  hostile  to 
the  revolutionists,  a  difficulty  presented  itself  as  regards  the 
delegates,  who  should  be  accredited  as  members  to  the  harmoniz 
ing  assemblage.  Democrats  and  Conservative  Republicans,  both 
claimed  the  right  of  being  represented  in  the  convention.  To 
obviate  any  misunderstanding  that  might  exist,  as  to  the  parties 
entitled  to  be  represented  in  that  body,  it  was  recommended  by 
the  Committee  of  the  National  Union  Club,  that  two  delegates 
from  each  Congressional  District  should  be  selected  from  the 
supporters  of  Lincoln  and  Johnson  in  1864,  and  the  same  num 
ber  from  their  opponents.  In  the  Southern  States,  a  correspond 
ing  number  of  delegates  was  permitted  to  be  chosen  by  the 
people  generally,  who  accepted  the  principles  of  the  call.  Both 
coercion  and  peace  Democrats  were  elected  as  delegates ;  but  it 
was  feared  by  the  politic  manipulators,  in  view  of  the  popular 
war  sentiment  which  prevailed,  that  the  presence  of  C.  L.  Val- 
landigham  and  other  Northerners  of  his  school,  would  injure  the 
influence  of  the  convention.  This  fear,  however,  was  simply 
the  result  of  that  species  of  cowardice,  of  which  republican  govern 
ments  are  wonderfully  prolific ;  and  which  doubtless  germinates 
the  demoralization  that  leads  ultimately  to  their  overthrow.  If 
public  opinion  be  wrong,  that  government  which  is  sustained  by 
it  must  submerge,  or  a  power  must  exist  somewhere,  pure,  free 
and  independent,  and  one  which  is  competent  to  denounce  and 
correct  the  error.  Can  this  ever  be  found  of  sufficent  strength 
where  leading  men  truckle  to  public  prejudices,  and  only  seek 
their  own  elevation  at  the  expense  of  public  prosperity  and 
happiness  ? 

Public  attention  for  a  time  was  almost  entirely  engrossed  with 
the  movement,  which  had  for  its  object,  the  assembling  of  the 
Philadelphia  Convention.  It  was  believed  that  this  convention 
would  prove  to  be  the  line  of  demarcation,  between  the  Executive 
and  the  Congressional  modes  of  reconstruction ;  and  that  it, 
more  than  any  other  event,  would  nationalize  the  Presidential 
following.  It  occasioned  the  first  rent  in  the  Cabinet ;  and  ena 
bled  President  Johnson  to  surround  himself  with  advisers,  who 
sympathized,  in  the  main,  with  his  views  of  governmental  policy. 
On  the  day  preceding  the  assembling  of  the  convention,  W. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  445 

Dennison,  Postmaster- General,  tendered  his  resignation,  which 
was  accepted,  and  A.  "W.  Randall  appointed  as  his  successor. 
James  Speed,  the  Attorney-General,  also  tendered  his  resigna 
tion,  and  was  succeeded  by  Henry  Stanbery.  Mr.  Harlan,  after 
wards  resigned  the  post  of  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  and  O.  II. 
Browning  was  substituted  in  his  stead.  The  resigning  members 
of  the  Cabinet  retired  from  it  mainly  because,  differing  from. the 
President,  they  were  unwilling,  when  interrogated  by  a  commit 
tee,  to  lend  their  sanction  to  the  call  for  the  convention. 

When  the  delegates  assembled  in  Philadelphia,  Republicans 
and  war  Democrats  were  permitted  to  be  the  leading  movers  in 
the  organization  and  manipulation  of  the  representative  body. 
General  John  A.  Dix  was  made  temporary  Chairman,  a  former 
Democrat,  but  one  who  had  sustained  the  war  against  the  South 
with  the  most  ardent  enthusiasm.  James  R.  Doolittle,  a  Repub 
lican  Senator  in  Congress,  from  Wisconsin,  was  elected  perma 
nent  President  of  the  convention ;  and  Edgar  A.  Cowan,  a 
Republican  Senator  from  Pennsylvania,  was  appointed  as  Chair 
man  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions.  Henry  J.  Raymond,  a 
Republican  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  editor 
of  the  Xew  York  Times,  was  the  author  of  the  address  which 
was  adopted  by  the  convention,  and  which  purported  to  be  a 
succinct  expression  of  the  sentiment  of  that  body. 

In  this  convention,  the  earliest  effort  was  made,  since  the  war, 
to  harmonize  the  conflicting  sentiments  of  the  people  of  the 
j^orth  and  those  of  the  South ;  and  the  difficulty  of  doing  so,. 
was  for  the  first  time  fully  realized.  That  the  war  had  left  two 
radically  antagonistic  peoples,  loomed  up  into  prominence  in  this 
convention  ;  and  in  what  manner  to  unite  these,  into  an  harmo 
nious  whole,  was  a  question  that  quietly  engaged  the  attention 
of  the  assembled  representatives.  The  South  appeared  in  the 
convention,  through  her  delegates,  and  did  so  apparently  by  con 
sent  ;  but  the  coercive  arm  of  the  Government  compelled  this 
seeming  acquiescence ;  for  no  representatives  would  have  ap 
peared  from  that  section,  if  full  freedom  had  been  the  privilege 
of  her  people.  She  had  struck  for  independence,  but  the  armed 
legions  of  the  Xorth  baffled  her  in  its  attainment.  How  couid 
her  representative  men,  having  supported  the  rebellion  with  the 
most  enthusiastic  earnestness,  cherish  another  desire,  save  to  be 
free  from  a  people,  who  had  sown  the  seeds  of  sectional  strife  in 


445  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

tLe  land  ;  and  waged  a  godless  and  unconstitutional  war  against 
the  rights,  liberties  and  institutions  of  her  people?  But, 
though  vanquished,  the  South  nevertheless  remained  a  separate, 
individual  nation,  whose  feelings,  sympathies  and  aspiration? 
were  discordant  from  those  of  the  North,  and  will  so  remain 
throughout  coming  ages.  Her  inhabitants  held  in  recollection  a 
cause  not  to  be  forgotten ;  the  memory  of  her  heroes,  martyrs, 
and  fellow  braves  were  imperishably  inscribed  upon  her  mental 
tablets;  and  her  separate  tombs  and  mausoleums  were  conse 
crated  shrines,  to  which  pious  pilgrimages  were  wont  to  be 
undertaken* 

The  people  of  the  North  equally  had  their  heroes  and  sympa 
thies,   which   the   struggle   had  engendered.      A   severance   of 
boundary  would  no  more  have  alienated  the  North  and  South 
from  each  other,  than  had  the  conflict  done ;  and  possibly  the 
future   may   determine   that   wisdom,  in   the   interests   of  free 
government,  dictated  that  the  metes  and  bounds  of  division  even 
then,  should  amicably  have  been  struck.     One  iniquity  at  least, 
with  all  its  following  evils,  the  nation  and  civilization  would  have 
been  spared.     That  iniquity  was  reconstruction.     But  the  two 
sections  having  met  in  the  Philadelphia  Convention,  endeavored 
to   evolve   harmonious    views.      A   series  of    resolutions   were 
adopted,  intended  to  meet  Northern  prejudice,  some  of  which 
outraged  Southern  and  he  nest  democratic  sentiment;  and  dis 
closed  the  difficulty  that  existed  of  ever  again  uniting  the  anti 
podes  of  American  opinion  in  a  common  Republic,     Could  the 
Southern  delegates  endorse  State  coercion  and  the  justice  of  a 
war  that  had  beggarded  their  people  \     But  policy  demanded 
that  they  do  so.     Could  they  declare  that  the  war  had  maintained 
the  authority  of  the  Constitution,  when  Thaddeus  Stevens,  the 
radical  leader,  made  no  concealment  that  that  instrument  had 
been  repudiated  by  his  party  ?     Politicians,  however,   claimed 
this  of  them.     Could  they  pronounce  that  the  Confederate  debt 
should  be  cancelled,   and  that  of  their  conquerors  liquidated  I 
Honesty  bore  as  weighty  upon  their  consciences  as  upon  those  of 
the   triumphant   revolutionists.     Again,  must  they  forget  their 
crippled  soldiers,  who  had  borne  their  colors  upon  many  a-  crim 
soned  field ;  be  denied  the  privilege  of  bestowing  some  legal 
alms  for  their  relief ;  and  be  forced  to  contribute  for  the  support 
of  those  who  had  overthrown  the  Constitution  whilst  carrying 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  44? 

the  false  banner  of  Union  and  liberty.  None,  except  cowards 
and  deceivers,  could  exact  all  this  of  them.  In  extorting  it, 
however,  though  in  the  house  of  their  political  friend,  vassaldom 
and  conquest,  in  all  their  vividness,  loomed  up  before  the  assem- 
b]ed  representatives  of  the  conquered  South.  This  itself  was 
sufficient  to  assure  thinking  men  that  the  republican  government 
of  the  Fathers  had  ended  its  career. 

Andrew  Johnson  and  his  reconstruction  policy  were  endorsed 
by  the  Philadelphia  Convention,  which  was  one  of  the  main  ob 
jects  that  induced  the  politic  managers  originally  to  call  it. 
As  a  present  issue,  the  Presidential  plan  of  restoring  the  Southern 
States  to  Federal  autonomy,  was  far  preferable  to  that  advocated 
by  the  radicals.  Being  a  fruit  of  conquest,  however,  it  could  by 
no  means  meet  the  full  approval  of  the  people  of  the  South ;  but 
as  their  condition  necessitated  its  acceptance,  (in  order,  as  they 
hoped,  to  attain  Federal  representation,)  or  have  a  worse  than  this 
forced  upon  them ;  they  embraced  it  simply  as  a  choice  of  evils. 
Andrew  Johnson  had  not  been  elected  President  by  the  Southern 
people,  nor  by  the  Northern  Democracy.  But  they  .both  lent 
their  support  to  his  Administration,  because  the  rebellion  being 
ended,  he  more  strongly  than  his  enemies,  defended  the  Consti 
tution  ;  and  desired  that  no  further  invasions  of  State  Sovereignty 
be  permitted.  In  concurring  with  the  President,  the  Southern 
people  were  able  to  do  so,  as  conquered  subjects ;  but  not  as  free 
men  and  equals  in  a  Constitutional  Republic. 

In  order  to  counteract  the  possible  influence  of  the  Philadel 
phia  Convention,  a  number  of  persons  styling  themselves  Union 
men  of  the  South,  were  induced  on  July  4th,  to  issue  a  call  for  a 
convention  of  Southern  Loyalists,  to  meet  in  the  city  of  Brotherly 
Love  in  the  month  of  September.  Little  doubt  can  exist,  that, 
the  influence  which  prompted  this  movement,  largely  emenated 
from  the  radicals  of  the  North,  who  believed  that  it  would 
strengthen  their  influence  with  their  political  followers.  The 
call  evinced  entire  sympathy  with  the  revolutionary  Congress,  and 
took  decided  grounds  in  opposition  to  the  reconstruction  of  the 
Southern  States  upon  the  Presidential  plan.  Equality  before  the 
law  was  strongly  urged ;  and  also,  that  no  State  should  be  recog. 
nized  as  a  legitimate  government,  until  impartial  protection 
would  be  incorporated  in  the  organic  law.  The  demand  for 
negro  suffrage  was  as  yet  withheld,  as  the  revolutionary  party 


418  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

was  not  quite  prepared  to  carry  this  clearly  printed  upon  their 
banners  in  the  approaching  campaign.  But  it  was  already  in 
scribed  in  dark  declarations,  well  understood  by  the  initiated  few, 
who  directed  thought,  and  managed  in  their  interests  the  unin- 
doctrinated  masses. 

A  marked  contrast  as  to  Southern  membership,  was  visible 
between  the  late  Johnson  Convention,  and  that  of  the  Loyalists. 
The  latter  was  made  up  in  a  great  measure  of  self-appointed 
delegates,*  who  appeared  neither  having  Southern  homes  nor 
constituencies  to  represent.  In  the  former  convention,  on  the 
contrary,  the  wealth  and  intelligence  of  the  Southern  States  were 
represented.  But  a  small  proportion  of  the  loyal  delegates  from 
the  South  were  men  of  distinction  or  political  influence.  Ex- 
Attorney-General  Speed,  Governors  Brownlow,  of  Tennessee, 
and  Fletcher,  of  Missouri,  John  Minor  Botts,  of  Virginia,  A.  J. 
Hamilton,  of  Texas  and  a  few  others,  made  up  the  notabilities 
of  the  assemblage.  But  the  quintesence  of  ribaldry  and  fanati 
cism  met  together  in  the  loyal  body.  The  Urst  illustration  of 
universal  equality,  upon  a  conspicuous  scale  in  America,  was 
given  on  this  occasion,  in  the  parading  of  the  whites  and  blacks, 
arm  in  arm,  to  this  convention.  They  freely  mingled  together, 
as  demonstrative  of  the  doctrines  meant,  soon  to  be  inaugurated 
in  practice.  Frederick  Douglass,  the  mulatto  orator  of  tho 
North,  first  received  full  recognition  as  the  representative  of  his 
race,  in  this  ring  streaked  and  speckled  body  of  demagogues. 

And  although  this  convention  of  variegated  hues  was  devoted 
in  soul  to  negro  suffrage,  yet  it  feared  so  to  declare  itself.  A 
considerable  contest  for  a  time  raged  in  this  mingled  association, 
as  to  the  propriety  of  crossing  the  Rubicon  of  their  aspirations, 
without  further  delay.  This  party  plunge  was  still  dreaded  by 
the  Northern  delegates,  who  had  united  with  their  loyalist 
friends ;  and  also  by  those  representing  Southern  constituencies, 
who  were  fully  conscious  that  the  white  sentiment  of  their  dis 
tricts,  was  almost  unanimous  against  the  extension  of  the  ballot 
to  the  negro.  John  Minor  Botts,  in  the  convention,  expressed 
the  belief  that  of  thirty  thousand  white  loyalists  in  Virginia,  not 

*"The  Philadelphia  Loyalist  Convention  of  1866,  was  composed  of 
Freedmen's  Bureau  agents,  ex-sutlers,  discharged  volunteer  officers,  New 
England  schoolmasters,  speculators  and  adventurers,  who  possibly  have 
seen  the  South  while  they  traveled  in  the  track  of  war."  New  York 
World,  September  17,  18G6. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  449 

three  hundred  of  them  would  sanction  the  bestowal  of  the-  right 
of  suffrage  upon  the  ignorant  negroes.  But  for  policy,  such 
representatives  as  Mr.  Botts  would  have  been  hissed  by  the 
infuriates  from  the  rostrum  ;  for  it  was  the  determination  of  these 
desperadoes  to  treat  Southern  opinion  with  the  most  studied  in 
difference.  Anna  Dickinson,  the  Abolition  oratrix  of  the  North, 
in  her  chiding  address,  glowingly  delivered  in  the  presence  of 
the  motley  assemblage,  declared  that  she  "  would  tell  the  men  of 
the  convention  that  tJieir  great  party  from  j&Taine  to  California 
was  devoted  to  black  suffrage" 

But  the  majority  of  the  Southern  loyalists  being  equally  devoted 
advocates  of  negro  suffrage,  as  Mr.  Stevens  and  his  extreme  con 
gressional  followers,  were  unwilling  to  allow  the  adjournment  of 
the  many  colored  convention,  without  an  expression  of  senti 
ment  on  this  question.  Steadily  continuing  their  pressure,  the 
co-operative  delegates  from  the  North,  being  disinclined  to  com 
mittal  on  this  issue,  withdrew  from  all  ostensible  connection  with 
the  body.  The  more  moderate  loyalists  from  the  South  also 
followed  these  ;  and  the  infuriated  madmen  were  now  left  masters 
of  the  situation,  and  allowed  to  wind  up  the  proceedings  of  the 
convention.  These  prepared  a  series  of  resolutions,  and  adopted 
an  address  which  contained  the  following  language : 

"  We  declare  that  there  can  be  no  security  for  us  or  our  children  ; 
there  can  be  no  safety  against  the  fell  spirit  of  slavery,  now  organized 
in  the  form  of  serfdom,  unless  the  Government,  by  national  and  appro 
priate  legislation,  enforced  by  national  authority,  shall  confer  on  eveiy 
citizen  in  the  States  we  represent,  the  American  birthright  of  impartial 
suffrage  and  equality  before  the  law.  This  is  the  one  all  sufficient 
remedy." 

Whilst  declining  to  commit  themselves  to  negro  suffrage  in 
1866,  the  revolutionary  party  strove  to  make  the  submitted  con 
stitutional  amendment  appear  before  the  country  as  the  issue  of 
the  campaign.  It  was  presented  as  a  preferable  reconstruction 
policy  for  the  South,  to  that  which  had  received  the  endorsement 
of  President  Johnson.  The  National  Committee  of  the  party 
declared  "  that  Congress  will  restore  the  ten  waiting  States,  if 
these  States  adopt  the  amendment."  The  Republican  Conven. 
tion  of  the  State  of  New  York  made  the  same  declaration  in  its 
enunciated  platform  of  principles.  The  promises  of  these  high 
authorities  were  uttered  purely  in  the  interest  of  party ;  and 
were  calculated  to  attract  voters  who  deemed  the  amendment  as 


450  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

reasonable  one  for  Southern  acceptance.  But  the  promises  were 
altogether  deceptions.  Mr.  Stevens  and  the  leading  men  of  his 
party  in  Congress,  entertained  no  thought  of  admitting  the 
Southern  States  to  representation,  even  should  the  amendment 
be  adopted  by  them.  As  if  steering  between  Scylla  and  Charyb- 
dis,  they  had  studied  with  care  the  temper  of  Northern  senti 
ment  ;  and  framed  an  amendment  which  the  people  of  their  own 
section,  owing  to  existing  sectional  hatred,  would  regard  as  fair 
and  equitable ;  and  which  those  of  the  South  were  sure  to  reject 
upon  principle.  Congress  positively  refused  to  declare,  that 
Southern  Representatives  should  be  admitted  to  their  seats,  in 
the  event  of  their  States  ratifying  the  amendment.  Leading 
organs  of  the  Republican  party  asserted  in  strong  terms  that  the 
adoption  of  the  amendment  would  not  entitle  the  South  to  be 
rehabilitated  in  her  ancient  regalia.  The  New  York  Indepen 
dent,  one  of  the  influential  papers  of  the  party,  said : 

"No  leading  Eepublican  in  Congress  means  to  admit  the  ten  waiting 
States,  simply  on  the  adoption  of  the  amendment.  These  States  are  to 
be  admitted  on  no  conditions,  short  of  the  equal  political  rights  of  their 
loyal  citizens  without  distinction  of  race.  A  reconstruction  of  the  Union, 
on  any  other  basis,  would  be  a  National  dishonor.  Until  the  rebel  States 
can  come  back  on  this  basis,  they  shall  not  come  back  at  all." 

George  II.  Boutwell,  of  Massachusetts,  an  influential  Republi 
can,  in  a  speech,  said  : 

"He  did  not  intend  to  vote  for  the  admission  of  either  of  the  ten 
States,  not  at  present  represented  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States, 
until  impartial  suffrage  was  extended  to  all  the  people  of  those  States."* 

The  composition  of  parties  varied  in  this  campaign  very  tri- 
flingly  from  what  they  had  done  prior  to  and  during  the  rebellion. 
The  Democrats  of  the  North,  with  a  slight  sprinkling  of  Con 
servatives,  made  up  the  party  which  sustained  the  President; 
and  the  Republicans  that  which  stood  by  Congress.  The  bulk  of 
the  latter  sympathized  with  the  radical  leaders  of  Congress ;  and 
it  was  altogether  natural  that  they  should  do  so.  They  had 
favored  the  coercion  of  the  South;  and  this  policy  had  been 
ultimately  crowned  with  triumph,  notwithstanding  the  vast  diffi 
culties  that  were  necessary  to  be  encountered.  The  body  of  a 
party  always  go  as  their  leaders  dictate ;  and  many  of  these 
unitedly  must  desert  an  organization  before  they  can  draw  their 

*New  York  World,  October  24,  1866. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  451 

old  party  followers  with  them.  It  was  not  Luther  alone,  who 
carried  the  protestant  columns  into  revolt  to .  their  former  eccle 
siastical  leaders ;  but  his  schism  became  a  success,  because  the 
professors  of  the  Wittenberg  University  and  the  magnates  of 
Saxony  marched  abreast  with  him.  President  Johnson  had  alone 
the  approval  of  a  few  scattering  Republican  leaders,  who  with 
him,  had  sustained  the  war  and  its  prosecution  against  the  people 
of  the  South. 

It  was  clear  to  observers,  that  President  Johnson  had  mainly 
thrown  himself  into  the  arms  of  the  Democratic  party,  the  consci 
entious  members  of  which  had  resisted  upon  principle  the  prosecu 
tion  of  the  war  against  the  seceded  States.  As  Northern  senti 
ment  was  at  the  time  molded,  this  apparent  change  of  attitude 
from  one  politcal  extreme  to  the  other,  was  itself  sufficient  to 
greatly  damage  the  cause  ol  the  Executive.  The  revolutionary 
Congress  was  supported  by  the  party  which  had  returned  as  con 
querors  from  the  armed  conflict ;  whilst  the  President  had  in  the 
North,  chiefly  as  his  supporters,  those  whose  political  pennant 
had  been  lowered  in  the  dust;  and  who  were  also  begrimmed  with 
standing  accusations  of  having  been  the  disloyal  confreres  of  the 
defeated  foe. 

The  campaign  of  1866,  in  the  different  States,  was  a  bitterly 
contested  one.  The  memories  of  the  war,  as  was  natural,  were 
dragged  into  the  canvas,  and  made  again  to  do  their  work  of 
intensifying  the  hate  of  the  people  of  the  one  section  of  the 
country  against  the  other.  The  horrors  of  Anderson ville,  Libby, 
Bell  Isle,  Florence,  and  other  Confederate  prisons,  were  recalled 
in  all  their  intensity,  before  the  imaginations  of  the  masses  of  the 
North ;  and  the  cannon  of  New  Orleans,  Vicksburg  and  Charles 
ton,  were  once  more  subsidized,  by  clear  toned  demagogues,  in 
the  interest  of  the  radicals,  as  if  the  rebellion  had  not  as  yet 
been  fully  ended.  The  President  was  accused  by  his  political 
enemies  of  designing  to  aid  the  rebels  to  the  disadvantage  of  the 
Union,  by  securing  their  representation  in  Congress,  before  they 
were  fitted  to  serve  the  interests  of  a  common  country.  He  was 
denounced  as  endeavoring  to  accomplish,  by  traitorous  usurpation, 
what  Jefferson  Davis  and  his  enrolled  legions  had  failed  to  secure 
upon  the  battle  field.  Was  he  not  (as  was  asked  by  the  Repub 
lican  press)  the  betrayer  of  his  associates,  and  the  accepted  advo 
cate  and  defender  of  those  who  had  sought  to  overthrow  the 


433  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

liberty  of  their  country  3  From  being  the  pretended  friend  of 
the  Union,  he  has  gone  over  to  the  enemy,  and  now  seeks  to  intro 
duce  the  Trojan  horse  amongst  his  countrymen,  in  order  the 
more  surely  to  effect  the  destruction,  which  his  rebel  associates 
failed  to  accomplish.  Tell  us  not  that  the  President  is  not  in 
sympathy  with  the  defeated  rebels.  As  evidence  that  he  is,  see 
the  multitudes  of  blood-dyed  traitors,  to  whom  he  has  extended 
free  and  unconditional  pardon  for  the  crimes  they  have  com 
mitted  ;  and  he  i&  now  striving  by  his  plan  of  reconstruction  to 
force  these  same  rebels  into  the  halls  of  Congress-  to  outvote 
loyal  men.  See  the  Governors  he  has  appointed  ;  hear  the  senti 
ments  of  hostility  they  utter  against  the  Congressional  plan  of 
reconstruction ;  learn  the  infuriate  hatred  which  they  and  their 
people  cherish  towards  the  f  reedmen  of  the  South,  who  buckled 
on  their  armor  and  fought  your  battles  for  the  preservation  of 
the  Union  and  the  Constitution.  Again,  do  you  not  see,  to-day, 
the  President  in  close  sympathy  with  the  men,  who  resisted  by 
their  speeches  and  influence,  the  war  for  the  Union  I  Are  not 
the  anti-war  Democrats  of  the  North,  heartily  supporting  the 
President  and  his  policy  ? 

The  above  is  a  sample  of  the  political  abuse,  which  was  heaped 
upon  the  President  and  those  who  sustained  his  reconstruction 
policy.  Those  supporting  his  views  were  stigmatized  as  the 
Johnson-Davis  party.  The  New  Orleans  and  Memphis  riots  of 
this  year,  the  legitimate  products  of  Northern  intermeddling, 
were  admirable  subjects  for  misrepresentation,  and  did  their  full 
share  in  exasperating  the  North  against  the  prostrate  South. 

Mr.  Stevens,  in  this  campaign,  performed  his  share  of  service 
in  clouding,  by  sophistry,  the  issue  before  the  country  In  his 
speech  of  September  4th,  at  Bedford,  Pa.,  and  afterwards  in 
Lancaster,  he  endeavored  to  defend  his-  borrowed  theory  of  State 
extinction ;  and  in  support  of  his  view,  demagogically  perverted 
the  argument  of  Chief  Justice  Ruffiri,  of  North  Carolina,  against 
the  legality  of  the  Constitution  of  his  State,,  which  had  been 
amended  subsequent  to  the  war  at  the  dictation  of  President 
Johnson,  and  in  obedience  to  revolutionary  sentiment.  Having 
used  the  argument  of  the  Chief- Justice  fcr  a  deceptions  purpose, 
lie  next  advocated  a  more  thorough  prostration  of  State  authority, 
than  that  condemned,  by  advocating  the  reconstruction  of  the 
Confederate  States,  by  means  of  so-called  enabling  acts ;  and  in 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  453 

this  manner  secure  the  enfranchisement  of  the  emancipated 
slaves  in  the  South.  But  the  burden  of  his  discourses  was  the 
confiscation  of  Southern  property,  and  the  utterance  of  ad  captan^- 
dum  appeals,  calculated  to  inflame  the  passions  of  the  unthinking 
classes,  until  the  work  of  subverting  the  Statehood  of  the  several 
excluded  Commonwealths  should  be  completed,  and  the  clasps  of 
partisan  treachery  so  riveted  as  to  be  able  to  endure  the  adverse 
shocks  of  opposing  opinion. 

The  preceding  charges  and  appeals,  as  detailed,  afford  an 
illustration  of  the  arguments  made  use  of  by  the  radical  speakers 
and  press  during  the  campaign  of  1866.  Many  of  the  accusa 
tions  made  against  the  President  were  wholly  baseless  ;  and  those 
to  which  a  deceptions  representation  gave  plausibility,  retired 
before  the  light  of  candor  and  reason.  The  following  extract 
from  the  Press,  a  leading  Republican  paper  of  Philadelphia,  dis 
closes  the  character  of  the  deceptions  appeals  spread  before  the 
country  by  the  politicians  in  order  to  influence  the  unreflecting 
voters : 

"  On  Tuesday  next,  the  people  of  four  States  will  decide  at  the  ballot- 
box,  who  are  to  represent  them  in  the  National  Congress  ;  and  in  effect  to 
pass  upon  the  scheme  of  reconstruction  as  developed  by  the  National 
Legislature.  They  are  to  docide  whether  they  will  accept  the  plan  set 
forth  by  their  representatives,  or  whether  they  will  submit  to  that  of 
Andrew  Johnson  ;  whether,  in  short,  the  loyal  men  shall  govern  the 
country,  or  whether  the  control  of  the  Government  shall  be  thrown  into 
the  hands  of  the  traitors."* 

In  the  next  issue  this  same  partisan  paper  contained  the  following 
utterance : 

"The  true  issue  of  this  campaign  is  the  constitutional  amendment."! 
In  a  subsequent  number,  this  political  organ  spoke  as  follows : 

"  The  real  question  before  the  people,  to-day,  is  whether  traitors  or 
loyal  men  shall  rule  the  country.  "$ 

The  radical  accusations  that  were  hurled  against  Democratic 
opposition  to  the  war,  were  most  of  all  difficult  to  be  answered. 
The  party  was  placed  by  these  charges,  however,  in  a  false  atti 
tude — that  of  hostility  to  the  Government.  Selfish  leaders  had 
led  the  Democracy  so  far  astray,  as  to  sanction  State  coercion  in 
defense  of  the  Union  ;  and  having  veered  thus  from  the  ancient 


•Philadelphia  Press,  October  3,  18G6. 
\Press,  Oct.  5,  1866. 
$Press,  Oct.  9,  1866. 


454  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

land-marks,  its  orators  and  press  were  now.  after  the  close  of  the 
rebellion,  logically  precluded  from  striking  at  the  roots  of  the 
error,  by  showing  who  were  responsible  for  the  war ;  and  demon 
strating  its  iniquity  and  deplorable  consequences.  Crafty  poli 
ticians,  as  a  consequence,  were  the  only  men  within  the  party, 
whose  services  were  specially  in  requisition.  Consistent  Demo 
crats  were,  therefore,  hushed  into  silence  as  regards  the  war ;  and 
obliged  to  stand  branded  as  traitors  in  unenlightened  opinion. 
They  had  no  choice  left  them,  save  to  feign  compliance  with  the 
new  departure  from  principle,  and  support  the  Presidential  mode 
of  reconstruction,  in  opposition  to  the  revolutionary  Congress. 

But  the  prospect  of  breaking  the  ranks  of  the  revolutionary 
party,  soon  became  doubtful  after  the  issue  had  been  made  up 
between  the  two  political  organizations  of  the  country.  Early 
in  the  year,  New  Hampshire  and  Connecticut  gave  their  usual 
party  victories,  which  they  had  for  years  been  wont  to  do. 
When  Maine,  in  the  beginning  of  September,  came  sweeping  in 
with  a  majority  of  twenty-eight  thousand  for  radicalism,  the 
defenders  of  the  Constitution  again  perceived  that  the  omens 
were  against  them.  The  New  York  Herald^  and  other  politic 
journals  of  the  North,  who  had  so  far  eteadily  sustained  Andrew 
Johnson  and  his  policy,  in  opposition  to  the  revolutionists,  broke 
when  the  news  from  the  old  Pine  State  was  announced.  They 
now  advised  the  President  to  circumvent  the  radicals  by  accept 
ing  the  amendment,  and  urging  the  Southern  people  to  adopt  it 
as  a  less  evil  than  these  were  designing  to  inflict  upon  them. 
Its  acceptance,  they  contended,  would  defeat  the  aims  of  the 
President's  enemies,  and  leave  the  Southern  people  masters  of 
their  own  State  governments.  But  the  Southern  people  stood 
upon  higher  ground  than  a  desire  simply  to  secure  the  represen 
tation  of  their  States.  They  had  fought  for  the  right  of  self- 
government  ;  and  had  the  President  been  so  iickle  as  to  have 
followed  the  suggestions  of  these  changeable  counsellors,  he 
would  have  found  few  Confederates  who  would  have  accepted 
his  advice.  The  honor  of  the  South  was  at  stake  ;  and  though 
she  had  sunk  upon  the  battle  iield,  no  power  existed  that  could 
compel  her  to  accept  her  own  degredation. 

It  was  only  when  the  results  of  the  October  elections,  in 
Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Indiana  and  Iowa,  were  chronicled  through 
out  the  country,  that  it  became  clearly  evident  that  President 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  455 

Johnson  Lad  lost  the  battle,  and  was  now  at  the  mercy  of  the 
enemy.  All  these  States  gave  sweeping  majorities  for  the  radical 
ticket.  In  the  following  November  elections,  the  whole  North 
was  still  found  to  be  arrayed  under  the  old  banner  of  fanaticism ; 
and  the  designs  of  the  revolutionists  were  now  fully  assured. 
Save  in  the  State  of  ISTew  York,  the  majorities  that  endorsed 
Congress  through  the  Xorth  were  almost  overwhelming.  Massa 
chusetts  was  carried  by  near  70,000,  Illinois  by  40,000,.  Michigan 
25,000,  Wisconsin  20,000,  and  the  other  States  by  corresponding 
majorities.  The  only  States  that  emancipated  themselves  from 
radical  despotism,  were  Kentucky,  Maryland  and  Delaware.  By 
a  system  of  disfranchisement,  that  drew  its  germs  from  Great 
Urittain's  enslavement  of  the  Iribh  Catholics, the  revolutionists  were 
enabled  in  this  canvass  to  still  hold,  as  in  chains  of  bondage, 
the  States  of  Missouri  and  West  Virginia,  the  majority  of  whose 
people  cherished  for  their  destroyers  as  unquenchable  a  hatred  as 
ever  fired  the  breast  of  man. 


436  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

RECONSTRUCTION,  OR  THE  CLIMAX  OF  THE  REVOLUTION  REACHED. 

The  second  session  of  the  Thirty-ninth  Congress  assembled  at 
the  National  Capitol  on  December  3d,  1866.  In  the  preliminary 
caucus  of  the  dominant  party,  which  preceded  the  opening  of  the 
Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  Mr.  Stevens  still  towered 
as.  the  controlling  dictator  of  his  party,  who  appeared  to  give 
courage  and  enthusiasm  to  the  timid  and  nagging  members  of 
the  political  conclave.  The  dauntless  chieftain  was  returned  to 
the  field  of  conflict,  panoplied  as  an  Achilles,  ready  to  combat 
with  his  hated  foe,  the  Federal  Executive.  On  his  motion,  a  reso 
lution  was  unanimously  adopted  in  the  caucus,  requesting  the 
Senate  to  reject  all  appointments  made  during  the  late  recess,  where 
the  removals  had  been  effected  for  political  reasons.  In  this 
connection,  he  gave  notice  of  his  intention  to  introduce  a  bill  to 
restrict  the  President  as  regards  his  right  of  removal  from  office. 
A  committee,  headed  by  Mr.  Stevens,  was  likewise  appointed  to 
prepare  the  business  programme  of  the  session  ;  and  a  resolution 
was  adopted  instructing  this  committee  to  consider  the  propriety 
of  enacting  a  law,  fixing  the  meeting  of  the  next  Congress  before 
the  time  prescribed  in  the  Constitution. 

It  was  thus  early  exemplified,  that  the  war  against  the  Presi 
dent  was  to  be  prosecuted  with  unabating  ardor.  This  officer 
was  viewed  by  the  revolutionists  as  the  main  obstacle  in  the  way 
of  their  designs,  the  enfranchisement  of  the  negro,  and  its 
concomitant  results.  For  this  purpose,  it  was  resolved  to  deprive 
him  as  much  as  possible  of  all  the  power  which  his  official  station 
placed  in  his  hands.  Ever  since  his  breach  with  the  radicals,  the 
President  had  -been  the  subject  of  the  most  bitter  and  acrimo 
nious  abuse,  of  which  history  affords  an  example.  From  being 
the  admired  Southern  patriot,  after  his  veto  of  the  Freedmen's 
Bureau  bill,  he  sunk  in  radical  esteem  to  the  lowest  depths  of 
traitorous  depravity ;  and  henceforth  no  language  was  too  intense 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  457 

to  designate  the  foulness  of  the  Presidential  treason.  Jefferson 
Davis,  the  arch-rebel  of  the  Southern  Confederacy,  was  never 
maligned  with  more  vituperative  denunciation,  than  was  President 
Johnson,  for  daring  to  question  the  constitutionality  of  the 
enactments  of  the  revolutionary  Congress. 

Since  the  opening  of  the  Thirty-ninth  Congress,  in  December, 
1865,  Mr.  Stevens  was  looked  upon  by  his  partisan  followers  as 
the  great  champion  of  the  revolution  ;  and  the  man  of  all  others 
most  fitted  by  age,  intellect  and  effrontry,  to  lead  the  crusade  for 
the  overthrow  of  Confederate  Statehood;  and,  by  means  of 
negro  suffrage,  reverse  the  classes  to  be  enslaved  south  of  the 
Potomac.  A  bold  man,  and  one  of  reckless  daring,  is  ever 
needed  to  head  revolutions,  and  lead  them  to  the  performance  of 
deeds  that  dazzle  the  unreflecting,  but  which  invoke  cries  of  an 
guish  from  considerate  observers.  These  latter,  see  in  such  men , 
the  destroyers  that  devastate  human  effort,  wreck  progress,  and 
overthrow  the  constructions,  which  time,  talent  and  the  skill  of 
man  have  erected.  They  are  the  demons  of  earth,  the  infuriates 
of  pandemonium,  who  ride  in  chariots  of  h're,  drawn  by  steeds 
of  fanaticism ;  and  they  are  sent  on  missions  of  woe  to  call  .the 
nations  to  halt  in  their  careers,  and  enable  them  to  see  whither 
they  are  wending.  The  leader,  around  whom  the  revolutionists 
gathered,  "Mr.  Stevens,  was  one  of  the  bold,  intrepid  men  of  the 
Robespierrian  cast,  whose  fame  ever  rests  more  upon  their  eccen 
tricity  than  their  philosophical  intellectuality.  Possessing  more 
than  ordinary  ability,  they  astonish  their  inferiors,  rather  than 
overtop  their  equals. 

A  political  desperado  being  required  to  lead  the  revolutionists 
to  their  desired  goal,  the  managers  stood  aside  and  allowed  Mr. 
Stevens  to  assume  that  lead,  for  which  he  had  an  inordinate 
ambition.  As  none  had  the  same  brazen  audacity  as  himself,  he 
was  accorded  a  leadership  which  on  no  other  occasion  could  he 
have  commanded.  His  leadership,  however,  was  simply  that  of 
the  revolutionist,  rather  than  of  the  dispassionate  Statesman, 
who  has  the  ability  to  control  men  by  the  strength  of  "his  logical 
reasoning.  As  a  district  politician,  Mr.  Stevens  was  able  to  exert 
the  control  of  a  despot,  which  his  mentality  had  framed  him ; 
but  his  power  disappeared  as  he  ventured  into  deeper  fords.  In 
the  Reform,  and  in  the  political  conventions  of  his  State,  he 
invariably  sunk  through  lack  of  ability  to  cope  as  a  strategist  and 


458  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

Statesman  with  his  political  compeers  and  equals.  In  his  last 
struggle  for  the  United  States  Senate,  at  a  time  when  he  seemed 
to  be  the  recognized  leader  of  his  party,  in  the  Lower  House  of 
Congress,  he  fell  ingloriously  in  the  conflict,  with  a  man  whom 
history  can  only  regard  as  a  dextrous  and  unprincipled  politician. 

Following  the  precedent  inaugurated,  at  the  opening  of  the 
first  session  of  the  Thirty-ninth  Congress,  the  revolutionists, 
without  waiting  the  Message  of  the  President,  as  courtesy  to  the 
Chief  Magistrate  dictated,  at  the  bidding  of  the  American  Rob 
espierre,  entered  upon  the  performance  of  the  programme  which 
rancor  and  fanaticism  had  suggested.  The  Prince  of  destruction 
had,  at  length,  enticed  the  Abolition  Congress  to  the  summit  of 
their  zeal's  pagoda  ;  and  temptingly  had  shown  them  the  decep 
tive  glory  that  should  crown  their  memories  upon  the  completion 
of  the  work  of  political  death,  which  he  dictated.  The  pros 
pect  was  enchanting ;  and,  obeying  the  seductive  deceiver,  they 
advanced  to  the  performance  of  the  task  assigned  them. 

The  bestowal  of  the  elective  franchise  upon  the  African  race, 
would  now  crown,  in  abolition  estimation,  the  four  years'  strug 
gle  of  blood  with  appropriate  satisfaction.  In  no  place  could 
the  movement  to  this  end,  be  inaugurated  with  more  fitting  pro 
priety  than  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  where  Puritan  instruc 
tion  had  for  some  time  been  busily  elevating,  as  believed,  the 
sable  descendants  of  Africa  to  fancied  equality  with  their  former 
Caucasian  masters.  Accordingly,  on  the  motion  of  Mr.  Morrill, 
of  Maine,  the  bill  to  grant  suffrage  to  the  freed  negroes  of  the 
Federal  District,  was  taken  up  in  the  Senate.  Senators  who  had 
deemed  it  impolitic  to  concur  in  this  project  with  the  House  at 
the  former  session,  because  an  election  was  nearing  itself,  now 
laid  aside  their  timidity  and  advocated  the  bill  with  the  warmest 
enthusiasm.  Republican  Senators  no  longer  made  concealment 
that  they  viewed  the  battle  for  universal  suffrage  as  already  won; 
and  that  their  party  would  not  stop  in  its  course,  until  the  record 
of  this  victory  was  rgistered  in  the  legislation  of  the  nation. 
After  a  short  discussion,  the  measure  passed  the  Senate  by  a 
strict  party  vote.  It  was  also  taken  up  in  the  House,  and 
obtained  the  like  endorsement  in  that  body. 

The  bill  having  passed  both  Houses,  was  remitted  to  the 
President  for  his  signature  ;  but  this  officer  declined  to  approve 
the  sams ;  and  returned  it  to  the  House  in  which  it  originated. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  459 

The  President  in  his  veto,  dwelt  upon  the  fact  that  the  people 
of  the  District  had  almost  unanimously  in  a  special  election,*  de 
clared  their  opposition  to  negro  suffrage ;  and  urged  that  the 
popular  will  should  never  be  entirely  disregarded,  as  was  contem 
plated  in  the  proposed  bill.  The  incompatibility  of  forcing  negro 
suffrage  upon  the  people  of  the  District,  when  the  experiment 
was  a  novel  one,  and  before  the  Northern  States  themselves  were 
willing  indiscriminately  to  accept  Africans  as  voters,  was  adverted 
to  in  strong  and  emphatic  language  by  the  President.  The  un 
settled  condition  of  the  country  was  also  considered  as  unwarrant- 
ing  a  change  of  the  character  proposed.  But  besides  placing 
himself  as  a  present  defender  of  the  Constitution,  in  opposition 
to  the  revolution,  the  President's  arguments  accomplished  no 
result,  as  the  bill  was  re-passed  in  both  Houses  of  Congress  and 
became  a  law  over  the  Executive's  veto. 

But  the  conservative  re-action  to  the  revolution,  inauguratedf 
by  President  Johnson,  went  on  increasing  as  time  elapsed  after 
the  close  of  the  war.  The  Supreme  Court  in  its  decisions,  ap 
peared  also  as  an  embankment  to  the  flood  that  was  washing 
away  one  constitutional  landmark  after  another.  In  1866,  in  the 
ably  argued  case  of  Lambdin  P.  Milligan  and  his  associates,  who 
in  1S64  had  been  sentenced  to  death  by  a  military  tribunal,  this 
Court  decided  that  such  commissions  had  no  authority,  under  the 
Constitution,  for  the  trial  of  civilians.  The  nine  Judges  of  the 
Supreme  Bench  agreed  that  the  Court  which  had  tried  these 
citizens  was  illegally  organized ;  that  it  had  no  jurisdiction  in 
the  case ;  and  that  its  sentence  was  a  nullity.  Military  courts 
for  the  trial  of  citizens  were  pronounced  to  be  wholly  unwar 
ranted.  But  partisanship  showed  its  dangerous  influence  on  this 
occasion.  Chief-J  ustice  Chase,  and  other  dissenters,  whilst  con 
curring  with  the  majority  of  the  Court,  as  to  the  illegality  of 
the  tribunal,  declined  to  declare  such  trials  as  necessarily  in  con 
flict  with  the  Constitution.  The  attitude  their  party  had  taken 

*"In  Washington,  in  a  vote  of  6,556 — the  largest  with  but  few  excep 
tions,  ever  polled  in  the  city,  only  '32  ballots  were  castfomegro  suffrage  ; 
while  in  Georgetown,  in  an  aggregate  vote  of  813,  a  number  considerably 
in  excess  of  the  average  vote,  at  the  four  preceding  annual  elections — 
but  one  was  given  in  favor  of  the  proposed  extension  of  the  elective 
franchise." — Veto  Message  of  President  Johnson. 

f  An  insensible  Republican  re-action  had  been  progressing  since  the 
commencement  of  the  war;  but  which  only  came  fully  into  notice,  when 
the  President  took  position  against  the  revolutionists.  Senators  Cowan, 
Dixon  and  Doolittle  belonged  to  the  reactionists. 


400  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

during  the  war,  seemed  to  require  that  this  reservation  should  be 
made  by  Mr.  Lincoln's  appointees.  But  the  decision  amply  jus 
tified  the  opposition  that  had  been  made  to  these  tribunals  by 
the  Democratic  party  from  the  opening  of  the  rebellion. 

The  Supreme  Court  afterwards,  in  ex-parte  Garland,  declared 
that  the  Act  of  1862,  and  also  that  of  1865,  (applicable  to  attor 
neys,)  which  exacted  test  oaths,  were  unconstitutional.  This 
decision  aroused  the  anger  of  Stevens,  Boutwell,  and  their  zeal 
ous  followers.  The  latter  of  these  two,  introduced  into  the 
House  a  bill,  to  nullify  this  last  decision  of  the  Supreme  tribunal, 
which  was  driven  rough-shod  through  this  body,  over  the  rights 
of  debate.  The  higher  law,  which  was  one  of  the  fundamental 
principles  of  the  revolutionary  party,  also  showed  its  dangerous 
tendency  in  this  movement  of  the  Massachusetts  Representative. 
If  the  decisions  of  the  highest  court  of  the  nation  were  to  be 
treated  with  contempt*;  and  threatening  efforts  be  made  to 
effect  their  reversal  in  an  illegal  manner  by  a  fanatical  Congress, 
then  the  days  of  constitutional  government  might  be  considered 
as  nearly  numbered.  The  section  of  the  new  Constitution  of 
Missouri,  which  precluded  ministers  of  the  gospel,  teachers  and 
members  of  the  bar,  from  officiating  in  theii*  vocations,  because 
they  had  been  in  the  rebellion  or  had  sympathized  with  the 
Confederates,  was  also  pronounced  by  the  Supreme  Court  as 
unconstitutional.  The  above  decisions  were  emissions  of  sound 


*  The  following  extract  from  the  Philadelphia  Press,  of  January  19th, 
1867,  is  adduced  as  showing  the  hypocritical  partisan  assaults  that  were 
made  at  this  time  upon  the  Supreme  Court  for  it3  decisions  : 

"If  it  were  not  rather  a  violent  presumption,  a  strong  argument  could 
be  made,  to  show  that  a  majority  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States,  had  entered  into  a  regular  combination  with  the  rebel  State 
Judges  and  politicians.  Certain  it  is  that  the  effect  of  this  combination, 
is  to  increase  the  argument,  that  is  gradually  and  irresistably  forcing 
Congress  to  establish  republican  governments  all  over  the  region  in 
which  the  rebellion  was  begun  and  prosecuted.  Justice  Davis,  in  the 
case  of  the  Indiana  traitors,  laid  himself  open  to  very  general  reprehen 
sion  for  injecting  into  a  judicial  statement,  an  almost  open  defense  and 
apology  for  the  rebellion." 

Judges  were  not  wanting  at  this  period  who  were  ready  to  stand  with 
the  revolutionary  men  of  Congress  ;  and  endeavor  to  throw  contempt 
upon  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court  ;  and  even  refuse  to  yield  obe 
dience  to  its  mandates.  Chief-Justice  Carter,  of  the  Superior  Court  of 
the  District  of  Columbia,  on  the  12th  of  February  18G7,  pronounced  the 
judgment  of  himself  and  his  associates,  Fisher,  Olin  and  Wylie,  deny 
ing  the  motion  made  by  Mr.  Bradley  for  the  admission  of  Colonel  A.  B. 
McGruder,  01  the  Confederate  army  as  a  practioner  at  the  bar  of  the  said 
Court.  This  decision  was  designed  to  invalidate  that  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States.  The  iron  clad  oath  was  as  a  serviceable 
political  adjunct,  and  could  not  yet  be  dispensed  with. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  461 

reason,  and  served  to  prove,  as  the  Democrats  from  the  first  had 
contended,  that  the  bulk  of  radical  legislation  was  revolutionary 
and  unconstitutional. 

But  notwithstanding  Presidential  and  judicial  reaction,  tha 
revolution  had  as  yet  such  momentum,  that  its  progress  was 
irresistible.  Negro  suffrage  for  the  Southern  States,  that  fondly 
anticipated  object  was  too  dear  in  radical  estimation  to  be  aban 
doned  at  the  dictation  of  the  defenders  of  the  Constitution. 
The  first  grand  move  for  its  attainment  had  been  a  fortunate 
one.  The  principle  had  been  forced  upon  the  Federal  District ; 
and  a  basis  of  operations  now  existed  to  make  inroads  into  other 
quarters.  The  organization  of  the  Territories  of  Nebraska  and 
Colorado  were  taken  up  in  this  session  of  Congress,  and  their 
admittance  into  the  Union  conditioned  upou  their  acceptance  of 
universal  suffrage.  The  imposition  of  this  condition  would  be 
the  forcible  overthrow  of  the  principle  which  had  heretofore 
universally  obtained,  as  regards  the  elective  franchise.  The 
determination  of  the  question  of  suffrage  had,  up  to  this  time, 
been  universally  deemed  the  province  of  the  people  of  the 
States ;  but  this  republican  principle  was  now  about  to  yield  to 
the  current  of  the  revolution  that  was  flooding  American  soiL 

The  overthrow  of  this  fundamental  dogma,  was  strongly  re 
sented  by  the  Democrats  and  the  Republican  Conservatives  in 
both  Houses  of  Congress  j  and  the  conscience  of  as  violent  a 
radical  as  Senator  Wade,  of  Ohio,  revolted  at  the  attempt  to 
reverse  this  cardinal  principle  of  the  Republic ;  and  which  had 
formed  one  of  its  corner-stones  since  the  foundation  of  the 
Government.  The  Ohio  Senator,  in  his  speech  on  the  Nebraska 
bill,  used  the  following  language : 

"I  do  not  know  what  right  you  have  to  say,  that  a  State  shall  be  ad 
mitted,  not  on  an  equality  with  every  other  State,  and  shall  not  be 
allowed  to  regulate  her  elective  franchise  as  she  pleases,  I  say  to  the 
gentleman  who  offers  this  amendment,  that  he  has  not  under  the  Consti 
tution,  as  yet  declared  anywhere,  that  the  General  Government  can  fix 
the  status  of  the  elective  franchise.  You  have  left  it  thus  far  with  the 
States.  The  Constitutional  Amendment  that  we  passed  last  year  left  it 
to  the  States — even  to  the  rebel  States,  to  regulate  it  for  themselves,  the 
only  restriction  being,  that  they  should  not  have  political  power  for 
those  of  their  population  whom  they  excluded  from  the  right  of  voting, 
Of  course,  I  am  as  much  for  the  principle  of  the  amendment  as  anybody 
else.  I  wish  the  word  white  were  excluded  from  the  Constitution  of  my 
own  State,  But  neither  you,  sir,  nor  I,  nor  this  Congress  can  do  it, 


4G3  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  We  have  no  power  here 
to  say  to  the  State  of  Ohio,  '  correct  this  error  in  your  Constitution,  or 
we  will  correct  it  for  you.'  Will  any  gentleman  contend  that  we  can 
doit?"* 

The  bills  for  the  admittance  of  Colorado  and  Nebraska  as 
States,  passed  the  two  Houses  of  Congress,  and  were  sent  to 
President  Johnson  for  his  approval,  which  he  declined  in  both 
cases  to  extend.  He  vetoed  these  bills,  basing  his  dissent  largely 
upon  the  attempted  enforcement  of  universal  suffrage  upon  the 
people  of  these  Territories,  which  he  stigmatised  as  an  infraction 
of  the  fundamental  principles  of  republican  government ;  yea, 
even  as  a  violation  of  the  Constitution.  In  the  case  of  Colorado, 
the  President  opposed  its  admittance  because  the  people  of  this 
Territory  had  themselves,  through  their  House  of  Kepresetatives, 
entered  their  protest  against  it.  He  severely  reflected  upon  the 
action  of  Congress,  as  regards  the  last  named  Territory,  stigma 
tising  it  a^  partaking  too  evidently  of  a  desire  to  admit  new 
States,  without  regard  to  principle,  for  the  political  advantages 
that  might  thereby  enure  to  the  revolutionists.  These  vetoes 
were  both  reconsidered  in  the  two  Houses  of.  Congress,  but  the 
President  having  disclosed  the  flimsy  claims  of  Colorado  for 
admittance  into  the  Union,  his  views  were  sustained.  Nebraska, 
however,  was  admitted  as  a  State  over  the  Presidential  veto. 

But  the  great  work  of  reconstruction  yet  demanded  the  atten 
tion  of  the  revolutionary  Congress.  The  man  to  lead  in  what 
necessitated  an  utter  repudiation  of  the  Constitution,  was  the 
one  who  had  heretofore  in  his  utterances,  been  the  most  regard 
less  of  that  instrument ;  and  who  had  openly  declared  that  the 
legislation  of  Co-ngress  regarding  the  Southern  States,  found 
its  support  outside  of  paper  compacts.  This  man  was  Mr.  Ste 
vens,  who,  since  the  Thirty-ninth  Congress,  stood  before  the 
country  as  the  leading  radical  in  the  Lower  House ;  and  who  must 
ever  figure  as  the  Corypheus  of  revolutionary  reconstruction,  and 
the  counterpart  of  Robespierre  upon  the  American  continent. 
As  a  skilled  general,  he  began  the  last  onset  by  a  feigned  move 
ment  in  the  submission  of  his  North  Carolina  Bill,  on  the  13th 
of  December,  1866  ;  and  which  was  simply  designed  to  gain  time, 
and  allow  public  sentiment  to  develop  itself  in  the  direction  he 
desired.  Congress,  in  view  of  the  popular  apprehension,  was  pre- 

*  Annual  Cyclopaedia,  for  1835,  pp.  143-9. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  403 

eluded,  as  yet,  from  adopting  any  radical  scheme  of  reconstruction ; 
inasmuch  as  but  four  States  of  the  South,  Texas,  Alabama,  Florida 
and  Georgia  had  up  to  this  time  passed  upon  the  Constitutional 
Amendment.  An  observer  at  "Washington  was  able  to  speak  of 
the  ]STorth  Carolina  Bill  in  the  following  words : 

"  The  bill  reported  by  Mr.  Stevens,  on  Thursday  last,  is  the  beginning 
of  the  inevitable  end"* 

Different  members  of  Congress,  since  the  opening  of  this 
session,  deeming  the  amendment  too  moderate,  had  introduced 
bills  looking  to  reconstruction  upon  the  radical  basis ;  but  all 
these  were  so  variant  that  it  was  difficult  to  see  how  unity  could 
be  evolved  from  their  conflicting  views.  Governor  Holden  and 
other  North  Carolinians,  had  conferred  with  Mr.  Stevens,  and 
aided  him  in  the  preparation  of  the  bill  he  submitted  for  the 
legal  rehabilitation  of  their  State.  But,  although  the  bill 
assumed  the  entire  overthrow  of  the  constitutional  'government 
of  the  State,  and  proposed  to  confer  a  qualified  suffrage  upon  all 
classes,  without  distinction  of  color,  who  could  read  and  write,  it 
was  far  from  meeting  the  views  of  its  proposer.  The  introduction 
of  this  bill  created  no  enthusiasm  in  the  breasts  of  those  who 
cherished  designs  more  revolutionary  than  it  proposed.  As  a 
consequence,  the  bantling  came  dead-born  into  earth's  sphere ; 
and  perished  unwept,  receiving  neither  the  sorrow  of  its  mater 
nal  progenitor,  nor  of  the  consanguineous  fraternity. 

But  the  real  movement  of  Mr.  Stevens,  the  arch  revolutionist 
in  Congress,  to  effect  the  reconstruction  of  the  Southern  States 
in  accordance  with  his  views,  began  fairly  on  the  3d  of  January, 
1867.  Disliking  the  bill  which  had  been  submitted  by  the  Re 
construction  Committee,  he  called  up  his  own  substitute  which 
he  sustained  in  one  of  his  ablest  speeches.  This  bill  of  Mr.  Stevens 
admitted  the  temporary  validity  of  the  Government  of  the  ten 
excluded  States,  and  conferred  upon  all  male  citizens  the  right  of 
suffrage ;  but  excluded  from  citizenship,  all  those  who  being  of 
full  age,  on  the  4th  of  March,  1861,  had  held  office  under  the 
Confederate  States,  or  who  had  sworn  allegiance  to  the  said  Gov 
ernment.  It  contained  a  plan  of  reconstructing  the  South,  that 
did  not  meet  the  approbation  of  quite  a  number  of  the  influential 
Abolitionists ;  but  it  served  suitably  as  a  subject  of  discussion 
before  Congress  and  the  nation.  This  bill  of  Mr.  Stevens  em- 

*Philadelphia  Press,  December  18th,  1806. 


464  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

bodied,  as  had  also  his  North.  Carolina  proposition,  liis  leading 
conception,  that  the  Confederate  Commonwealths  had  lost  their 
Statehood;  and  to  regain  vitality,  required  an  emenation  of 
power  from  the  pleroma  of  the  Rump  Congress.  This  feature 
of  his  bill  had  the  approbation  of  the  revolutionists  ;  and  the  dis 
cussion  on  their  part,  from  this  period,  was  mainly  confined  to 
the  terms  and  franchise  preliminaries  to  be  adopted. 

The  Stevens  Bill  having  been  modified  considerably  by  amend 
ments  find  otherwise,  again  came  up  in  the  House  on  January 
16th,  1867,  when  it  was  made  the  subject  of  a  spirited  discussion. 
Representative  Paine,  of  Wisconsin,  opened  the  debate  in  a  very 
bitter  attack  upon  Mr.  Stevens  for  proposing  to  recognize  as  valid 
the  existing  State  governments  of  the  South.  Mr.  Bingham,  of 
Ohio,  also  combatted  the  Stevens  bill  and  the  other  radical 
modes  of  reconstruction  that  had  been  proposed ;  and  declared 
that  honor  demanded  of  Congress,  that  it  adhere  to  its  proposi 
tion  made  to  the  South  in  its  Constitutional  Amendment.  lie 
moved  the  recommittment  of  the  Stevens  bill  to  the  Committee 
on  Reconstruction,  in  order  that  a  better  matured  measure  mis-lit 

o 

be  presented  for  the  consideration  of  Congress.  The  bill,  after 
having  been  modified,  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Recon 
struction. 

On  the  6th  of  February,  Mr.  Stevens,  from  this  committee, 
reported  a  new  "  bill  to  provide  for  the  more  efficient  govern 
ment  of  the  insurrectionary  States."  The  revolutionists,  by  this 
time,  were  coming  more  into  accord  in  their  views ;  and  time 
alone  was  needed  to  evolve  the  issue.  The  House  entered,  with 
out  delay,  upon  a  debate  on  this  bill,  which  lasted  for  several 
days.  The  last  measure  of  Mr.  Stevens,  entitled  the  Military  Bill, 
was  intended  to  set  aside  the  governments  of  the  Southern  States 
and  divide  them  into  five  districts,  over  each  of  which  the  General 
of  the  army  should  be  authorized  to  appoint  a  subordinate,  whose 
martial  rule,  in  his  special  division,  should  be  supreme.  The  bill 
proposed  the  complete  subordination  of  the  civil  to  military  law ; 
Jeft  the  Southern  States  without  representation ;  and  was  designed 
simply  as  a  preparative  for  ulterior  measures.  It  had  been  framed 
with  the  view  of  preparing  the  way  for  the  Louisiana  bill,*  which 

*The  Louisiana  Bill  embodied  the  conclusions  arrived  at  by  the  par 
tisan  committee  appointed  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  to  investi 
gate  the  New  Orleans  riots  of  July  30th,  1866.  Its  clear  object  was  to 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  403 

enfranchised  the  negroes,  but  which  virtually  disfranchised  the 
whites  of  the  South.  All  this  being  secured,  the  coveted  aim  of  the 
revolutionists  would  have  been  reached.  But  this  was  too  extreme, 
for  all  except  the  Stevens  radicals.  On  the  12th  of  February, 
James  G.  Elaine,  of  Maine,  moved  that  the  Military  Bill  be  re 
ferred  to  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary,  with  instructions  to 
report  back  a  provision  admitting  the  Southern  States,  upon  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitutional  Amendment,  with  suffrage  for  all, 
black  and  white.  This  amendment  was  to  the  effect  that  any 
rebel  State  adopting  the  Constitutional  amendment,  giving  the 
elective  franchise  to  its  citizens  without  respect  to  color,  and 
adopting  a  Constitution  ratified  by  all  its  legal  voters,  should  be 
declared  entitled  to  representation  in  Congress  ;•  and  that  from 
the  day  of  its  admission,  the  military  sections  of  the  bill 
should  be  inoperative  in  such  State.  It  did  not  strike  out  a  sin 
gle  section  of  the  Stevens  Bill,  but  simply  introduced  a  new 
issue  of  reconstruction.  The  Elaine  Amendment  was  defeated 
in  the  House,  upon  the  grounds  that  it  did  not  disfranchise 
any  of  the  rebel  leaders,  but  accorded  them  the  full  priv 
ilege  of  participating  in  the  work  of  reconstruction.  The 
intense  revolutionists  supported  the  Stevens  Bill,  almost  pure 
and  entire ;  only  the  moderate  Republicans  favoring  the  amend 
ment  offered  by  Mr.  Blaine.  As  a  consequence,  the  amendment 
was  defeated.  The  Military  Bill  of  Mr.  Stevens,  then  with 
slight  alterations,  en  the  13th  of  February,  obtained  the  sanction 
of  the  House,  by  a  vote  of  109  yeas  to  55  nays. 

The  Military  Bill,  after  this,  came  to  the  Senate  and  was  de 
bated  in  this  body  on  February  16th,  meeting  with  resolute 
opposition,  chiefly  on  the  ground  that  it  proposed  no  solution  of 
the  question  which  for  two  years  had  been  before  Congress  ;  and 
that  it  established  in  the  South  simply  the  rule  of  the  sword, 
without  containing  any  provisions  for  the  restoration  of  civil 
governments.  The  first  change  proposed  by  the  Senate,  was  the 
amendment  which  had  been  offered  in  the  House  by  Mr.  Blaine, 
but  by  that  body  rejected.  This  was  also  defeated  in  the  Senate, 


disfranchise  as  many  of  the  Southern  whites  as  pretexts  could  be  urged 
for  so  doing.  About  nineteen-twentieths  were  proposed  to  be  disfran 
chised  by  this  measure.  The  bill  was  the  production  of  Mr.  Eliot,  of 
Massachusetts,  on  whose  motion  tue  committee  had  been  raised  for  the 
investigation  of  the  said  riot.  It  was  introduced  into  the  Hou.^e  on  the 
llth  of  February,  and  passed  that  body  on  the  following  day. 


4CG  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

but  rather,  as  It  were,  for  parliamentary  purposes.  Senator 
Sherman  submitted  a  substitute  for  the  military  bill  of  Stevens, 
which  declared  that  no  legal  governments  exist  in  the  Confede 
rate  States,  divided  them  into  military  districts,  and  prohibited 
State  authority  from  interfering  with  military  orders.  The  sub 
stitute  differed  from  the  Stevens  Bill,  in  making  it  the  duty  of 
the  President  to  appoint  the  military  commanders,  and  in  par 
tially  making  the  Elaine  Amendment  the  basis  of  reconstruction. 
Military  authority,  by  the  Sherman  substitute,  was  made  supreme 
in  the  ten  unrepresented  States,  and  suffrage  conferred  upon  all 
classes,  without  distinction  of  race  or  color. 

The  democratic  resistance  to  the  revolutionary  movement, 
which  aimed  at  negro  suffrage  in  the  Southern  States,  like  as 
against  a  tide  of  destiny,  was  utterly  powerless.  Able  and 
argumentative  speeches  were  made  by  Senators  Davis,  Saulsbury, 
Ilendricks,  McDougal  and  others,  showing  the  un constitutionality 
of  such  legislation ;  but  all  logic  and  argumentation  were  vain, 
as  the  measure  with  but  slight  alteration  passed  as  submitted  by 
the  Ohio  Senator,  and  by  the  strong  vote  of  twenty-nine  yeas  to 
ten  nays.  "  Occasional,'7  in  the  Philadelphia  Press  of  February 
17th,  18GT,  upon  the  passage  of  the  Sherman  Bill,  wrote  as 
follows : 

"  This  Sabbath  morning  found  the  Republicans  of  the  United  States 
Senate,  after  a  session  of  eighteen  hours,  (except  a  rest  from  4>£  o'clock 
till  7  last  evening)  agreed  in  favor  of  the  substitute  of  Shermanr  of  Ohio, 
for  the  various  propositions  that  have  been  proposed  and  rejected," 

The  Sherman  Bill,  when  it  came  to  the  House  encountered  a 
fierce  opposition  from  Stevens,  Boutwell,  Stokes  and  other 
radicals,  on  the  grounds  that  it  provided  too  general  an  amnesty 
for  the  rebels,  and  that  it  would  permit  the  State  Governments 
in  the  South,  after  reconstruction,  to  fall  into  their  hands.  The 
object  of  these  men  was  to  secure  the  disfranchisement  of  as 
large  a  number  of  the  Southern  whites  as  possible,  in  order  that 
their  revolutionary  party  might  be  able  to  grasp  and  hold  the 
eceptre  in  the  South  by  means  -of  negro  suffrage.  Hence,  they 
greatly  favored  Mr,  Eliot's  bill  for  the  government  of  Louisiana, 
which  disfranchised  the  rebels,  as  it  were,  by  wholesale,  Mr,  Ste 
vens  and  his  friends,  as  a  consequence,  united  with  the  Democrats  in 
opposition  to  concurring  in  the  passage  of  the  Sherman  Bill  as 
it  came  from  the  Senate,  and  carried  a  Committee  of  Conf erenco, 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  467 

The  Senate  refused  a  conference,  and  insisted  on  its  amendments. 
The  House  now  adopted  two  important  amendments,  the  one 
offered  by  Mr.  Shellaberger,  and  the  other  by  Mr.  Wilson.  The 
first  was  to  the  effect,  that  until  the  rebel  States  were  admitted 
to  representation,  the  civil  governments  of  the  South  should  be 
purely  provisional ;  and  the  latter  declared,  that  no  person  ex 
cluded  from  office  by  the  Constitutional  Amendments,  shall  be 
permitted  to  take  part  in  the  re-organization  of  the  rebel 
States.  The  Sherman  Bill,  with  these  amendments  having 
passed  the  House,  was  sent  to  the  Senate  for  its  concurrence. 
This  latter  body  accepted  these  amendments  prepared  by  the 
House,  and  the  bill  was  passed  by  thirty-five  yeas  to  seven  nays. 
Even  Reverdy  Johnson,  of  Maryland,  as  an  acquiescent  vicar  of 
Bray,  at  the  last  hour  deserted  his  colors  for  those  of  the  enemy, 
and  swelled  the  Senatorial  roll  of  those  trampling  on  the  Consti 
tution  of  their  country. 

The  bill  encountered  the  usual  veto  of  the  President,  but  was 
repassed  by  both  Houses,  and  became  a  part  of  the  unconstitu 
tional,  revolutionary  legislation.  As  another  Argonautic  cruise, 
the  great  expedition  of  abolitionism  was  now  ended ;  and  the 
golden  fleece  of  their  hopes  was  grasped.  This  last  act  was  also 
viewed  as  the  philosopher's  stone,  which  would  transform  as  by 
magic,  the  emancipated  slaves  into  American  citizens,  capable  of 
preserving  republican  institutions.  This,  however,  was  simply 
the  ostensible  view  entertained  by  the  zealous,  hair-brained  fa 
natics,  who  had  deluded  themselves  into  the  belief  that  education 
could  metamorphose  barbarian  negroes  into  intelligent,  virtuous 
citizens.  The  deep,  crafty  schemers  of  the  Stevens  type,  enter 
tained  no  such  silly  conceptions,  but  they  bent  with  the  popular 
communistic  current  of  the  age,  and  sought  by  means  of  fraud 
and  hypocrisy  to  govern  the  unthinking  by  a  more  despotic 
tyranny  than  they  assumed  to  have  broken.  During  the  discus 
sion  of  the  reconstruction  measures,  Mr.  Stevens  made  no  con 
cealment  that  he  favored  the  enfranchisement  of  the  negroes,  in 
order  to  strengthen  his  party,  and  politically  enslave  the  Southern 
-whites.  This,  in  short,  was  the  great  object  of  the  intelligent 
revolutionists.  Stevens,  while  arguing  for  universal  suffrage, 
said : 

"The  white  Union  men  are  in  a  great  minority  in  each  of  those  States. 
"With  them  the  blacks  would  act  in  a  body  ;  and  it  is  believed  that  in 


4G8  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

each  of  said  States,  except  one,  the  two  united  would  form  a  majority, 
control  the  States,  and  protect  themselves.  *  *  *  It  would 
insure  the  ascendency  of  the  Union  party.  For  I  believe,  on  my  con 
science,  that  on  the  continued  ascendency  of  that  party,  depends  the 
safety  of  this  great  nation.  If  impartial  suffrage  is  excluded  in  the 
rebel  States,  then  every  one  of  them  is  sure  to  send  a  solid  rebel  repre 
sentative  delegation  to  Congress,  and  cast  a  solid  rebel  electoral  vote. 
They,  with  their  kindred  copperheads  of  the  North,  would  always  elect 
the  President  and  control  Congress.''* 

The  infamous,  wicked  and  diabolical  crime,  which,  the  sagacious 
revolutionists  knew  that  they  had  committed  against  civilization 
and  Southern  society,  fully  assured  them  of  the  counter  revolu 
tion  of  hate  and  retaliation,  which  would  consign  them  to  the 
bottomless  pit  of  American  rage  and  execration ;  unless  by  the 
votes  of  the  ignorant  negroes  and  whites,  they  should  be  able  to 
embank  with  success  against  the  recurrent  flood.  It  was 
rule  or  ruin  with  the  fanatical  party.  For  they  were  too  well 
aware,  that,  composing  as  they  did,  the  great  minority  of  the 
American  people,  a  day  of  retribution  would  confront  them  in 
all  its  horrible  solemnity.  To  hide,  therefore,  their  guilt  and 
escape  merited  detection,  they  preferred  the  downfall  of  consti 
tutional  republican  government,  with  all  its  attendant  calamities ; 
and,  as  if  to  prevent  forever  its  restoration,  they  re-opened  all  the 
flood-gates  of  ruin,  which  the-  wisdom  of  the  world  during  many 
centuries  had  been  engaged  in  closing. 

But  the  climax  of  the  revolution  was  now  reached.  The  Re 
public  of  the  fathers  was  fully  prostrated  in  the  Stevens-Sherman 
Reconstruction  Enactment  of  the  Rump  Congress ;  the  union  of 
consent  was  transformed  into  one  of  antagonism,  which  arms 
and  armies  united  ;  and  the  States  were  left  in  a  condition  of 
effervescence,  from  which  the  hand  of  the  Napoleonic  master 
may  alone  be  able  to  rescue  them.  Hypocritical  centralism  had 
trampled  over  constitutionalism  ;  but  it  was  the  creature  of  per- 
iidy,  fraud  and  dissimulation ;  and  lacked  the  bold  front  that 
seizes  the  reins  by  manly  entrepidity  and  moral  heroism.  As 
dastards  and  knaves,  the  revolutionists  had  subverted  and  trod 
den  under  foot  the  Magna-charta  of  their  country,  by  pandering 
to  the  low  insinuating  sentiments  of  the  time,  and  flinging  SODS 
to  the  multitude  ;  and  upon  the  ruins  of  constitutional  govern 
ment  were  rearing  a  despotism  more  odious  and  corrupt  than  the 

*  Annual  tyclopccdia  for  1867,  p.  207. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  4CO 

basest  absolutism  of  Asia.  The  Southern  States  were  consigned 
to  military  rule,  until  the  new  citizens  should  remodel  the  State 
Constitutions  in  conformity  with  the  mandates  of  the  Washing 
ton  dictators.  In  the  cataclysm  that  prostrated  Southern  society, 
constitutional  government  was  wholly  submerged ;  and  the  land 
of  the  Pinkneys,  Rutleges  and  Kandolphs  was  now  ready  to  be 
come  a  nest  of  unclean  birds.  The  political  buzzards  and  cor 
morants  of  the  Korth  had,  for  some  time,  been  scenting  the  fields 
of  putridity  in  which  to  gorge  their  insatiate  maws. 

In  the  wreck  of  society  that  befell  the  South  at  the  hands  of 
hypocrisy  and  fanaticism,  honor  and  virtue,  the  two  main  pillars 
of  free  government  were  broken  down,  and  chicanery  and  du 
plicity  substituted.  In  the  Xorth,  society  had  for  years  been 
bending  to  the  blasts  of  fraud  and  dissimulation  ;  and  it  was 
only  preserved  from  overthrow  by  the  high  Southern  tone* 
which  diffused  its  influence  from  the  Federal  centre  throughout 
the  Union.  This  being  mainly  cut  off  in  secession,  the  torrent 
of  corruption  began  at  once  audibly  to  roar ;  and  when  the  re- 
constructionists  had  ended  their  work,  it  was  rushing  with 
rapidity  as  a  swelling  stream.  It  was  giving  evident  tokens  that 
after  uniting  with  the  Southern  flood,  already  rising  from  recon 
struction,  it  would  become  the  great  river  upon  which  all  the 
communistic  later-day  craft  should  carry  the  soldiery  to  the  last 
battle  of  Democracy,  the  Armegeddon  of  the  new  world. 

The  preliminary  legislative  work  of  reconstruction  having  been 
mainly  completedf  for  the  subversion  of  the  State  Governments 
in  the  South ;  the  next  question  of  pressing  concern  with  the 
revolutionists,  was  how  best  to  entrarnmel  President  Johnson, 
and  circumscribe  his  official  power  by  every  means  within  their 
reach.  Ever  since  his  breach  with  them,  they  busied  themselves 
in  devising  plans  to  overcome  his  opposition,  and  undermine  his 
influence  A\ith  the  people.  During  this  session  of  Congress,  in 
accordance  with  his  resolution  in  the  preliminary  caucus,  Mr. 
Stevens,  the  great  enemy  of  the  President,  introduced  into  the 
House  a  bill  to  regulate  removals  from  office.  A  bill  with  simi 
lar  purpose,  introduced  at  the  previous  session,  was  also  consid- 

*  Southern  society,  owing  to  its  class  subordination,  naturally  produced 
a  higher  tone  of  sentiment  than  the  North  has  ever  been  able  to  exhibit. 

f  Two  supplementary  Reconstruction  Bills  were  subsequently  passed, 
which  were  designed  for  carrying  into  effect  the  provisions  of  the 
Stevens-Sherman  Bill. 


470  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

ered,  arid  after  having  gone  through  the  process  of  emendation, 
passed  the  House.  Being  taken  up  in  the  Senate,  the  concurrence 
of  this  body  was  likewise  secured.  It  afterwards  came  to  the 
President  for  his  approval  or  dissent.  The  bill,  as  it  passed  both 
Houses,  precluded  the  President  from  removing,  of  his  own 
authority,  officials;  and  requiring  the  assent -of  the  Senate  to 
render  his  removals  valid,  in  like  manner,  as  to  confirm  their 
appointments. 

This  was  another  unprecedented  stretch  of  legislation,  and  of 
itself  evinced  the  revolutionary  character  of  the  men  who  domi 
nated,  regardless  of  reason  and  law,  in  the  Congress  of  the 
nation.  The  President  vetoed  the  bill  lo  deprive  him  of  the 
authority  legally  vested  in  him  as  the  Federal  Executive ;  and  the 
legitimacy  of  which  had  never  been  validly  questioned  since  1789, 
in  the  sitting  of  the  first  Congress,  after  the  formation  of  the 
Constitution.  But  this  onslaught  upon  Presidential  authority, 
was  the  effort  of  pure  partisans,  who  were  bent  upon  wresting 
all  power  from  their  own  Chief  Magistrate,  because  they  dis 
covered  that  he  entertained  greater  regard  for  his  oath  of  office, 
than  for  the  promotion  of  their  revolutionary  designs.  Presi 
dent  Johnson  strongly  disputed  the  right  of  Congress  to  abridge 
his  power  to  dismiss,  at  his  own  option,  any  subordinate  official 
for  the  performacne  of  whose  duty  he,  as  the  head  of  the  Gov 
ernment,  was  responsible.  All  his  predecessors  had  exercised 
the  power  of  dismissing  authoritatively,  and  without  question,  any 
of  their  official  subordinates ;  and  it  was  one  which  the  framers 
of  the  Government  deemed  the  indispensable  right  of  the  officer 
who  filled  the  Presidential  Chair.  The  bill  was,  however,  re 
considered  ;  and  having  passed  both  Houses  over  the  veto,  was 
enrolled  amongst  the  national  statutes. 


POLITICAL,  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  471 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

THE  AFRICANIZATION  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

The  soul  of  the  fanatics  being  fixed  upon  the  total  revolution 
•of  Southern  Society,  before  the  adjournment  of  the  Thirty- 
ninth  Congress,  it  was  determined  to  convene  at  once  the  new 
one,  in  order  to  have  the  supervisory  eye  of  radicalism  over  the 
Presidential  oecijmnt.  and  the  working  of  the  favorite  legisla 
tion.  Accordingly,  the  Fortieth  Congress  assembled  on  the  -ith 
of  March,  immediately  following  the  dissolution  of  the  former 
representative  bodies.  It  was  soon  apparent  to  the  keen  percep 
tion  of  the  managers,  that  additional  features  must  be  impressed 
upon  the  Sherman-Stevens  Reconstruction  Act  of  March  2d, 
1867,  in  order  to  secure  the  coveted  objects  of  the  friends  of 
that  measure.  A  supplementary  bill  was  therefore  prepared, 
and  passed  both  Houses  of  Congress,  directing  the  registration 
of  the  voters  in  the  Southern  States,  and  the  other  auxiliary 
particulars  hitherto  overlooked  by  the  legislators.  This  supple 
ment  to  the  Reconstruction  Act,  also  met  the  opposition  of  a 
Presidential  veto,  but  on  the  23d  of  March  it  became  a  law  in 
the  usual  method  as  had  its  congenital  associates. 

President  Johnson,  although  disapproving  the  revolutionary 
legislation,  which  was  to  subvert  the  State  Governments  of  the 
South,  and  overturn  the  whole  social  system  of  that  section, 
acquies:ed,  nevertheless,  as  the  Executive  representative  of  the 
nation,  and  took  such  action  as  the  anti-constitutional  enactments 
demanded.  The  ten  States  subjected  to  military  despotism  were 
divided  into  five  districts,*  over  each  of  which  the  President 

*The  State  of  Virginia  formed  the  first  of  these  districts;  North  and 
South  Carolina  the  second;  Alabama,  Florida  and  Georgia  the  third; 
Arkansas  and  Mississippi  the  fourth;  and  Louisiana  and  Texas  the  fifth. 
Considerable  exchanging  of  the  military  commanders  of  these  districts 
place.  General  Hancock  was  substituted  for  General  Sheridan, 


472  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

appointed  a  General  of  the  army,  as  the  law  required  of  him. 
For  i\\Q  first  of  these  districts,  J.  M.  Schofield  was  selected; 
over  the  second,  Daniel  E.  Sickles  ;  in  the  third,  General  Pope ; 
to  the  fourth,  General  Ord ;  and  General  Sheridan  was  assigned 
to  the  command  of  the  fifth  district. 

The  principles  of  republicanism  were  found  altogether  inade 
quate  for  the  work  which  the  revolutionists  were  determined  to 
eifect ;  and  those  of  oriental  empires  were  substituted  by  men 
striving  for  ideal  equality,  and  the  enlarged  liberalism  of  social 
istic  Europe.  But  it  was  inconsistent,  an d  wholly  unphilanthropic, 
to  iind  men,  who  professed  to  be  the  friends  of  republican  liberty, 
entirely  ignoring,  as  it  were,  the  results  of  freedom ;  and  even 
supplanting  these  by  means  of  viler  tyranny  and  more  despotic 
usurpation  than  the  people  of  America  ever  witnessed.  Civil 
law  all  through  the  South  was  compelled  to  descend  from  its 
ancient  seat,  at  the  nod  of  military  satraps,  who  were  clothed 
with  an  authority,  which  no  constitutional  power  in  America  was 
able  to  confer.  The  rule  of  the  sword  which  modern  civilization 
had  laid  aside,  was  substituted  by  legislators  in  order  to  force 
upon  an  unwilling  people,  measures  against  which,  reason  and  the 
sensibilities  of  the  Caucasian  race,  revolted. 

A  system  of  intolerance  was  inaugurated  in  the  Southern 
States,  under  the  pretence  of  law,  which  found  no  warrant,  save 
in  the  enthusiastic  zeal  of  despots,  who,  Gessler-like,  could  im 
prison  their  countrymen  for  differing  with  them  in  political  opin 
ions  ;  and  giving  evidence  of  that  difference  by  some  unguarded 
remarks  or  incautious  exhibitions  of  the  feelings  of  freemen.  It 
was  but  natural  that  the  Southern  people  should  resent  treat 
ment,  designed  to  crush  their  free  and  independent  spirit;  render 
them  down-trodden  serfs  of  barbarian  negroes;  and  enchain  them 
to  the  car  of  revolutionary  oppression,  from  which  it  should  for 
years  be  impossible  to  rescue  them.  Governors  of  States,  Judges 
of  the  courts,  and  other  officials  in  the  South,  were  removed 


with  great  profit  to  the  oppressed  Southern  people ;  General  E.  R.  S. 
Canby  for  General  Daniel  E.  Sickles,  with  some  advantage  ;  General 
McDowell  for  General  Ord,  with  no  loss,  and  General  Meade  took  the 
place  of  General  Pope,  no  special  gain,  however,  being  realized.  Gen 
eral  Schofield  was  honorably  relieved  by  being  invited  to  assume  the 
higher  post  of  Secretary  of  War.  General  Stoneman  was  then  assigned 
to  the  command  of  the  first  district. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  473 

from  their  places  by  military  dictators,-'  who  were  base  enough 
as  to  sink  their  manhood  in  subserviency  to  arbitrary  power ;  and 
in  the  execution  of  authority  with  which,  as  they  were  well 
aware,  the  Constitution  of  their  country  had  never  clothed  them. 
Suppliant  tools  of  despotism,  whom  the  people  of  the  South  de 
spised,  were  foisted  into  place  and  position  by  Generals  Sheridan, 
Sickles  and  other  appointees  of  the  Federal  Government. 

A  fermentation  f  of  sentiment  began  in  the  South,  with  the 
appointment  of  the  Federal  satraps,  and  the  inauguration  of 
measures  for  the  reconstruction  of  the  Southern  States.  Meet 
ings  of  the  native  whites  assembled  together  for  consultation  all 
over  the  South.  Assemblages  of  the  negroes  and  of  the  unchi- 
valric  whites,  inspired  by  the  latter,  soon  commenced  also  to  be 
held  in  different  States,  and  resolutions  were  adopted  at  these, 
which  were  fully  in  accord  with  the  views  of  the  most  extreme 
anti-slavery  men  of  the  Xorth.  Xo  other  result  could  be 
expected,  than  that  the  newly  enfranchised  race  would  sympathise 
with  and  attach  itself,  in  a  body  to  that  party,  to  which  it  owed 
its  freedom  and  the  right  of  suffrage.  The  boon  of  liberty  and 
American  citizenship  appeared  to  the  untutorel  African,  as  of 

*Jen.  S!  ei'idan  removed  Governors  Throckmorton,of  Texas,  and  Wells, 
of  Louisiana.  Gov.  Jenkins,  ot  Georgia,  was  removed  by  Gen.  Meade  ; 
and  Gov.  Humphreys,  of  Mississippi,  was  removed  by  Gen.  McDowell. 
The  removal  ot  other  officers  would  near  fill  a  volume. 

f  Movements  were  inaugurated,  in  April,  1867,  in  Georgia  and  Mississ 
ippi,  to  test  before  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  the  constitu- 
tiOiiality  of  the  reconstruction  legislation,  which  would,  unless  checked, 
subvert  the  State  Governments  in  the  South.  The  Supreme  Judicial 
Tribunal,  was  now  become  the  last  hope  of  the  Southern  people,  to  resist 
the  flood  of  revolution,  which  was  about  to  cover  thtm  with  the  putrid 
filth  of  negro  supremacy.  Applications  were  made  on  behalf  of  these 
States  to  file  bills  for  injunctions  to  restrain  the  President,  as  the  repre 
sentative  of  the  Government,  from  executing  laws  oiious  to  him 
self  and  to  the  white  people  of  the  South.  But  the  Supreme  Court, 
before  this  period,  had  become  a  target  of  abuse  for  the  revolutionary 
faction  that  held  the  reins  of  power ;  and  its  present  existence  depended 
upon  the  will  of  Congress.  It  was,  therefore,  impotent  to  resist  the 
legislation,  even  though  unanimously  opposed  to  it.  But  besides,  a 
minority  of  its  members  belonged  to  the  political  party,  which  favored 
the  legislation  offensive  to  the  South.  Tne  Court,  therefore,  determined 
that  it  had  no  power  to  consider  the  reconstruction  laws,  and  thence  dis 
missed,  lor  want  of  jurisdiction,  the  applications  for  the  bills  of  injunc 
tion.  It  would  seem  not  difficult  to  account  for  such  a  decision,  or  to 
estimate  its  value,  when  made  by  a  Courc  that  could  decide  the  Legal 
Tender  Bill  unconstitutional ;  and  in  less  than  two  years  afterwards  re 
verse  that  same  decision,  which  it  had  so  solemnly  pronounced.  The 
]  eriod,  however,  had  arrived  in  the  history  of  the  country,  when  the 
fanatics  were  able  to  do  what  Daniel  Webster  predicted,  that  they  would 
do  after  their  advent  to  power  :  they  were  able  to  set  the  Supreme  Court 
at  defiance. 


474  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

infinite  consequence ;  and  his  devotion  to  his  new  masters  became 
at  once  as  servile  and  adulatory,  as  it  had  been  in  his  former  condi 
tion  of  slavery.  lie  served  therefore,  admirably  as  the  instru 
ment  in  the  hands  of  the  dextrous  politician  to  grasp  what 
otherwise  would  have  been  impossible  to  obtain.  Political  man 
ipulation  in  the  South  became  a  sort  of  mutual  admiration  school 
for  corrupt  office-seekers  and  ignorant  negroes.  The  one  could 
flatter  the  emancipated  blacks  upon  the  results  of  the  war,  and 
their  great  efficiency  and  aid  in  contributing  to  the  same ;  whilst 
the  other,  in  turn,  could  obsequiously  acquiesce  in  the  dictates  of 
the  new  rulers,  and  help  them  to  such  posts  of  distinction  as 
they  especially  coveted. 

But  the  condition  in  which  the  Southern  whites  of  the  old 
ruling  class  now  found  themselves,  was  deplorable  in  the  extreme. 
Bred  in  sentiments  of  honor  and  high-toned  chivalry,  they  were 
unable  to  brook  the  reflection  of  universal  suffrage  in  their 
midst ;  and  that  their  former  slaves,  who  were  just  released  from 
servitude,  should  be  recognized  as  equals  with  themselves  upon 
the  political  arena.  Investigation  and  observation  had  satisfied 
many  persons,  not  only  in  the  South  but  also  in  the  North,  that 
republican  government  ran  a  hazardous  risk  of  loosing  its  equipoise 
even  with  unlimited  Caucasian  suffrage.  But,  to  throw  all  the 
negroes  into  the  political  scale,  without  the  least  preparation  for 
citizenship,  was  risking  an  extreme  which  conservatism  would 
never  have  ventured.  The  plunge,  however,  having  been  made, 
large  numbers  of  the  people  of  the  South  were  in  the  utmost 
quandary  to  know  how  to  act  in  the  altered  situation  of  affairs. 
Many,  impressed  with  the  belief  that  republican  government 
was  fully  ended,  resolved  to  perform  no  part  in  the  political 
drama,  which  was  to  be  enacted  for  the  restoration  of  civil  gov 
ernment  in  the  South,  and  in  accordance  with  the  revolutionary 
programme.  They  felt  amply  sustained  in  their  views,  when 
they  called  to  mind  the  numerous  predictions  of  the  early  states 
men  of  the  Republic,  who  looked  forward  to  a  civil  war,  as  the 
event  which  would  end  free  government  within  the  limits  of  the 
American  Union.  But,  though  these  were  the  sentiments  and 
opinions  of  a  large  and  intelligent  class  of  the  Southern  people, 
another  portion  of  them,  differing  little  from  the  former  in 
many  of  their  views,  believed,  nevertheless,  that  duty  to  them-  ' 
selves  and  to  their  section,  demanded  of  them,  that  they  should 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  475 

continue  to  straggle  for  their  rights  in  the  midst  of  all  their 
difficulties ;  and  that  quiescence  in  the  new  movements  inaugu- 
jateJ  in  their  midst,  would  be  fatal  to  all  their  hopes  as  citizens 
of  a  common  country.  This  class  of  the  Southern  people  reso 
lutely  placed  their  shoulders  to  the  wheel,  resolved  to  do  their 
utmost  to  save  their  States  from  the  deplorable  fate,  which  negro 
suffrage  had  in  store  for  all  of  those  that  should  be  submerged 
by  the  flood  of  lilth  ready  to  be  let  loose  upon  them. 

The  several  military  commanders,  in  accordance  with  their 
requirements,  appointed  Boards  of  Registration  in  their  different 
districts,  whose  duty  it  should  be,  to  cause  an  enrollment  to  be 
made  of  the  old  and  new  citizens,  qualified  to  vote  under  the 
reconstruction  schedule.  They  also,  in  general  orders,  named 
the  times  when  elections  should  take  place  in  the  several  States 
to  determine  upon  the  calling  of  conventions,  to  revise  and  alter 
the  Constitutions  of  these  States,  and  also  to  choose  delegates  to 
the  said  conventions,  Auxiliary  Boards  of  Registration  were 
likewise  appointed  throughout  every  State  of  the  South  to  be 
reconstructed ;  which  boards  were  to  act  in  subordination  to  the 
principal  tribunal  selected  in  each  State  by  the  military  autocrats 
of  the  various  districts.  The  registration  of  voters,  which  was 
made  in  all  the  Southern  States,  was  purely  a  work  of  political 
partisanship,*  engineered  in  the  interests  of  that  party  which 
secured  the  passage  of  the  laws,  under  which  the  proceedings 
were  held.  The  negroes  were  enrolled  as  voters  by  wholesale, 
but  the  frown  of  power  rested  upon  every  applicant  for  regis 
tration,  whose  countenance  indicated  that  suspicious  descent,  that 
was  likely  to  revolt  against  any  intimate  contact  with  the  sud 
denly  elevated  children  of  Ham.  Every  member  of  the  sus 
pected  race,  must  either  bear  evident  marks  of  soul-degredation, 
or  prove  his  allegiance  to  the  party  of  revolution,  before  he 
could  have  his  name  uncontestedly  recorded  as  a  legal  voter  in 
his  State.  All  those  making  application  for  registration,  and  not 
possessing  the  characteristics  agreeable  to  radicalism,  were  sub 
jected  to  an  ordeal  of  scrutiny,  that  was  sufficient  to  deter  all 
save  the  boldest  from  the  undertaking. 


*  The  Anti-Slavery  standard  confessed  as  follows  :  "  The  managers  of 
the  Republican  party  rely  entirely  on  the  rebel  States  to  elect  Gen.  Grant. 
*  *  *  It  is  planned  to  admit  the  Southern  States  on  the  well  un 
derstood  condition,  that  they  vote  the  Republican  ticket,  no  matter  what 
name  that  ucket  bears." — Quoted  in  the  NewYork  Herald  of  Jan.  9,  1868. 


470  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

But  registration  being  now  the  all  important  particular  to 
be  considered  in  the  work  of  reconstruction,  this  .matter  was 
scrutinized  and  watched  by  the  radicals  with  the  all  considerative 
care  of  devoted  politicians.  After  the  adjournment  of  the 
special  session  of  the  Fortieth  Congress,  in  the  Spring  of  1867, 
danger  was  at  once  manifest,  when  the  putting  in  force  of  the 
reconstruction  laws  became  a  question  of  Executive  Ad;ninistra- 
tion.  Certain  doubtful  points  of  the  law  were  submitted  by 
President  Johnson  to  his  Attorney-General,  for  an  opinion  that 
should  form  a  guide  upon  the  matters  in  dispute.  This  officer, 
having  thoroughly  considered  the  questions  in  controversy,  on 
the  12th  of  June  gave  an  elaborate  opinion  upon  the  law,  and 
one  which  aroused  the  fears  of  the  revolutionists,  and  induced 
them  again  to  buckle  on  their  armor  for  a  new  contest  with  the 
Administration.  If  this  opinion  of  the  law  officer  of  the  Gov 
ernment  were  permitted  to  be  accepted  as  the  true  intepretation 
of  the  law,  they  perceived  that  they  would  be  unable  to  secure 
the  reconstruction  of  the  South  in  the  interests  of  their  party ; 
and  this  desired  result,  in  radical  estimation,  must  be  secured  at 
all  hazards.  Altogether  too  small  a  number  of  Confederates 
would  be  excluded  from  the  ballot-box,  the  official  opinion  being 
permitted  to  obtain  as  the  interpretation  of  the  Government. 
Clamor  arose  over  the  whole  North,  in  opposition  to  the  views 
of  Mr.  Stansberry,  and  110  other  remedy  was  feasible  save  in  the 
re-assembling  of  Congress,  and  in  the  passage  of  another  supple 
mental  bill,  that  should  nullify  the  newiy  submitted  interpretation. 
On  the  3d  of  July,  1807,  therefore,  both  Houses  of  Congress 
assembled  in  overwhelming  numbers,  determined  to  give  recon 
struction  a  different  turn  from  what  the  Administration,  under 
the  advice  of  the  Attorney-General,  was  inclined  to  do.  A 
declaratory  act,  as  it  was  called,  was  passed  a-t  this  special  session 
of  Congress,  and  became  a  law  over  the  usual  veto  of  the  Presi 
dent.  This  act  was  declaratory,  however,  only  in  name,  as  addi 
tions,  new  in  nature,  character  and  effect,  were  clearly  and  palpa 
bly  made  to  what  had  already  been  enacted  on  the  subject  of 
reconstruction.  The  principal  points  made  more  clear  in  the  Act 
of  July  19th,  were  the  enunciation  of  the  entire  and  complete 
suppremacy  of  the  military  power  throughout  the  whole  South 
ern  country ;  the  enlargement  of  the  power  of  the  military 
commanders ;  and  that  the  Boards  of  Registration  should  havo 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  477 

the  fullest  latitude  of  investigation,  and  the  power  of  rejecting 
whomsoever  they  deemed  proper.  Senator  Buckalew,  afterwards 
speaking  of  this  legislation  and  of  the  revolutionists,  said : 

"They  carried  on  the  whole  proceeding  of  reconstruction  with  refer 
ence  to  party  advantages."  * 

Registration,  after  the  passage  of  this  Act,  proceeded  with 
vigor ;  and  the  negroes  were  enrolled  by  the  grossly  partisan 
boards,  with  great  satisfaction,  as  the  individuals  who  should 
sanction  by  their  votes  the  decrees  of  the  revolutionary  bodies. 
In  many  parts  of  the  South,  injustice  of  the  most  rank  character 
was  perpetrated  upon  the  rights  of  the  white  people,  who  were 
fairly  entitled  to  be  registered  and  permitted  to  vote.  Numerous 
classes  of  persons,  by.no  means  disqualified  to  register;  such  as 
sextons  of  churches,  and  petty  officers  of  municipalities  were  re 
jected  upon  flimsy  pretences,  as  disloyal  and  to  be  excluded  from 
the  rights  of  citizenship.  After  this  part  of  the  programme 
had  been  completed,  it  was  found  that  the  negroes  upon  the 
registry  outnumbered  the  whites  in  nearly  every  one  of  the 
Southern  States ;  and  that  thus  the  triumph  of  radicalism  was 
assured.  In  two  of  these  States  the  black  population  considera 
bly  exceeded  the  white,  which  gave  the  former  the  political 
control  in  them,  even  though  none  of  the  latter  had  been  dis 
franchised  for  participation  in  the  rebellion.  Many  of  the  whites 
refused  to  register,  because  they  were  unwilling  to  endure  the 
ordeal,  that  was  necessary  to  be  encountered,  before  the  partisan 
boards  that  were  authorized  to  pass  upon  their  qualifications  as 
citizens  of  their  States.  The  necessity  imposed  upon  them,  by 
the  revolutionary  Congress,  seemed  unjustly  to  require  of  them 
a  degredation  of  their  manhood,  to  which  as  freemen,  educated 
in  schools  of  honor,  they  were  unwilling  to  submit.  As  chiv- 
alric  members,  therefore,  of  an  overturned  republic,  they  pre 
ferred  to  endure  the  injustice  of  political  ostracism,  rather  than 
to  be  guilty  of  the  meanness  of  crouching  before  the  tribunals, 
which  radicalism  had  set  up;  and  ignobly  struggling  for  the 
privilege  of  being  re-clothed  with  that  citizenship  of  which  bar 
barian,  negroes  were  not  deemed  unworthy.  Quite  a  number  of 
the  leading  men  were  clearly  disfranchised  by  the  legislation  of 
Congress ;  and  many  who  were  not,  perceived  that  their  registra 
tion  could  no  longer  save  their  States  from  the  horrors  of  negro 

*  New  York  World,  September  28th,  18G7. 


473  4  REVIEW  OF  THE 

domination.  Being  unable,  therefore,  to  interpose  effective  re 
sistance,  they  were  compelled  to  permit  the  Juggernaut  of  negro 
suffrage,  unchecked,  to  take  its  course  and  prostrate  the  State 
Governments  of  the  South  in  one  common  ruin.  As  doubts, 
also,  were  entertained  as  regarded  the  parties  who  were  clearly 
entitled  to  register,  these  were  seized  upon  by  political  mounte 
banks,  as  admirable  means  to  deter  large  numbers  of  the  white 
people  from  registering.  It  was  given  out  from  high  quarters 
that  all  would  be  prosecuted  whom  the  courts  should  afterwards 
determine  not  to  have  been  entitled  to  be  registered  as  voters. 
An  oath  was  also  exacted  of  all  candidates  for  registration,  which 
was  designed  to  exclude  from  the  polls  as  large  a  number  as 
possible. 

But  the  registration,  such  as  it  was,  being  at  length  completed 
by  the  boards  having  charge  of  the  matter,  the  military  com 
manders,  by  general  orders,  afterwards  fixed  the  times  when 
elections  should,  take  place  in  each  State,  to  determine  whether 
the  novel  yeomanry,  would  favor  or  disapprove  of  the  calling  of 
conventions  to  alter,  according  to  the  prearranged  schedule,  the 
several  State  Constitutions.  It  was  likewise  ordered,  that  dele 
gates  to  the  contemplated  conventions  should  be  voted  for ;  and 
where  conventions  were  carried,  these  bodies  in  due  time  should 
be  convened  in-  their  respective  States.  In  the  elections  thus 
fixed,  the  polls  were  directed  to  be  kept  open  during  several 
days,  in  order,  as  it  was  urged,  to  allow  the  new  voters  a  fairer 
opportunity  to  express  their  desires  for  or  against  the  conven 
tions. 

After  the  registration  of  the  several  Southern  States  had  been 
completed,  orders  were  then  given  that  careful  revisions  should 
be  made ;  and  that  the  Registry  Boards  should  strike  from  the 
lists,  all  whom  they  should  determine  to  be  unqualified  to  exer 
cise  the  right  of  suffrage.  This  was  an  admirable  safety-valve, 
in  the  control  of  expert  politicians,  by  means  of  which  to  allow 
all  the  superfluous  vapor,  in  the  shape  of  white  majorities,  to 
pass  off  without  endangering  the  carefully  constructed  machinery 
of  radicalism,  that  was  to  carry  the  nation  into  the  happy  regions 
of  African  bliss.  When  this  expunging  process  was  with  sagac 
ious  skill  completed,  the  constitutional  elections  began  to  take 
place,  one  after  another,  with  similar  results.  These  elections 
were  held  in  the  different  States  from  September,  1867,  until 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA,  470 

February  in  the  following  year.  In  most  of  the  States,  few 
voted  at  these  elections  except  the  negroes,  and  also  a  small  num 
ber  of  whites,  chiefly  emigrants  from  the  North*  The  negroes 
and  their  associate  whites,  voted  almost  without  exception  for  the 
conventions.*  A  stronger  conservative  vote  was  polled  in  Vir 
ginia  than  in  any  of  the  Southern  States,  In  this  State,  out  of 
one  hundred  and  sixty-nine  thousand  votes  cast,  sixty-one  thous- 
sand  opposed  the  calling  of  a  convention  to  alter  the  Constitu 
tion,  In  most  of  the  other  States,  only  a  comparatively  small 
vote  was  cast  against  the  conventions ;  in  several  of  them,  not 
over  the  one-tenth  of  the  votes  cast.  The  great  body  of  the 
whites  chose  to  absent  themselves  from  the  polls. 

The  delegates  elected  to  these  conventions  were  composed 
chiefly  of  unknown  men,  both  white  and  colored.  Neither 
character  nor  intellectual  worth  were  considered  in  the  selection 
of  the  individuals  who  were  to  re-frame  the  prostrated  fabric  of 
the  American  Union.  Men  of  wealth  and  distinguished  consid 
eration  were  defeated  in  these  elections ;  and  obscure,  corrupt 
personages  were  chosen  to  fill  the  seats,  that  had  been  honored 
by  the  ablest  and  purest  patriots  to  whom  America  had  given 
birth.  As  an  example,  Judge  Alexander  Hives,  of  Albemarle 
County,  Virginia,  a  man  of  intelligence,  wealth  and  position  in 
society,  was  defeated  as  a  delegate  to  the  proposed  convention  of 
the  State,  by  an  ignorant  negro.  In  Mecklenburg  County,  a 
negro,  who  was  unable  to  read  or  write,  and  who  had  repeatedly 
been  tarnished  in  his-  passage  through  Courts  of  Justice,  was 
elected  a  delegate  over  a  respectable  citizen,  A  violent  partisan 
named  Hunnicutt,  the  corruptly  accused  Underwood,  an  Irish 
man  by  the  name  of  Morrisey  and  two  negroes,  were  the  dele 
gates  elected  from  the  City  of  Richmond,  A  class  of  leaders- 

**'  The  negroes  were  eveiy where  driven  to  the  polls  by  the  chiefs  of 
the  Union  League  Councils.  The  day  before  the  election,  radical  agents 
traveled  through  Montgomery  country,  and  summoned  the  blacks  tc* 
come  to  the  city  and  vote,  telling  them  that  General  Swain  had  ordered 
them  to  do  so,  and  would  punish  them  if  they  d.d  not.  On  the  afternoon 
before  the  day  of  election,  thousands  of  negroes  marched  into  Mont 
gomery  in  regularly  organized  regiments,  each  man  bearing  arms  ;  and 
at  night  they  camped  around  the  city  as  a  besieging  army.  The  danger 
of  a  disturbace  was  so  great  that  the  military  authorities  ordered  them 
to  be  disarmed.  Ten  per  cent,  of  the  negroes  who  voted  could  not  now 
tell,  and  indeed  never  knew,  -the  name  on  the  ballot  which  they  deposited 
in  the  box  ;  they  acted  simply  in  obedience  to  the  instructions  of  the 
Bureau  agents,  without  the  faintest  glimmering  of  an  idea  of  what  they 
were  doing," — Corespondent  from  Alabania  to  Nr  Y.  World,  Nov. 
18G7, 


480  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

were  thrown  to  the  surface  over  the  whole  South,  such  as  had 
been  only  the  product  of  the  raging  sea  of  French  sans  cidottistn. 
The  Parson  Brownlows,  and  others  of  like  revolutionary  princi 
ples,  took  the  places  that  had  been  occupied  by  the  Washingtons, 
Jeffersons,  Madisons,  Clays  and  Calhouns  of  the  pure  days  of  the 
Republic.  A  considerable  number  of  the  delegates  chosen  to 
these  conventions,  were,  as  one  correspondent  declared,  "  black 
as  Nox  and  Erebus."  In  more  than  one  State  the  sable  dele 
gates  were  able  to  count  a  majority. 

But  the  great  Webster  himself  had  now  been  outstripped,  in 
the  school  of  modern  communistic  progress.  His  eagle  vision 
had  never  discerned  the  coining  millenium  of  negro  govern 
ment,  which  should  render  perfect  the  weakness  of  Caucasian 
rule.  When  anticipating  the  downfall  of  the  Republic,  he  had 
been,  unable  to  see  the  future  made  happy,  by  the  contrivances 
which  Stevens,  Sumner,  Phillips,  and  their  allies  devised.  His 
soul-solicitous  inquiries,  however,  were  answered  in  the  constitu 
tional  elections  that  had  taken  place  in  the  South.  The  men  were 
already  chosen  who,  in  fanatical  estimation,  were  to  supplement 
the  deficiencies  of  the  framers  of  our  Government,  and  do  what, 
as  the  expounder  of  the  Constitution  declared  in  the  following 
words,  to  be  the  difficult  problem.  "  Who,"  said  he,  "  shall  re 
construct  the  fabric  of  demolished  Government  ?  Who  shall 
rear  a<rain  the  well-proportioned  columns  of  constitutional  lib 
erty  ?  Who  shall  frame  together  the  skillful  architecture  which 
unites  National  Sovereignty  with  State  Rights,  individual  security 
and  public  prosperity  ?  Now  if  these  columns  shall  fall  they 
will  be  reared  not  again.  Like  the  Coliseum  and  the  Parthenon, 
they  will  be  destined  to  a  melancholly  and  mournful  immortality. 
Bitterer  tears,  however,  will  flow  over  them  than  were  ever  shed 
on  the  monuments  of  Roman  and  Grecian  art,  for  they  will  be 
the  remnants  of  a  more  glorious  edifice  than  Greece  or  Rome  ever 
saw,  the  edifice  of  constitutional  liberty." 

From  the  first  arrival  of  the  military  commanders  in  their 
several  districts  in  the  South,  a  period  of  turmoil  and  confusion 
was  experienced,  which  baffles  all  efforts  of  the  pen  fairly  to 
depict.  The  demoniac  spirit  of  intolerance  exhibited  by  Gen 
erals  Sheridan,  Sickles,  and  other  military  rulers  towards  the 
people,  over  whom  they  were  commissioned  to  bear  sway,  was 
sufficient  to  goad  the  most  pacific  populations  to  resistance ;  and 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  4S1 

implant  in  the  breasts  of  all  of  them  feelings  of  hatred  and 
deep-seated  rancor.  Could  a  nation  of  people  calmly  stand  by, 
and  endure  the  removal  of  their  own  legally  elected  officials, 
from  the  highest  almost  to  the  lowest,  and  see  their  places  filled 
by  hated  individuals,  whose  only  merit  consisted  in  their  devotion 
to  the  principles  that  had  deluged  their  soil  in  blood,  and 
beggared  them  in  the  land  of  their  fathers  ?  Reflect  upon  the 
aggregated  multitude  of  other  injuries  and  abuse,  heaped  upon 
the  Southern  people  by  the  men  and  their  subordinates,  who 
were  illegally  appointed  to  rule  over  them  during  this  period  of 
convulsion;  and  consider,  if  the  perpetration  of  such  was  calcu 
lated  to  re-cement  the  bonds  of  fraternal  union,  upon  which  free 
government  assumes  to  be  based.  Was  it  to  be  expected  that 
freemen  would,  as  curs,  lick  the  hands  of  those  who  smote  them  ? 
And  yet  ten  thousand  fold  more  than  this,  would  seem  to  have 
been  expected  by  those,  who  could  conceive  that  the  legislation 
of  Congress  and  the  action  of  the  revolutionary  party,  would  not 
intensify  the  rage  of  the  Southern  whites,  and  array  them  in 
bitter  hostility  towards  the  black  race  throughout  all  the  Southern 
States. 

By  the  time  the  Congo  conclaves  began  to  assemble  in  the 
-different  States  of  the  South,  a  well  united  opposition  of  the 
native  whites  was  organized  in  all  these  States ;  and  prepared  to 
do  everything  in  their  power  to  resist  the  deadly  unconstitutional 
march  of  the  revolutionary  party,  over  the  fair  fields  of  their 
once  happy  and  prosperous  section.  But  as  the  youthful  Samp 
son  of  the  South,  had  been  fatally  shorn  beneath  the  apple  tree 
of  Appomattox,  he  was  now  left  to  grind  in  the  prison  house  of 
his  misfortunes ;  while  at  the  same  time,  the  dulcimers  and  cym 
bals  of  fanatical  joy  were  sounding  hilarious  tunes  over  his  down 
fall  ;  and  none  were  now  anywhere  found  ready  to  do  homage  to 
the  former  proud  foeman  of  Northern  abolifionism.  The  hated* 
strains  of  his  enemies'  mirth,  he  was  forced  to  hear ;  but  all  the 
the  avenues  of  escape  from  the  bitter  thraldom  being  closed,  he 
was  compelled  to  bear  what  otherwise  would  have  been  unendu 
rable. 

On  the  5th  of  November,  1S6T,  the  motley  Convention  of 
Alabama,  the  first  of  its  species,  assembled  at  Montgomery,  the 
Capital  of  the  State,  in  obedience  to  the  call  of  General  Pope  ;  and 
proceeded  to  the  work  of  framing  a  Constitution  and  Civil  Govern- 


483  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

merit,  In  accordance  with  the  requisitions  of  the  Reconstruction 
Acts.  A  considerable  number  of  the  delegates  to  this  convention 
were  negroes,  one-half  of  whom  were  unable  to  write  their  own 
names.  All  of  them  being,  however,  serviceable  instruments  in  the 
hands  of  the  revolutionary  party,  their  presence  was  agreeable,  and 
desired  by  men  who  cared  more  for  their  political  success  than  for 
the  perpetuity  of  constitutional  government.  Indeed,  the  whites 
who  figured  as  members  of  this  and  the  following  mixed-race 
conventions  in  the  Southern  States,  were  the  creatures  of  the 
social  convulsions  of  the  country.  The  convention  of  mongrels, 
that  next  met  to  imitate  the  proceedure  of  statesmen  and  skilled 
lawgivers,  was  that  of  Georgia ;  and  so,  one  after  another,  the 
citizens  of  the  old  Commonwealths  of  the  South,  were  com 
pelled  to  witness  in  their  midst  the  variegated  assemblages  that 
were  authorized  by  unconstitutional  legislation  to  subvert  their 
State  Sovereignties,  and  foist  upcn  them  spurious  constitutions- 
that  were  nauseous  to  the  conceptions  of  their  people.  It  was 
infinitely  more  offensive  to  the  people  of  the  South  j  and,  as  they 
viewed  it,  more  unjust,  that  their  State  governments,  by  acts  of 
Congress,  should  be  made  the .  victims  of  negro  suffrage,*  inas 
much  as  all  attempts  to-  fasten  it  upon  the  North  (save  in  Kew 
England)  had  signally  failed. 

Whilst  the  hybrid  conventions  were  engaged  in  changing  the 
State  Constitutions  of  the  South,  Congress  again  assembled  in 

*  Negro  suffrage  in  the  North  was  steadily  resisted  by  the  people,, 
although  the  number  of  negroes  in  this  section  was  comparatively  small 
as  compared  with  those  in  the  South.  Even  up  to  the  period  when  it 
was  forced  upon  the  South,  one  Northern  State  after  another  defeated 
the  attempts  tliat  were  made  to  introduce  it.  In  the  State  of  New  York, 
in  1860,  (where  qualified  negro  suffrage  already' was  adopted),  a  vote  was 
taken  upon  allowing  negroes  the  right  of  suffrage  without  a  property 
qualification.  The  result  was,  yeas — 197,503-;  nays — 337,93-1,  In  the  City 
of  New  York,  the  vote  was,  yeas— 1,640  ;  nays— 37,471.  In  1864,  a  like 
effort  was  made  in  the  same  State,  which  was  defeated,  with  the  follow 
ing  result  :  yeas — 85,406  ;  nays — 224,336.  In  Illinois,  in  18C2,  a  vote  was 
taken  on  the  absolute  and  total  exclusion  of  all  negroes  from  the  State 
limits,  when  the  yeas  were  171,893 ;  nays — 71,306,  On  granting  them  the 
right  of  office  and  suffrage,  the  yeas  were  35,649  ;  nay s— 21 1,920,  And 
for  the  enactment  of  prohibitory  laws  against  their  coming  into  or 
voting  in  the  State,  the  yeas  were  198,938 ;  nays — 44,414,  In  1865r  the 
question  of  negro  suffrage  was  submitted  to  the  people  of  Connecticut,  and 
was  defeated  by  a  majority  of  6,272.  In  the  State  of  Ohio,  in  1867,  when 
all  efforts  were  made  to  overcome  the  prepossessions  of  the  people,  it  was 
defeated  by  about  50,000  majority.  About  the  same  time  it  was  defeated 
by  considerable  majorities  in  K  tnsas  and  Minnesota.  And  the  people  of 
Michigan,  a  State  heavily  Republican,  in  the  Spring  of  1868,  voted  down 
a  Constitution  for  no  other  reason  than  that  it  conferred  the  elective 
franchise  upon  negroes. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  483 

December,  1867.  It  was  at  once  determined  to  do,  by  ono  or 
other  method,  what  Congress  had  now  the  power  to  perform. 
This  was  to  "  set  the  Supreme  Court  at  defiance"  The  case  of 
McCardle,  an  editor  of  Mississippi,  was  coming  before  that  tri 
bunal,  and  the  constitutionality  of  the  Reconstruction  Acts 
would  be  distinctly  raised  in  its  argument.  McCardle  had  been 
arrested  by  General  Ord,  and  having  been  brought  before  Judge 
Hill,  of  the  United  District  Court  of  Mississippi,  on  Habeas 
Corpus,  was  remanded  into  military  custody.  Judge  Hill  re. 
viewed  the  law,  in  an  elaborate  opinion,  and  declared  that  no 
judicial  tribunal,  having  cognizance  of  the  offense  charged  against 
McCardle,  existed  in  the  State,  which  was  not  subject  to  General 
Ord  ;  and  he  felt  unable  to  pronounce  the  Reconstruction  Acts 
unconstitutional.  He  deemed  the  offense  of  the  Mississippi 
editor  a  breach  of  law,  of  which  the  military  authorities  had 
cognizance.  From  this  decision,  the  case  was  brought  before  the 
United  States  Supreme  Court. 

Early  in  December,  a  bill  was  introduced  into  the  Senate,  to 
determine  what  should  constitute  a  quorum  of  the  Supreme 
Court.  The  Senate  bill  was  amended  and  passed  the  House,  so 
as  to  require  two-thirds  of  the  Judges  of  that  Court  to  pronounce 
a  law  of  Congress  unconstitutional.  But  the  assaults  made  upon 
the  House  proposition  was  so  severe,  that  it  was  finally  abandoned. 
The  object  of  the  contemplated  legislation,  was  to  prevent  a 
majority  of  the  Court  from  deciding  in  the  McCardle  case,  that 
the  reconstruction  laws  were  unconstitutional.  The  great  efforts 
of  the  revolutionists  to  prevent  a  decision  of  the  Court  upon 
these  laws,  evinced  that  they  themselves  feared  judicial  scrutiny. 
Of  the  eight  Judges,  of  which  the  Court  was  then  composed, 
it  seemed  generally  to  have  been  understood,  that  live  of  them 
viewed  the  Reconstruction.  Acts  as  unconstitutional,  and  if  a  fair 
opportunity  were  afforded  they  might  so  decide.  Such  a  deci 
sion  must  be  prevented.  During  the  discussion  of  this  matter 
before  the  House,  Mr.  Stevens,  the  revolutionary  corypheus  of 
that  body,  from  the  Reconstruction  Committee,  submitted  as  a 
substitute,  a  bill  to  declare  that  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Supreme 
Court  should  not  extend  to  anything  pertaining  to  the  recon 
struction  legislation.  This,  although  the  direct  way  of  reaching 
what  Congress  was  aiming  at,  was  in  the  estimation  of  radical 
politicians  rather  too  unguarded  an  avowal  of  the  object.  An 


484  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

amendment,  designed  to  accomplish  the  same  result,  was  there 
fore  proposed  in  the  House,  precluding  appeals  from  the  Circuit 
Court  to  the  Supreme  Court.  This  was  adopted  in  the  House, 
and  concurred  in  by  the  Senate.  It  became  a  law  over  the 
Presidential  veto.  The  Supreme  Court  was  now  unable  to 
render  a  decision  in  the  McCardle  case,  and  the  reconstruction 
legislation  was  freed  from  scrutiny. 

The  work  of  forming  new  constitutions  for  the  Southern  States, 
was  steadily  prosecuted  as  prescribed.  The  great  object  with 
the  white  and  sable  Statesmen  of  the  conventions,  was  to  frame 
constitutions  which  would  exclude  from  the  polls  as  large  a 
number  as  possible  of  the  white  people  of  the  South,*  so  as  to 
insure  the  success  of  the  radical  party  by  means  of  negro  votes. 
After  constitutions  had  been  framed,  elections  were  ordered  in 
the  different  States  for  their  adoption  or  rejection.  A  majority 
of  the  registered  voters  was  required  to  vote  upon  the  ratification 
of  a  constitution  before  the  same  could  be  pronounced  as  ratified. 
This  majority  was  lacking  in  the  election  held  in  Alabama,  but 
in  those  held  in  Arkansas,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina, 
Louisiana,  Georgia  and  Florida,  the  constitutions  were  declared 
adopted  by  negro  majorities. 

Protests  from  the  white  people  of  every  State  of  the  South 
were  sent  to  Congress,  declaring  their  repugnance  to  being  com 
pelled  to  submit  to  the  rale  of  barbarian  negroes.  These  pro 
tests  predicted  the  most  deplorable  consequences  to  their  section 
and  government,  if  they  should  be  forced  to  acquiesce  in  negro 
domination.  Deaf  ears,  however,  were  turned  to  all  these  re 
monstrances.  Instead  of  hesitating  in  their  career,  the  revolu 
tionists  in  June,  1868,  admitted  into  the  Union  the  State  of 
Arkansas  over  the  veto  of  the  President.  A  few  days  after 
wards  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Louisiana,  Georgia, 
Florida  and  Alabama  were  admitted  as  States  by  an  Act  entitled 
the  Omnibus  bill.  The  admission  of  Alabama  was  a  plain 
breach  of  faith,  as  it  forced  upon  the  unwilling  people  of  the 

*As  a  sample  of  the  oaths  required  by  most  of  the  new  constitutions 
to  be  subscribed  by  every  applicant  for  registration,  that  from  Alabama 
is  given  :  "I  *  *  *  do  solemnly  swear  (or  affirm)  that  I  accept 
the  civil  and  political  equality  of  all  men,  and  agree  not  to  attempt  to 
deprive  any  person,  or  persons,  on  account  of  race,  color  or  previous 
condition,  of  any  political  or  civil  right,  privilege  or  immunity,  enjoyed 
by  any  other  class  of  men." — Art.  vii,  Sec.  4  of  New  Constitution  of 
Alabama. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  435 

State  a  Constitution  which,  under  the  reconstruction  law  as  it 
stood  when  the  election  was  held,  had  "been  clearly  defeated. 
The  reconstructed  States  in  turn,  speedily  discharged  their  obli 
gations  by  adopting  the  Fourteenth  Amendment  to  the  Consti 
tution.  Their  admission  as  States  thereupon  was  complete. 
Senators  and  Representatives  from  these  States  were  shortly 
afterwards  received  with  open  arms  in  both  Houses  of  Congress. 
But  three  States,  Virginia,  Texas  and  Mississippi  proved  laggards 
in  revolutionary  policy.  But  time  only  was  now  required  t(5 
tinish  the  uncompleted  task.  The  President  now  being  power 
less  and  the  Supreme  Court  shackled,  the  Rump  Congress  was 
at  length  clothed  with  the  requisite  legislative  omnipotence. 
The  Africanization  of  the  South  was  now  fully  assured. 


433  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 


IMPEACHMENT  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 


Notwithstanding  the  revolutionary  Congress  was  able  to  pass 
laws  over  the  Presidential  veto,  and  set  the  Supreme  Court  at 
defiance,  it  was  not  satisfied.  Being  the  product  of  the  turbulent 
elements  of  the  country,  it  must  obey  the  impulses  of  those  by 
whom  it  was  sustained,  or  others  would  grasp  its  place  and 
sceptre.  A  strong  feeling  of  hostility  to  Andrew  Johnson, 
animated  the  revolutionists  from  the  period  when  the  President 
broke  with  his  party,  in  the  Winter  of  1866.  The  Chicago 
Tribune,  the  leading  Republican  paper  of  the  West,  on  the  last 
day  of  March  of  that  year,  in  a,  vehement  and  acrimonious 
article,  urged  the  impeachment  and  removal  from  office  of  Presi 
dent  Johnson,  because  of  his  having  vetoed  the  Freedman's 
Bureau  and  the  Civil  Rights  Bills,  and  otherwise  used  his  efforts 
to  stem  the  radical  tornado.  The  demand  of  this  Western  organ 
met  the  warm  approbation  of  the  infuriates  of  the  party ;  which 
proposal  was  from  time  to  time  renewed,  as  Presidential  opposi 
tion  in  one  direction  and  another,  strove  to  break  the  current  that 
was  still  further  prostrating  the  Constitution  of  the  Republic. 

Party  rancor  and  political  hate,  from  the  period  of  the  collision 
of  the  President  with  his  party,  selected  him  as  the  mark  of 
venom,  against  which  the  shafts  of  rage  and  malice  were  di 
rected.  From  that  time  he  became  the  central  figure  for  the 
most  malicious  partisan  abuse  which  history  has  ever  recorded ; 
and  all  the  epithets  which  vindictiveness  was  capable  of  manu 
facturing,  were  hurled  at  him,  as  if  to  bury  him  beneath  showers 
of  defamation.  The  man  who  allowed  himself  to  be  made  the 
conspicuous  Southern  instrument  of  fanaticism,  to  inflame  pas 
sion  against  his  native  people ;  as  soon  as  he  strove  to  check  the 
unholy  waves,  became  well-nigh  the  victim  of  the  same  flames, 
which  for  years  he  had  with  others  been  feeding.  A  misconcep 
tion  of  the  objects  of  radicalism,  had  seduced  his  adhesion  to 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  487 

the  Tricked  and  unconstitutional  war  that  was  proclaimed  against 
the  Southern  people ;  and  now  at  length,  when  those  objects 
plainly  displayed  themselves,  it  was  too  late  to  successfully  resist 
the  current  that  was  become  terrific  ;  and  he,  with  others,  must 
yield  before  the  blasts  that  were  sweeping  over  the  land.  In 
stead  of  being  the  admired  patriot  of  the  South  who  filled  the 
office  of  Military  Governor  of  Tennessee,  an  office  inimical  to 
the  Constitution  of  the  nation,  Andrew  Johnson  was  maligned 
in  the  abusive  sheets  of  fanatism,  as  the  enemy  of  his  country,' 
the  associate  in  crime  with  Jefferson  Davis  and  the  arch-fiend  of 
liberty.  Viewing  the  Presidential  conscience  in  the  mirror  of 
their  own  souls,  the  fanatics  gave  the  Executive  no  credit  for 
present  sincerity  in  his  opposition  to  their  revolutionary  designs. 
He  had  bowed  to  their  false  gods,  when  his  homage  was  a  prize 
in  their  estimation.  But  their  victory  was  now  complete  ;  and 
the  fruits  must  be  safely  gathered.  They  now  only  wanted  in. 
their  folds  the  sincere  devotees,  whose  pupilage  and  training  made 
them  undissembling  members  of  the  faith  they  advocated. 
Neither  had  the  revolution  as  yet  spent  its  force.  Its  enemies 
must  either  retire  before  it,  or  be  crushed  beneath  its  wheels. 

From  the  first  proposal  that  was  made  to  impeach  the  Presi 
dent,  the  clamor  was  kept  up  by  the  radical  extremists,  the  cry 
becoming  still  the  more  intense  as  the  strife  between  the  Federal 
Executive  and  Congress  developed  itself.  Mr.  Stevens  was  one 
of  the  earliest  and  most  bitter  enemies  of  the  President ;  and 
lacking  all  conscientious  regard  for  his  obligations  to  support  the 
Constitution,  he  aided  to  the  utmost  of  his  power  in  fanning  the 
flames  that  were  rising  between  the  two  Departments  of  the  Gov 
ernment.  During  the  second  session  of  the  Thirty-ninth  Con 
gress,  in  1807,  the  impeachment  ball  was  set  in  motion  by  General 
Ashley,  a  member  of  the  Lower  House  of  Congress  from  Ohio. 
This  officious  gentleman  was  put  forward  by  the  crafty  manipu 
lators  to  do  the  work  that  even  partisan  hate  was  as  yet  timid  to 
undertake.  He  charged  the  President  with  "high  crimes  and 
misdemeanors  ;"  with  usurpation  of  power  and  violation  of  law ; 
and  also,  that  he  had  made  a  corrupt  use  of  the  appointing,  the 
pardoning,  and  the  veto  power ;  and  had  corruptly  interfered  in 
elections.  A  committee  was  appointed,  and  after  a  laborious  re 
search  and  collection  of  testimony,  three  separate  reports  were 
submitted  by. different  members.  These  reports  were  made  in 


483  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

the  first  regular  session  of  the  Fortieth  Congress,  in  December, 
1867.  The  current  of  political  fury  that  was  beating  against  the 
President  had  by  this  time  swollen  considerably,  and  in  many 
places  was  overflowing  its  banks.  A  majority  of  the  above  named 
committee  concurred  in  recommending  the  impeachment  of  An 
drew  Johnson ;  but  the  House  still  hesitated  to  sanction  this 
extreme  proceeding,  which  partisan  rancor  alone  sustained.  Party 
prudence,  therefore,  dictated  that  a  more  plausible  pretext  for  im 
peachment  should  be  awaited.  The  vote  in  the  House  on  this 
question  was,  56  yeas,  all  revolutionists,  to  108  nays.  The  Demo 
crats  voted  against  this  first,  as  all  the  following  efforts  of  madness. 
In  the  meantime,  the  struggle  between  Congress  and  the 
President  had  grown  more  bitter  and  impracticable,  and  had  been 
carried  even  into  the  latter's  official  household.  Edwin  M. 
Stanton,  the  Secretary  of  War,  being  a  warm  partisan  of  Con 
gress,  was  offensive  to  the  President  as  a  member  of  his  select 
Council.  He  continued,  however,  to  retain  his  office,  despite  the 
repeatedly  expressed  wish  of  the  Executive  that  he  would  retire. 
At  length  the  President  expressed  his  desire  in  writing.  On 
the  5th  of  August,  1867,  he  addressed  Mr.  Stanton  as  follows: 

"SiR  : — Public  considerations  of  a  high  character,  constrain  me  to  say 
that  your  resignation,  as  Secretary  of  War,  will  be  accepted." 

To  this  message  of  laconic  brevity,  Mr.  Stanton,  in  his  reply, 
was  equally  brief : 

"Sm:—  *  *  *  In  reply,  I  have  the  honor  to  say,  that  public 
considerations  of  a  high  character,  which  alone  have  induced  me  to  con 
tinue  at  the  head  of  this  Department,  constrain  me  not  to  resign  the 
office  of  Secretary  of  War,  before  the  next  meeting  of  Congress." 

On  the  12th  of^  the  same  month,  the  President  suspended  Mr. 
Stanton  from  his  office,  and  empowered  General  Grant,  tempo 
rarily  to  act  as  Secretary  of  "War. 

At  the  time  the  President  suspended  Mr.  Stanton,  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States  was  not  in  session.  Upon  the  assembling 
of  the  Senate  in  December,  1867,  the  President,  as  required  by 
the  Tenure  of  Office  Act,  communicated  to  this  body  his  reasons 
for  the  suspension  of  the  Secretary  of  War.  The  Senate  hav 
ing  considered  the  President's  reasons,  declared  them  on  January 
13th,  1868,  as  inadequate  to  justify  the  removal  of  Mr.  Stanton, 
in  the  following  words : 

**  Resolved,  That  having  considered  the  evidence  and  reasons  given  by 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  483 

the  President,  in  his  report  of  December  12th,  1807,  for  the  suspension, 
from  the  office  of  Secretary  of  War  of  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  the  Senate  do 
not  concur  in  such  suspension." 

As  soon  as  this  decision  of  the  Senate  was  communicated  to 
General  Grant,*  the  latter  vacated  the  office  of  Secretary  of  War, 
and  Mr.  Stanton  took  possession  of  the  same  without  delay. 

General  Grant  to  this  question,  replied : 

**  I  shall,  in  that  event,  either  hand  you  my  resignation  as  acting  Secre 
tary  of  War,  or  let  a  mandamus  be  issued  against  me  to  surrender  HIQ 
office. 

On  Saturday,  Jannary  llth,  1868,  two  days  before  the  non- 
concurring  action  of  the  Senate  took  place,  the  President  again 
called  General  Grant's  attention  to  the  matter,  when  the  latter 
reiterated  his  previous  promise,  and  added  that  the  President 
should  hear  from  him  on  Monday.  He  saw  the  President,  as 
promised,  but  gave  no  intimation  of  any  change  in  his  views. 
Afterwards,  when  Mr.  Stanton  had  again  taken  possession  of  the 
War  Office,  General  Grant  called  upon  the  President,  and  was 
present  at  a  Cabinet  meeting,  and  being  reminded  by  the  Presi 
dent  of  his  promise,  admitted  his  having  made  such  in  the 
presence  of  the  members  of  the  Cabinet.  The  President  after 
this,  in  a  letter,  accused  General  Grant  of  a  violation  of  his 
promise,  and  was  sustained  in  his  assertion  by  five  members  of 
his  Cabinet.  General  Grant,  in  turn,  over  his  signature,  denied 
the  charges  made  by  the  President,  but  stood  alone  in  his  allega 
tions,  and  wholly  unsupported. 

Owing  tc  the  speedy  surrender  of  the  War  Office,  by  the  ad 
interim  Secretary  to  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  the  President  was  frus 
trated  in  his  design  of  making  a  test  case  for  the  courts  to 
determine  the  constitutionality  of  the  Tenure  of  Office  Act ;  and 
whether  or  not  Congress  had  deprived  him  of  the  power  of 
changing  his  Secretary  of  War.  Had  General  Grant  intimated 
his  intention  of  surrendering  the  office,  the  President  would 
have  named  a  Secretary  in  his  stead,  who  would  have  declined 
to  surrender  to  Mr.  Stanton,  until  the  courts  would  have  de 
termined  to  whom  the  office  belonged.  In  the  contest  between 
the  President  and  Congress,  it  was  quite  natural  for  every  man 

*President  Johnson,  being  apprehensive  of  the  action  which  the  Senate 
would  take,  asked  General  Grant,  his  Secretary  of  War  ad  interim,  what 
his  course  would  be,  in  case  the  Senate  should  not  concur  in  his  reasons 
for  the  removal  of  Mr.  Stanton. 


4CO  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

to  take  sides ;  but  it  was  dishonorable  for  tlie  head  of  the  army 
to  deceive  his  superior  by  violating  his  engagement  with  him. 
If  he  meant  to  surrender  the  office,  he  should  have  advised  the 
President  of  his  intention  so  to  do.  Not  having  done  so,  he 
exposed  himself  to  the  charges  of  breach  of  faith  and  corrupt 
alliance  with  the  party  that  was  combatting  the  President ;  con 
duct  wholly  unchivalric,  and  unbecoming  a  man  who  filled  the 
exalted  position  he  occupied.  His  action  and  the  surrounding 
circumstances,  seemed  to  cast  upon  him  a  cloud  of  suspicion, 
inasmuch  as  he  had  for  some  time  been  rising  into  prominence 
as  the  Presidential  candidate  of  the  Congressional  party.  The 
jSew  York  Syracuse  Convention  of  the  Republican  party,  de 
clared  for  General  Grant  for  President,  one  day  after  the  dispute 
between  himself  and  President  Johnson  had  been  published  in 
the  public  papers  of  the  country. 

Affairs  remained  in  this  condition  until  the  21st  of  February, 
following,  when  President  Johnson  undertook  the  responsibility 
of  removing  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  and  appointed  Lorenzo  Thomas, 
Adjutant-General  of  the  United  States  Army,  to  take  his  place 
as  Secretary  of  War,  ad  interim.  He  at  once  communicated,  in 
a  brief  message  to  the  Senate,  the  fact  of  the  removal  of  Mr. 
Stanton  and  the  appointment  of  General  Thomas  to  take  his 
place.  Henry  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts,  submitted  the  follow 
ing  preamble  and  resolution : 

"  WHEREAS,  The  Senate  has  received  and  considered  the  communica 
tion  of  the  President,  stating  that  he  had  removed  Edwin  M.  Stanton, 
Secretary  of  War,  and  had  designated  the  Adjutant-General  of  the 
Army  to  act  as  Secretary  of  War,  ad  interim,  therefore, — 

"Resolved,  By  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  that  under  the  Consti 
tution  and  Laws  of  the  United  States,  the  President  has  no  power  to 
remove  the  Secretary  of  War  and  designate  any  other  officer  to  perform 
the  duties  of  that  office  ad  interim." 

The  radicals  contended  that  under  the  Tenure  of  Office  Act,* 
the  President  had  no  authority,  without  the  consent  of  the 

*  The  first  section  of  the  Tenure  of  Office  Act,  of  March  2d,  1867,  was 
that,  by  means  of  which  Congress  limited  the  power  oc  the  President 
over  removils  from  office.  The  following  is  a  copv  of  the  first  section  : 

"Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  that  every  person  holding  any 
civil  office,  to  which  he  has  been  appointed  by.  and  with  the  advice  and 
consent  of  the  Senate  ;  and  every  person  who  may  hereafter  be  appointed 
to  any  such  office,  and  shall  become  duly  qualified  to  act  therein,  is  and 
shall  be  entitled  to  hold  such  office  until  a  successor  shall  hav43  been  in 
like  manner  appointed  ;  Provided  that  the  Secretaries  of  State,  of  the 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  401 

Senate,  to  remove  the  Secretary  of  AVar  and  appoint  his  suc 
cessor.  The  Democrats  and  the  Conservative  Republicans,  on 
the  contrary,  argued  that  under  the  words  of  the  law,  the  Presi 
dent  was  not  precluded  from  acting  as  he  had  done.  After  an 
animated  discussion,  the  above  resolution  of  Senator  Wilson 
wa£  adopted. 

A  grand  opportunity  was  now  presented  to  Mr.  Stevens,  the 
arch  radical  of  the  House,  in  the  attempted  removal  of  Edwin 
M.  Stanton.  It  was  water  upon  the  mill  of  his  political  malice. 
The  defeat  of  the  impeachment  movement,  which  had  been 
headed  by  General  Ashley,  was  galling  to  the  Lancaster  States 
man.  He  afterwards  made  a  strong  effort  to  have  it  renewed, 
but  without  success.  When  the  essayed  removal  of  Mr.  Stanton 
was  made  known,  Mr.  Stevens  was  by  general  consent  permitted 
to  take  the  lead  in  the  new  impeachment  undertaking,  on  account 
of  the  fierce  hostility  he  was  known  to  entertain  towards  Presi 
dent  Johnson.  He,  accordingly,  on  the  22d  of  February,  for 
mally  reported  in  the  House,  from  the  Committee  on  Recon 
struction,  the  attempted  removal  of  Mr.  Stanton ;  and  at  the 
same  time  offered  the  following  resolution  : 

"Resolved,  That  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United  States,  bo 
impeached  of  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors." 

This  resolution  was  discussed  until  the  24th,  when  it  was 
adopted  by  126  yeas  to  47  nays.  The  war  against  the  President 
was  purely  partisan,  the  Republicans  supporting  and  the  Demo 
crats  opposing  impeachment.* 

After  the  adoption  of  the  above  resolution-,  the  House  selected 
Messrs.  Stevens  and  Bingham  to  inform  the  Senate  of  their 
action.  When  they  came  to  the  Senate,  Mr.  Stevens  said : 

"MR.  PRESIDENT: — In  obedience  to  the  order  of  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  we  have  appeared  before  you.  In  the  name  of  the  House  of 

Treasury,  of  War,  of  the  Navy,  and  of  the  Interior,  the  Postmaster-Gen 
eral  and  the  Attorney-General,  shall  hold  their  offices  respectively  for 
and  during  the  term  of  the  President,  by  whom  they  have  been  ap 
pointed,  and  for  one  month  thereafter,  subject  to  removal,  by  and  with 
the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate." 

*  Considerable  excitement  pervaded  the  whole  country,  as  the  news 
concerning  impeachment  spread.  John  W.  Geary,  the  radical  Governor 
of  Pennsylvania,  telegraphed  to  Simon  Cameron  as  follows  :  "  The 
news  to-day  created  a  profound  sensation  in  Pennsylvania.  The  spirit 
of  1861  seems  again  to  pervade  the  Keystone  State.  Troops  are  rapidly 
tendering  *heir  services  to  sustain  the  'laws.  Let  Congress  stand  firm," 
Similar  tenders  were  made  by  lead'ing  Democrats  to  the  President  from 
different  sections  of  the  country. 


492  A  REVIEW  OF  TUB 

Representatives,  and  of  all  the  people  of  the  United  States,  we  do  im 
peach  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United  States,  of  high  crimes 
and  misdemeanors  in  office  ;  and  we  further  inform  the  Senate  that  tho 
House  of  Representatives  will,  in  due  time,  exhibit  particular  articles  of 
impeachment  against  him,  to  make  good  the  same  ;  and  in  their  name 
we  demand  that  the  Senate  take  due  order  for  the  appearance  of  the  said 
Andrew  Johnson  to  answer  to  the  said  impeachment." 

Messrs.  Bingham,  Boutwell,  Stevens,  "Wilson,  of  Iowa,  Logan, 
of  Illinois,  Julian  and  Ward,  were  selected  by  the  House  to  pre 
pare  the  articles  of  impeachment.  The  committee  at  once 
entered  upon  the  task,  and  in  a  few  days  was  ready  to  submit 
the  articles  upon  which  it  was  determined  to  try  the  President. 
The  committee  reported  in  the  House  the  series  of  impeachment 
articles,  which,  with  those  separately  offered  formed,  in  all, 
eleven.  These  were  adopted  by  the  House,  March  2d,  18G8. 
The  first  eight  of  these  were  based  upon  the  attempted  removal 
of  Edwin  M.  Stan  ton,  on  February  21st.  The  ninth  was  based 
upon  the  instruction  given  by  the  President  to  General  Emory, 
of  Washington,  on  February  22d,  1SG8 ;  and  the  tenth,  upon 
the  President's  denunciation  of  Congress  in  his  Chicago  tour, 
during  the  year  18GG.  The  last  article  accused  the  President  of 
having,  in  the  City  of  Washington,  in  his  speech  of  August 
18th,  1866,  declared  that  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  was 
an  illegal  body  ;  and  in  accordance  with  that  view  had,  on  the 
21st  of  February,  attempted,  without  the  consent  of  the  Senate, 
to  remove  from  office  E.  M.  Stanton,  Secretary  of  War. 

After  the  adoption  of  the  Articles  of  Impeachment,  the  House 
of  Representatives  proceeded  to  choose  the  managers,  who  should 
conduct  before  the  bar  of  the  Senate,  the  prosecution  against 
President  Johnson.  The  managers  chosen  by  the  House  were 
John  A.  Bingham,  of  Ohio ;  George  S.  Boutwell,  of  Massachu 
setts  ;  James  F.  Wilson,  of  Iowa ;  John  A.  Logan,  of  Illinois ; 
Thomas  Williams,  of  Pennsylvania;  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  of 
Massachusetts,  and  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvanai.  On 
March  4th,  the  Board  of  Managers,  accompanied  by  the  House 
as  a  Committee  of  the  Whole,  proceeded  to  the  Senate  in  order 
to  present  the  Articles  of  Impeachment.  Mr.  Bingham,  the 
Chairman  of  the  Board  of  Managers,  then  said : 

"  The  Managers  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  by  order  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  are  ready  at  the  bar  of  the  Senate,  if  it  please 
the  Senate  to  hear  them,  to  present  Articles  of  Impeachment,  in  main- 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  493 

tenance  of  the  impeachment  prepared  against  Andrew  Johnson,  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  by  the  House  of  Representatives." 

Then  followed  Speaker  Wade's  order  to  the  Sergeant-at-Arms, 
who  now  made  proclamation  as  follows ; 

"  Hear  ye  !  Hear  ye  !  All  persons  are  commanded  to  keep  silence  on 
pain  of  imprisonment,  while  the  House  of  Representatives  is  exhibiting 
to  the  United  States  Senate,  Articles  of  Impeachment  against  Andrew 
Johnson,  President  of  the  United  States." 

After  this  Mr.  Bingham  proceeded  to  read  to  the  Senate,  tho 
eleven  Articles  of  Impeachment. 

The  Senate,  on  its  part,  moved  in-  the  matter,  after  Messrs. 
Stevens  and  Bingham  on  February  25th,  had  communicated  the 
resolution  of  the  House  impeaching  the  President.  On  tho 
same  day  a  committee  was  appointed  to  take  suitable  action  and 
report.  Two  of  the  membars  of  this  committee,  Senators  How 
ard  and  Edmuifds,  waited  upon  Chief  Justice  Chase,  and  informed 
him  of  the  action  of  the  Senate.  They  also  stated,  that  their 
committee  proposed  to  prepare  rules  for  the  government  of  the 
Senate  during  the  impeachment  trial ;  and  the  Chief  Justice  was 
politely  informed  that  any  suggestions  from  himself  would  be 
cheerfully  received.  But  politeness  precluded  them  from  adding 
what  their  knowledge  would  have  prompted ;  that  his  views 
would  only  be  accepted,  so  far  as  they  might  agree  with  those  of 
the  impeachers.  The  committee  proceeded  to  prepare  the  rules, 
which  the  Senate  adopted  in  its  legislative  capacity.  This 
method  of  adopting  rules  was  objected  to  by  the  Democratic 
Members  of  the  Senate,  but  without  avail,  being  overruled  by 
the  majority,  that  was  all  powerful,  as  on  former  occasions. 
Chief  Justice  Chase  addressed  a  letter  to  Senator  Howard,  like 
wise  taking  exceptions  to  the  Senate's  mode  of  adopting  rules  to 
govern  in  the  impeachment  trial.  He  agreed  with  the  Demo 
cratic  Senators,  that  the  Senate  had  no  right  to  prescribe  rules 
for  the  trial,  until  constitutionally  organized  as  a  Court  of 
Impeachment.  The  letter  of  the  Chief  Justice  created  consid 
erable  sensation  among  the  impeachment  Senators;  but  the 
Senate  proceeded,  as  had  it  not  been  written,  and  appointed  a 
committee  to  wait  upon  and  advise  him  of  the  trial,  and  request 
his  attendance  as  the  presiding  officer. 

Steps  were  taken  towards  the  organization  of  the  Senatorial 
Court,  on  Thursday,  the  5th  of  March.  The  Chief  Justice  entered 
and  addressed  the  Senate  on  that  day  in  the  following  words : 


494  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

"Senators,  I  am  here  in  obedience  to  your  notice,  for  the  purpose  of 
proceeding  with  you  in  forming  a  Court  of  Impeachment  for  the  trial 
of  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United  States.  I  am  now  ready 
to  take  the  oath." 

Associate  Justice  Kelson  then  administered  an  oath  to  the 
Chief  Justice : 

"That  in  all  things  appertaining  to  the  trial  of  Andrew  Johnson, 
President  of  the  United  States,  now  pending,  I  will  do  impartial  justice 
according  to  the  Constitution  and  Laws,  so  help  me  God." 

The  same  oath  was  then  administered,  separately,  to  each  of 
the  Senators.  Objection  was  made,  by  Democratic  Senators,  to 
Senator  Wade  being  sworn,  and  sitting  as  a  member  of  the 
Court  of  Impeachment ;  inasmuch  as  he,  being  the  President  of 
the  Senate,  would,  in  case  of  the  conviction  and  removal  of 
President  Johnson,  succeed  to  his  office.  It  was  argued  that  one 
in  his  position  was  too  much  interested  to  be  a  competent  judge 
to  try  the  President,  as  the  rules  of  equity  demanded ;  but  unblush 
ing  partisanship  came  to  the  rescue,  and  the  revolutionists  deter 
mined  that  as  he  was  not  excluded  by  the  Constitution,  he  should 
be  sworn  and  permitted  to  sit  as  a  judge  upon  the  trial. 

After  the  Senators  were  sworn,  the  Chief  Justice  declared  the 
organization  of  the  Senate  as  a  High  Court  of  Impeachment. 
The  rules  adopted  by  the  Senate  in  its  legislative  capacity,  to 
regulate  the  trial,  were  upon  the  suggestion  of  the  presiding 
officer,  approved  by  it  as  a  Court  of  Impeachment.  The  House 
managers  being  now  advised  of  the  organization  of  the  High  Court 
of  the  Nation,  came  before  it ;  and  the  Chairman,  Mr.  Bingham, 
arose  and  demanded  of  the  Court  that  it  take  cognizance  as  to 
the  appearance  of  Andrew  Johnson,  to  answer  the  articles  of 
impeachment  which  had  been  preferred  against  him.  It  was 
then  ordered  that  a  summons  be  issued  requiring  the  appearance 
of  the  President  before  the  bar  of  the  Senate,  on  Friday,  the  13th 
of  March. 

On  the  day  fixed,  President  Johnson  appeared  in  the  High 
Court  of  Impeachment,  not  personally,  but  by  counsel.  Henry 
Stansberry,  B.  E.  Curtis,  Thomas  A.  E.  Nelson,  William  M. 
Evarts,  and  "William  S.  Groesbeck,  all  intellectual  legal  gentle 
men,  appeared  as  the  President's  defenders.  His  attorneys  asked 
the  Court  to  allow  their  client  forty  days  to  prepare  his  answer  ; 
but  because  Benjamin  F.  Butler  and  others  wished  the  trial  to 
proceed  "  at  railroad  speed"  only  ten  days  were  granted.  March 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  435 

23d  was  fixed  for  filing  the  President's  answer.  When  this  day 
arrived,  it  was  submitted.  It  answered  separately  the  whole  of 
the  eleven  articles  of  impeachment.  As  to  the  first  eight  of 
these,  the  President  contended  that  the  Tenure  of  Office  Act,  of 
March  2d,  1867,  which  precluded  him  from  removing  subordinate 
officials,  without  the  consent  of  the  Senate,  was  unconstitutional, 
lie  further  contended,  that  even  under  the  words  of  that  act,  he 
was  not  prevented  from  removing  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  as  he  was 
charged  with  attempting;  and  that,  in  doing  so,  he  had  violated 
neither  the  Constitution  nor  the  law  of  Congress.  Ho  also  de 
nied  that  he  was  guilty,  as  the  ninth  article  accused  him,  of  hav 
ing  been,  in  his  interview  with  General  Emory,  of  Washington, 
or  in  any  of  the  particulars,  as  he  therein  stood  charged.  He- 
claimed,  as  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  that  he  was  fully  war 
ranted  in  expressing,  as  other  men,  his  views  on  political  affairs ; 
and  that,  consequently,  he  was  not  culpable,  as  charged  in  the 
tenth  and  eleventh  articles,  for  the  cited  speeches  which  he  had 
made.  A  replication  to  the  President's  answer,  was  without 
delay  prepared;  and  having  been  adopted  in  the  House  by  115 
yeas,  to  36  nays,  was  filed  by  the  managers  in  the  Court  of  Im 
peachment,  March  24th.  The  legal  pleadings  being  now  com 
pleted,  the  ardent  impeachers,  Sumner  and  his  associates,  as  they 
had  from  the  beginning  urged,  wished  the  trial  to  proceed  at 
once ;  but  it  was  again  postponed  until  March  30th,  to  allow  the 
President  a  short  time  finally  to  prepare  for  his  defense. 

On  Monday,  March  30th,  Benjamin  F,  Butler  opened  the  case 
for  the  managers  in  a  speech,  in  which  he  sustained  his  view  of 
the  law,  and  stated  the  evidence  which  they  proposed  to  adduce. 
Witnesses  were  then  called  by  the  managers,  to  prove  the  facts 
as  alleged  in  the  several  articles  of  impeachment.  Both  oral  and 
documentary  evidence  were  admitted.  The  presentation  of  the 
evidence  was  managed  mainly  by  General  Butler,  who  displayed 
great  adroitness  and  legal  ability  in  this  particular.  His  dex 
terity,  as  a  criminal  lawyer,  shon,e  conspicuous  on  this  occasion. 
The  Chief  Justice  was  allowed  the  right  of  ha ving  a  casting  vote, 
where  the  Senate  should  be  equally  divided,  although  the  radi 
cals,  led  by  Senator  Sumner,  sought  to  deprive  him  of  this  priv 
ilege.  He  was  also  accorded  the  privilege  of  primarily  deciding 
upon  the  admissibility  of  evidence ;  his  decision,  however,  was 
subject  to  reversal,  upon  an  appeal  to  the  Senate.  The  produc- 


403  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

tion  of  testimony  by  the  managers  consumed  one  week,  tlie 
prosecution  resting  upon  April  4tlu  The  court  of  impeachment 
then  adjourned  un'til  Thursday,  April  9th.  This  additional  time 
was  allowed  to  the  President  and  his  counsel,  to  enable  them  to 
prepare  and  arrange  the  evidence  which  they  intended  to  adduce 
in  behalf  of  the  defense, 

Upon  the  meeting  of  the  Impeachment  Court,  at  the  time  to 
which  it  stood  adjourned,  Judge  Curtis  opened  for  Andrew 
Johnson  in  a  logical,  learned  and  argumentative  speech,  presenting 
the  President's  defense  in  the  manner  he  believed  the  evidence 
nnd  the  law  would  sustain  him.  lie  resumed  and  concluded  his 
speech  on  the  following  day;  April  10th.  Witnesses  were  next 
examined  for  the  defense,  amongst  whom  Generals  [Thomas  and 
Sherman  were  conspicuous.  As  to  the  motive  of  the  President, 
in  the  attempted  removal  of  E.  M.  Stanton,  evidence  of  his 
statements  to  General  Sherman  was  offered  in  evidence  to  repel 
what  had  been  proven  by  the  managers.  Considerable  dispute 
arose  over  the  admission  of  General  Sherman's  testimony  on 
this  point,,  he  being  produced  to  detail  remarks  of  the  President, 
showing  his  intention  in  the  removal  of  the  Secretary  of  War. 
The  admission  of  this  testimony  was  strongly  combattcd  and 
refused ;  but  was  afterwards  somewhat  admitted.  Many  strong 
legal  conflicts,  took  place  between  the  managers  led  by  General 
Butler  and  the  President's  skillful  attorneys.  The  hero  of  Port 
Fisher,  was  the  prominent  champion  on  the  side  of  the  House 
Managers,  in  these  encounters,  and  he  was  severely  accused  of 
attempting  to  bully  the  President's  counsel.  In  that,  however, 
he  signally  failed.  Mr.  Stevens  was  too  prostrated  during  the 
whole  proceeding,  to  take  any  but  a  subordinate  part.  In  his 
younger  years,  on  such  a  trial,  he  would  have  shone  as  .a  star  of 
the  h'rst  magnitude.  On  the  20th  of  April,  the  evidence  on  both 
sides  was  closed,  and  the  Court  adjourned  until  April  22d. 

The  evidence  in  this  important  trial  was  rather  formal  in  its 
character,  as  the  facts  were  in  the  main  undisputed.  The  evi 
dence  adduced  by  the  managers,  was  chiefly  to  prove  the  facts 
alleged  in  the  articles  of  impeachment,  as  was  likewise,  that  for 
the  defense,  in  order  to  sustain  the  assertions  contained  in  the 
President's  answer.  The  statements  and  counter-statements 
must  in  law,  of  necessity  be  proven ;  but  the  dispute  was  more 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  497 

legal  in  its  nature  than  dependent  upon  facts,  charged  upon  one 
side  and  denied  upon  the  other. 

On  Wednesday,  April  22d,  the  legal  discussion  began  in  a 
well  prepared  speech,  delivered  by  George  S.  Boutwell,  which 
occupied  the  attention  of  the  Senate  that  and  most  of  the  follow 
ing  day.  Judge  Nelson  followed  in  an  able  discourse  in  behalf  of 
the  President, which  he  finished  April  2±th.  William  S.  Groesbeck 
on  the  same  side,  addressed  the  Court  in  an  argumentative  and 
ornate  speech,  on  that  and  the  following  day,  Thaddeus  Stevens, 
one  of  the  managers,  read  a  carefully  prepared  speech,  on  Monday, 
April  27th ;  and  Thomas  Williams,  another  manager,  occupied 
the  balance  of  that  and  the  succeeding  day  in  the  delivery  of  his 
argument.  William  M.  Evarts  followed  for  the  defense,  making 
the  star  speech  of  the  trial,  which  engaged  the  attention  of  the 
Senatorial  Court  from  April  2Sth  to  May  1st,  four  days.  Henry 
Stansberry  began  his  speech  May  1st,  and  ended  it  on  the  next 
day.  Manager  Bingham  began  the  closing  argument  May  4th, 
which  occupied  him  three  days,  concluding  it  May  6th. 

The  legal  arguments  being  ended,  the  Senate  sitting  as  a 
Court,  now  spent  some  time  in  discussing  and  determining  upon 
the  method  of  taking  the  vote  upon  the  Articles  of  Impeach 
ment,  An  adjournment  was  then  carried  until  Monday,  May 
llth.  When  the  Court  re-assembled,  in  accordance  with  an 
adopted  rule,  fifteen  minutes  were  granted  to  each  Senator  to 
express  his  views  upon  impeachment,  and  the  guilt  or  innocence 
of  the  President.  Four  independent  Eepublican  Senators, 
Messrs,  Grimes,  Fessenden,  Trumbull  and  Henderson,  openly 
declared  themselves  against  conviction.  This  was  a  frightful 
bomb  in  the  radical  camp.  The  impeachers  became  alarmed. 
Tho  victory  which  the  zealots,  on  account  of  partisan  sub 
serviency,  had  scarcely  doubted,  was  already  in  extreme  danger. 
They  seemed  to  descry  the  finger  of  doom,  writing  the  verdict 
of  Presidential  acquittal  upon  the  walls  of  the  Senate  Chamber, 
Despair  drove  them  to  an  adjournment  until  the  16th  of  May,  in 
order  to  see  if,  in  the  meantime,  the  power  of  party  tyranny 
would  not  be  able  to  compel  a  sufficient  number  of  unwilling 
Senators  to  obey  those  who  claimed  to  be  their  political  masters. 

From  this  time  up  to  the  re-assembling  of  the  Senatorial 
Court,  the  most  unjustifiable  means  were  resorted  to  by  the  bitter 
political  enemies  of  the  President,  to  influence  Senators  who 


498  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

were  regarded  as  doubtful,  to  vote  for  conviction.  The  whole 
weight  of  abu.e,  of  an  intensely  partisan  press,  was  brought  to 
bear  upon  Senators,  in  order  to  force  them  to  yield  to  what  was 
anade  to  seem  as  a  pressing  public  opinion.  Senators  were  ad 
dressed  by  telegraph,  letter, ~x~  and  other\v:s3  to  stand  by  their 
party,  and  not  desert  it  in  the  hour  of  its  deepest  distress.  They 
were  threatened  by  prominent  party  leaders  with  political  ostra 
cism,  should  they  choose  to  exercise  the  freedom  of  their  own 
judgment,  and  vote  for  the  acquittal  of  Andrew  Johnson.  The 
assertion  of  Mr.  Stevens  was  accepted  as  the  gospel  of  radicalism, 
to  which  all  the  faithful  must  subscribe,  viz :  that  the  failure  of 
impeachment,  would  ~be  the  death  of  the  Republican  party.  The 
Republican  Senators,  therefore,  who  had  expressed  themselves  as 
opposed  to  the  conviction  of  the  President,  were  for  several  days 
the  targets  of  the  most  virulent  and  malicious  vituperation,  t'lat 
ever  emenated  from  a  partisan  press.  Besides  this  unbounded 
abuse  of  the  known  and  unknown  recreant  Senators,  the  most 
desperate  expedients,  for  insuring  the  conviction  of  the  President, 
were  proposed  by  unprincipled  journalists  and  others,  amongst 
whom  the  editor  of  the  Philadelphia  Press^  had  for  years  borne 
a  super-eminent  rank. 

*  The  radical  Congressmen  from  Missouri,  addressed  Senator  Henderson 9 
of  that  State,  the  following  impertinent  letter  : 

WASHINGTON,  May  12thy  1868. 
Hon.  Jolin  B.  Henderson.   U.  S.  Senate : 

SIR  :— On  a  consultation  of  the  Republican  Members  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  from  Missouri,  hi  view  of  your  position  0:1  the  Impeach 
ment  Articles,  we  ask  you  to  withhold  your  vote  on  tiny  Article,  ujoi 
which  you  cannot  vote  affirmatively.  This  request  is  made,  because  we 
believe  the  loyal  people  of  the  United  States  demand  the  immediate 
removal  of  Andrew  Johnson  from  the  office  ot  President  of  the  United 
States.  Respectfully, 

GEORGE  W.  ANDERSON, 
JOSEPH  W.  McCLURG, 
WILLIAM  A.  PILE. 
BENJAMIN  F.  LOAN, 
C.  A.  NEWCOMB, 
JOHN  F.  BENJAMIN, 
JOSEPH  J,  GRAVELY. 

fThe  Philadelphia  Press  of  May  13fch,  18G8r  contained  the  fo  lowing 
sentiments  :  "  The  Senate  sitting,  for  the  trial  of  Andrew  Johnson,  is 
according  to  the  argument  of  the  counsel  for  the  defense,  purely  a  court, 
subject  to  all  the  incidents,  and  following  in  its  actions  and  practice,  all 
the  analogies  of  a  judicial  tribunal.  This  declaration  they  insist  on, 
and  repeat  every  time  one  of  them  addresses  the  Chief  Justice.  They 
have  prepared  and  carefully  observed,  a  formula  involving  this  theory. 
Now,  the  C-.mrt  never  dies.  If  one  of  the  Judges,  or  all  of  them  die,  or 
if  their  terms  expire,  the  Court  still  lives  in  their  successors.  The  cases 
are  not  discontinued,  or  affected  by  the  change.  The  outgoing  of  one 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  499 

The  Senatorial  Court  met,  according  to  adjournment,  on  the 
16th  of  May,  and  proceeded  to  vote  on  the  eleventh  article  of 
impeachment,  which  many  regarded  as  the  strongest  of  the  series. 
The  result  of  the  vote  was,  thirty-five  for  conviction  to  nineteen 
for  acquittal.  The  Constitution  requiring  two-thirds  of  the 
Senate  to  pronounce  the  President  guilty,  he  was  declared  by  the 
Chief  Justice  as  acquitted  011  this  article.  Seven  Senators,  who 
had  up  to  this  time  co-operated  with  the  revolutionists,  voted 
with  the  Democrats  for  the  acquittal  of  President  Johnson. 
These  were  William  Pitt  Fessenden,  of  Maine ;  J.  S.  Fowler,  of 
Tennessee :  James  TV7.  Grimes,  of  Iowa ;  John  B.  Henderson, 
of  Missouri ;  E.  G.  Ross,  of  Kansas ;  Lyman  Trumbull,  of  Illi 
nois  ;  and  Peter  G.  Yaii  Winkle,  of  West  Virginia.  The  im- 
peachers  now  had  but  one  hope  left,  and  that  lay  in  another 
adjournment,  to  see  what  additional  party  threats  might  yet  be 
able  to  effect. 

An  adjournment  took  place,  until  May  26th.  The  powers  of 
party  terrorism  were  again  subsidized  with  all  the  effort  that 
fanatical  despair  could  render.  It  was,  without  doubt,  supposed 
that  the  Chicago  Convention,  which  was  about  to  assemble,  would 
work  some  inner  awe  within  those  who  aspired  to  be  leaders  in 
the  party  ranks ;  and  some  rebukes  from  that  body  may  even 
have  been  anticipated.  General  Grant  was  to  be  nominated  as 
the  Presidential  candidate  of  the  Lake  City  Conclave.  This 
occurred  on  May  21st.  His  august  name,  now  almost  hailed  as 
Imperator,  would  lend  additional  sanction  to  his  already  ex 
pressed  opinion,  that  the  conviction  of  President  Johnson  was  a 
necessity.  The  26th  of  May  arrived.  The  Congressional  Court 
re-convened  for  the  last  time.  A  vote  was  taken  upon  the 
second  article  of  impeachment,  with  the  same  result  as  on  the 
eleventh.  The  third  also  was  voted  on,  but  with  no  change. 
The  seven  recreant  Senators  yet  remained  obdurate  in  their 
apostasy  to  the  revolution,  whose  principles  they  had  so  lono-  and 
so  faithfully  served.  Impeachment  had  failed.  The  High  Court 

Judge,  or  the  incoming  of  another,  does  not  and  cannot  have  any  bear 
ing  on  the  decision  of  the  cases  on  the  docket.  Now,  if  the  nation  in 
this  hour  of  her  extremity,  needs  loyal  votes  in  the  Senate,  let  the  loyal 
majority  admit  at  once  the  Senators  from  the  newly  reconstructed  and  re- 
gemrated  State  of  Arkansas.  They  are  standing,  waiting  at  the  door. 
It  is  a  superfluous  caution  that  keeps  them  out.  Bring  in  two,  if  there  is 
need  of  them,  patriot  Senators  from  Florida,  Georgia,  Louisiana  and  the 
Carolinas. 


500  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

now  adjourned  sine  die  y  and  E.  M.  Stan  ton,  on  the  same  day, 
advised  the  President  that  he  had  relinquished  charge  of  the 
War  Department.  The  partisan  trial  to  depose  an  American 
President  was  now  become  an  Ilium  fuit  of  history. 

The  revolution  was  first  checked  in  the  acquittal  of  Andrew 
Johnson.  But  the  check  was  only  of  the  same  kind,  though  in 
effect  superior  to  that  produced  by  the  conservative  reaction,  led 
by  Senators  Cowan,  Dixon  and  Doolittle ;  and  which  the  Presi 
dential  resistance  served  to  concentrate.  The  revolutionary  force 
was  partially  stemmed  by  the  apparent  conservatism  of  the  seven 
Republican  Senators,  ranging  themselves  for  once  with  the  Demo 
crats,  who  had  earnestly  striven  against  the  current  since  first  it 
arose ;  and  with  somewhat  similar  effect  as  regarded  themselves. 
The  Democracy  had  been  exiled ;  and  likewise  the  Conservative 
Republicans,  who  from  time  to  time  had  joined  them  in  their 
efforts  to  resist  the  storm  of  fury,  were  consigned  to  the  same 
quarters  to  await  the  call  of  their  countrymen,  when  repose 
should  again  have  taught  them  the  severe  but  truthful  lessons  of 
history  and  experience. 

The  revolution  must  of  necessity  find  its  martyrs ;  and  those 
who  contributed  towards  its  development  were  quite  as  deserving 
of  that  lot  as  those  who  patriotically  strove  to  prevent  it.  But 
are  the  seven  Republican  nominal  conservatives,  whose  votes 
saved  Andrew  Johnson  from  being  deposed  as  President  of  the 
United  States,  entitled  to  any  especial  honor  because  of  their 
action  ?  So  far  as  they  then  contributed  to  defeat  the  objects  of 
the  revolutionists,  in  one  particular,  they  acted  a  worthy  part. 
They,  however,  only  deserve  honor  so  far  as  they  were  influenced 
by  motives  of  pure  patriotism.  From  the  time  the  sectional 
party  first  organized,  most  of  these  men  had  steadily  lent  their  ad 
hesion  to  nearly  all  the  views  of  that  dangerous  organization  ; 
and  all  of  them,  from  the  outbreak  of  the  rebellion,  endorsed 
most  of  the  revolutionary  principles  of  their  party  up  to  the 
impeachment  of  the  President.  In  preventing  the  President's 
deposition,  their  alarm  simply  aroused  them  to  the  necessity  of 
arresting  this  new  current  of  the  revolution  that  had  far  exceeded 
their  anticipations ;  and  which  was  threatening  to  prostrate  all 
the  land  marks  of  constitutional  government.  Is  that,  however, 
patriotism,  which  forbears  to  strike  further  out  of  dread  for 
retroactive  consequences  1 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  501 

If  fear,  or  other  like  motive,  induced  the  action  of  the  revolu 
tionary  Senators,  who  voted  for  the  acquittal  of  the  President, 
its  effect  was  but  of  brief  duration.  The  dog  speedily  returned  to 
his  vomit  again.  The  pretended  conservatives  were  soon  in  alli 
ance  with  their  old  political  associates.  They  were  begotten  to 
political  fame  of  the  revolution ;  and  its  children  they  must  re 
main.  Keither  can  the  Ethiopian  change  his  skin,  nor  the  leopard 
his  spots.  Fit  companions  of  revolutionists,  the  Republican  anti- 
impeachers,  as  truants,  returned  to  their  camp  to  be  guarded  and 
court-marshalled  for  their  insubordination;  but  faithfully  to 
renew  their  service  with  their  old  masters.  In  consummating 
the  unconstitutional  legislation,  by  which  it  was  pretended  to 
restore  the  seceded  States,  to  their  normal  rights  of  representa 
tion  in  the  Union  ;  who  were  more  efficient  actors  than  Trumbull, 
Fessenden  and  others  of  the  non-convicting  Senators  ?  In  one 
aspect,  their  recurring  reason  stemmed  the  revolution  ;  in  another 
their  fanaticism  was  further  accompanying  it  on  its  doleful  mis 
sion  of  death. 


503  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

DEATH  OF  MR.    STEVENS,   WITH  CONCLUDING  REFLECTIONS. 

The  present  work  carries  the  historic  thread  of  the  revolution 
up  to  August  llth,  1868.  On  that  day  Thaddeus  Stevens,  the 
corypheus  of  the  Congressional  revolutionists,  ended  his  earthly 
career,  leaving  the  seeds  which  he  and  his  associates  had  sown,  to 
germinate  and  yield  their  natural  fruit.  Our  subject  died  in 
Washington  City,  the  scene  of  his  most  famous  labors,  after  an 
iiness  01  some  months,  which  terminated  in  his  demise.  Hav 
ing  been  brought  to  his  home  in  Lancaster,  he  was  buried  in 
the  cemetery  of  his  own  selection,  because  none  were  precluded 
from  interment  within  its  enclosure,  on  account  of  race  or  color. 
In  liis  funeral  procession,  he  received  the  especial  homage  of  that 

race,  for  which  he  was  believed  to  have  devoted  his  crowning 

o 

eiforts.  Considerable  numbers  of  these  with  others,  followed 
his  remains  to  their  last  resting  place.  A  handsome  monument 
in  Shreiner's  Cemetery  marks  his  sepulchre. 

But  in  the  selection  of  Mr.  Stevens,  as  the  man  whose  political 
career  should  span  the  development  and  progress  of  the  revolu 
tion  which  has  been  sketched,  he  was  in  no  wise  chosen  as  a  sub 
ject  for  eulogium  or  laudation ;  but  simply  as  typical  of  those 
who  have  subverted  pure  republicanism  in  the  wild  and  chimeri 
cal  hope  of  reaching  what  is  wholly  unattainable  under  any  form 
of  government.  His  career  as  a  citizen  and  lawyer,  is  left 
mainly  for  others  to  portray,  who  have  taste  for  this  species  of 
literature.  His  benevolence  and  witticism,  peculiar  traits  de 
veloped  by  him,  have  likewise  been  omitted.  The  former  of 
these,  was  in  his  hands  simply  an  instrument  by  which  he  engi 
neered  his  way  to  power  in  a  government,  which  his  reason  dis 
approved.  Lacking  pure  purpose,  he  was  ready  to  embrace  any 
means  to  attain  the  objects  of  his  ambitious  aspirations ;  and  his 
shrewdness  assured  him  that  nothing  would  so  attach  the  unthink- 
in<>-  to  his  standard,  as  the  favors  he  bestowed  upon  them.  Had 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  503 

unselfish  benevolence  influenced  his  seeming  chanties,  he  would' 
in  other  respects  also,  have  shone  as  a  moral  luminary  of  his  age 
and  nation ;  and  he  would  have  left  behind  him,  an  impress  of 
virtue  never  to  be  eradicated.  But  he  passed  away,  having 
simply  towered  as  an  able,  adroit,  skillful  lawyer,  and  an  extreme 
advocate  of  human  equality,  regardless  of  consequences.  In  his 
advocacy,  however,  of  this  equality,  he  'evinced  to  the  philosophic 
mind,  the  demagogue;  as  orJy  sincere,  honest  fanatics  could  ad 
vocate  a  doctrine  that  reason,  from  the  origin  of  recorded  history, 
has  disproved.  But  Mr.  Stevens  was  no  fanatic.  His  intellectu 
ality  raised  him  high  above  all  fanaticism,  and  enabled  him  to 
scan  its  strength,  and  adroitly  use  it  as  a  caparisoned  charger  to 
ride  to  the  goal  of  his  political  ambition.  He  fully  understood 
the  fanatics  of  his  age,  and  clearly  perceived,  that  paying  court 
to  their  sentiments,  was  the  only  method  by  which  he  and  his 
party,  could  overthrow  the  Constitutional  Democracy.  This  he 
did,  originally  impelled  out  of  personal  hatred  to  men,  who  for 
years  had  been  instrumental  in  excluding  him  from  coveted  posts 
of  honor  to  which  he  had  aspired.*  Thrown  thus  into  antago 
nism  with  the  chivalric  spirits,  who  controlled  the  old  political 
parties,  he  was  compelled  to  find  his  supporters  amongst  the  in 
congruous  herd  of  discontented  agitators,  whom  birth  and  posi 
tion  consign  to  subordination  and  vassalage,  and  who  are  ever 
eady  to  combat  their  own  and  the  imaginary  ills  of  others. 

Some  concluding  observations  and  reflections  upon  the  course 
of  events  since  the  demise  of  Mr.  Stevens,  will  not  be  deemed, 
as  is  presumed,  inappropriately  appended  in  this,  the  last  chapter 
of  the  work.  Only  in  this  way  can  the  dangerous  character  of 
the  revolutionary  men  of  the  Stevens  type  be  fully  understood. 
The  American  Government,  up  to  the  period  of  the  advent  of 
fanaticism  to  power,  had  justly  acquired  the  reputation  of  bein°- 
the  model  Republic  of  the  world.  The  Union  was  the  promised 
land  of  peace,  plenty  and  happiness  for  the  oppressed  of  Europe. 

*His  confident:al  friends  say,  that  in  the  campaign  of  1844,  whilst 
pretending  to  be  the  supporter  of  Henry  Clay  for  President,  he  visited 
New  York  and  other  Northern  States,  and  urged  the  Abolitionists  to 
support  Birnej,  so  as  to  abstract  a  sufficient  number  of  votes  from  Clay 
to  cause  his  defeat.  A  confidential  friend  of  Mr.  Stevens,  a  man  of 
prominence,  who  was  an  Abolit.onist,  was  heard  to  remark  about  that 
time,  that  his  two-faced  action  in  this  particular,  was  deserving  o:  com- 
mt  lation.  Only  an  Abolitionist  or  an  unprincipled  knave  couid  com- 
cii  conduct. 


504  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

A  succession  of  honorable  Statesmen  had  risen  to  eminence  in 
the  United  States,  that  were  worthy  to  be  compared  with  the 
noblest  personages  of  ancient  or  modern  times.  The  Senate, 
adorned  by  the  intellects  of  the  Clays,  Websters  and  Calhouns, 
was  fully  the  peer  of  that  of  ancient  Rome  in  her  palmy  days. 
From  its  formation  the  Government,  as  a  kind  of  foster  mother, 
had  been  receiving  new  accessions  of  territory,  casting  her  pro 
tecting  folds  around  the  acceding  acquisitions  ;  and  was  so  enlarg 
ing  her  domain  as  if  purposing  ultimately  to  embrace  the  whole 
Western  continent.  All  this  development  and  prosperity  was 
the  fruit  of  Jeffersonian  Democracy  and  State  right  equality. 

But  how  soon  was  the  mighty  fallen.  No  sooner  had  the  ideas 
of  Seward,  Suinner  and  Giddings  triumphed  in  the  election  of 
Abraham  Lincoln,  than  the  peaceful  and  prosperous  days  of  the 
Republic  ended.  The  preliminary  crusade  that  led  to  this  event, 
had  been  subverting  the  principles  of  morality  and  sound  Chris 
tian  purity,  the  pillars  of  all  stable  government.  The  doctrine, 
that  a  higher  law*  than  the  Constitution  should  regulate  human 


*  The  prevailing  dishonesty  and  corruption  of  our  country,  take  their 
source  in  the  principles  of  the  "  higher  law,"  and  in  the  growing  disbelief 
in  the  old  systems  of  morality,  which  recognized  all  property  as  sacred 
and  inviolable.  The  ''higher  Law  "  is  itself  an  efflux  of  modern  infidelity, 
which  is  rapidly  spreading  its  deadening  blight  over  the  fair  fields  of 
modern  civilization  ;  and  in  110  country  are  its  effects  so  sad  as  in 
America,  the  boasted  land  of  liberty.  Wnere  the  most  extreme  doctrines 
of  disbelief  can  with  freedom  be  discussed  and  propagated,  it  is  reason 
able  to  find  the  natural  resulis  of  such  indoctrination.  The  United  States 
are  now  suffering  from  consequences  to  produced,  and  will  continue 
to  suffer,  until  the  causes  themselves  be  eradicated  and  fully  removed. 

The  "  higher  law  "  doctrine  being  the  development  of  the  infidelity 
of  the  age,  finds  its  chief  nourishment  in  the  far-famed  Puritan  free 
school  system  of  America.  This  system  of  instruction  is  producing 
its  desolating  effects  in  our  country,  because  morality  and  biblical  in 
struction  are  not  made  essential  parts  of  the  tuitional  work.  Archibald 
Alison,  a  philosophic  author,  says  :  "  Education,  if  not  based  on  religious 
tuition,  is  worse  than  useless ;  arid  every  day's  experience  is  adding  addi 
tional  confirmation  to  the  eternal  truth." — [Alison  on  Population,  Vol.  2, 
p.  292.] 

M.  Cousin,  another  European  writer  of  celebrity,  uses  the  following 
language  :  "  Religion  is,  in  my  eyes,  the  best — perhaps  the  only — basis  of 
instruction.  I  know  a  little  of  Europe,  and  I  have  never  witnessed  any 
good  popular  schools  where  Christianity  was  wanting.  The  more  L 
reflect  upon  the  subject  the  more  I  am  convinced  with  the  directors  of 
the  Ecoles  Normales  arid  the  ministerial  counselors,  that  we  must  go 
hand  in  hand  with  the  clergy  in  order  to  instruct  the  people  and  make 
religious  education  a  special  and  large  part  of  instruction  in  our  primary 
schools.  I  am  not  ignorant  that  these  suggestions  will  sound  ill  in  the 
ears  of  some,  and  tnat  in  Paris  I  shall  be  looked  upon  as  excessively 
devout ;  but  it  is  from  Berlin,  nevertheless,  not  Rome,  that  I  write.  He 
who  speaks  to  you  is  a  philosopher,  one  looked  on  with  an  evil  eye,  and 
even  persecuted  by  the  priesthood  ;  but  who  knows  human  nature  and 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  535 

action,  was  destructive  of  all  governmental  subordination ;  and 
set  up  each  individual's  opinion  as  the  norm  that  should  regulate 
his  obedience  as  a  citizen.  The  refusal  of  the  Abolitionists  to 
acquiesce  in  the  requirements  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  was 
in  itself  revolutionary  and  destructive  of  all  government.  In 
placing  themselves  in  opposition  to  the  rendition  of  fugitive 
slaves,  they  became  robbers  of  the  property  of  their  countrymen, 
equally  guilty,  in  a  moral  aspect,  as  they  who  purloin  or  other 
wise  destroy  what  belongs  to  another.  Each  slave  that  escaped 
from  his  Southern  master,  was  his  legal  property  ;  and  the  men 
who  aided  him  in  his  escape,  and  those  who  justiiied  this  action, 
were  the  detroyers  of  society,  and  responsible  for  all  the  ills  that 
America  has  suffered  since  the  commencement  of  the  rebellion 
up  to  the  present  time  ;  and  also  for  those  which  destiny  has  in 
store  for  her.  They  were  the  infidel  and  wicked  subverters  of 
morality  and  rectitude  of  life ;  and  were  they  who  opened 
wide  the  flood-gates  of  demoralization,  which  permitted  the  cur 
rent  of  corruption  to  flow  forth  with  such  impetuosity,  that  it 


history  too  well  not  to  regard  religion  as  an  indestructible  power,  and 
Christianity,  when  rightly  inculcated,  as  an  essential  instrument  for 
civilizing  mankind,  and  a  necessary  support  to  those  on  waoni  society 
imposes  hard  and  humble  duties,  uiicheered  by  the  hope  of  future  for 
tune  or  the  consolations  of  self-love." — [Rapport  sur  i'  Instruction  da 
T  Allemagne,  p.  272.] 

Democracy,  under  the  non-religious  free  school  system  of  our  country, 
is  as  a  vessel  set  adrift  upon  the  stormy  ocean  of  life  without  rudder  or 
helmsman,  and  permitted  to  float  as  the  storms  of  passion  may  beat  upon 
it.  A  gloomy  future  is  in  store  for  free  government,  if  some  means  be 
not  devised  to  change  the  present  morality-destroying  system  of  popular 
instruction,  by  which  the  youth  of  our  country  shall  be  indoctrinated  in 
the  principles  of  honor,  virtue  and  truth,  as  well  as  made  familiar  with 
the  developments  of  intellectual  culture.  The  church  and  the  school- 
house  must  again  be  united,  or  corruption  and  demoralization  will  sink 
republican  government  in  a  vortex  of  social  ruin. 

The  destruction  now  threatening  our  country,  in  the  upheavals  of  im 
morality  and  national  corruption  that  are  arrismg  all  over  tiie  land,  un 
mistakably  traces  its  origin  to  the  free  school  system  of  instruction  as  at 
present  conducted.  For  years  the  bible,  the  vade  meciun  of  Christian 
communities,  has  been  expelled  from  the  schools  of  our  country  ;  and 
the  flood  of  impiety  which,  on  that  account,  has  penetrated  them,  is  nov* 
showing  its  results  in  every  village  and  hamlet  from  Maine  to  California. 
Whilst  it  was  retained,  it  was  the  flaming  sword  that  guarded  against 
the  entrance  of  the  evil  influences  that  are  now  disp  ay  ing  their  baneful 
fruits  in  the  high  places  of  the  nation.  Its  return  must  be  secured,  or 
liberty,  that  solace  of  freemen,  will  expire  in  the  night  of  gloom  that  is 
fast  netting  upon  our  country. 

And,  if  a  reason  be  sought  why  corruption  is  more  highly  rearing  its 
head  under  revolutionary  Republican,  than  under  constitutional  Demo 
cratic  rule,  it  is  found  in  the  fact  that  the  leaders  of  the  former  party, 
contra-distinguished  from  their  opponents,  profess  not  to  square  their 
opinions  with  the  teaching  of  revelation  nor  with  the  moral  maxims  of 


500  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

now  threatens  to  wash  away  all  the  defences  of  truth,  virtue  and 
and  honor. 

These  minions  of  Plutonic  darkness,  drove  the  defenders  of 
truth  and  the  Constitution  off  the  Held  of  conflict  and  captured 
the  citadels  of  virtue.  Under  the  hypocritical  pretence  of  ele 
vating  universal  humanity  to  absolute  equality,  by  means  of  the 
far-famed  free  schools,  from  which  all  biblical  and  moral  instruc 
tion,  as  far  as  possible,  was  excluded,  they  set  out  virtually  to 
inh'delize  the  world,  and  consign  Christianity  to  the  fabled  de 
posits  of  past  ages.  Their  crusade  against  slavery  was  an  insidi 
ous  but  cowardly  attack  upon  the  truths  and  morality  of  the 
Christian  system.  The  original  founders  of  their  school  and 
political  maxims,  were  French  Encyclopaedists  and  British  free 
thinkers  ;  and  the  ease  with  which  large  numbers  of  the  Chris 
tian  clergy  were  seduced  into  the  support  of  revolutionary 
abolitionism,  either  showed  the  latter's  lack  of  discernment,  or 
proved  them  to  be  wolves  in  sheep's  clothing,  who  were  simply 
fattening  upon  the  stipends  of  their  needy  parishioners,  llad 


the  ancient  philosophers.  Did  not  Anson  V.  Burlingame,  one  of  the 
high  priests  of  Republicanism,  demand  an  anti-slaver ij  Bible  and  ananti- 
slavary  God  ?  In  his  utterances  the  spirit  of  the  ''higher  law"  was 
speaking,  in  unmistakable  words,  the  full  demands  of  the  infidel  San 
hedrim.  And  we  see  all  around  us  the  results  of  the  new  teaching,  in 
the  steady  decline  of  moral  sensibility.  A  Republican  author  is  forced 
to  make  the  following  admission  :  "  Th3  fact  is  humiliating  that  the 
tone  of  American  life  is  lower  since  the  war,  which  was  supposed  to  be 
about  to  usher  in  a  new  era  of  national  honor  and  culture,  than  it  was 
before.  It  may  be,  indeed,  that  we  are  in  a  state  ot  transition  from 
lower  to  higher  aims  ;  but  the  transition  is  very  bewildering  and  lasts  a 
very  long  time.  The  promised  light  refuses  to  come.  The  days  grow 
darker  every  day,  and  the  thoughtful  patriot  can  dimly  see  little  more 
than  a  broad  and  dismal  waste,  crowded  with  men  ravenous  for  gain  ; 
while  those  who  desire  and  seek  better  things  are  trampled  under  foot 
like  dogs." — [Dix's  American  State,  p.  15.] 

But.  notwithstanding,  it  is  apparent  that  the  moral  tone  is  stealily 
declining,  do  not  Republican  propagandists  still  vaunt  their  superior  in 
telligence  over  their  political  partisans,  and  boast  that  their  ranks  are 
composed  of  the  refinement  and  intelligence  of  the  country  ?  Do  they 
not  iaud  their  superior  devotion  to  the  free  school  system  of  Auierica  ; 
and  point  to  the  culture  which  their  voters  display  V  And  do  they  not 
refer  sneeringly  to  the  masses  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  gibe  them 
for  lack  of  the;r  kind  of  intelligence  ?  The  contrast  between  the  two 
parties  (the  negroes  being  excluded)  is  palpable  and  conceded  ;  and  it  is 
to  the  creditof  the  Democratic  party,  that  its  ranks  do  not  possess  the 
irreligious  intelligence  of  their  opponents.  But  they  do  have  tha ;  which 
enrolls  them  far  above  their  political  enemies.  They  have  superior  moral 
training  and  a  superior  moral  sense.  Theirs  is  yet  the  moral  sense  of 
the  olden  periods,  before  corruption  had  made  its  desolating  inroads, 
induced  by  a  false  training,  that  is  eating  out  the  vitals  of  purity  and 
reverence  for  right.  Plato  declared  that  "General  ignorance  is  neither 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  507 

these  clergymen  and  their  followers  looked  around  them,  they 
would  have  found  themselves  marshalled  by  the  bold,  brazen  in- 
fide's  of  the  North;  and  every  stroke  these  poor  deluded  slaves 
struck,  in  behalf  of  rationalistic  abolitionism,  fell  with  all  its  force 
upon  biblical  revelat  oa  and  the  revered  truths  of  the  Christian 
religion.  But  they  struck,  not  then  being  able  to  distinguish 
their  friends  from  their  enemies. 

And  though,  at  length,  conscious  that  the  American  body 
politic  is  suffering  from  excruciating  pains,  they  are  still  unable 
to  comprehend  what  has  given  rise  to  the  national  disease.  They 
ignorantly  impute  all  our  disorders  to  the  Southern  rebellion ; 
and  accuse  the  people  of  the  South  as  the  guilty  agents  in  pro 
ducing  that  sorrowful  struggle  between  the  people  of  the  two 
sections.  The  late  civil  war  has  been  largely  instrumental  in 
causing  the  condition  of  affairs  by  which  we  are  now  surrounded ; 
yet  numerous  other  agencies  must  also  be  considered,  for  a  full 
solution  of  the  causes  of  cur  troubles.  False  doctrine  has  been 
t'.ie  germinating  source  of  our  national  calamities.  The  war 


the  greatest  evil  nor  the  worst  to  be  dreaded."    Ignorance,  indeed,  is  a 
blessing,  unless  intelligence  be  imparted  in  schools  of  virtue  and  moral 


But  by  how  much  the  vaunted  intellectual  intelligence  of  the  Repub 
lican  party  surpasses  that  of  its  antagonist,  by  so  much  has  the  tone  of 
American  life  declined  since  the  advent  of  that  cultured  organizat  on  to 
power  in  1851.  And  thus  by  contrast  is  seen  the  danger  that  menaces 
free  government  in  sustaining  a  system  of  education,  that  aims  simply 
to  develop  the  intellect  of  humanity,  whilst  ignoring  and  leaving  its 
moral  sense  to  perish. 

What  else,  save  a  corruption  germinator,  could  a  party  be,  the  promi 
nent  leaders  of  which  defiantly  cast  aside  moral  restraint,  as  inculcated 
in  the  bible  and  by  the  Christian  church  ;  and  simply  look  to  a  higher 
law  .pr  the  guidance  that  humanity  requires?  For  it  is  an  undeniable 
fact,  that  the  infidel  hcrdes  of  the'  North  naturally  found  their  home  in 
the  organization  that  named  itself  Republican.  Tney  were  the  advanced 
levelers  of  the  races  :  and  as  full  equality  could  not  take  place  until 
property  was  also  equalized,  it  w^as  to.  be  expected  that  they  would  use 
all  their  efforts  to  effect  such  equalization.  The  public  corruption  and 
dishonesty  of  the  last  fifteen  years,  are  but  part  of  the  equalizing  pro 
cess  that  these  leaders  advocate.  Having  no  moral  regard  for  individual 
rights,  like  robbers  they  feel  themselves  warranted  m  plundering  from 
others  as  far  as  they  have  the  power  to  do  so  ;  and  the  only  barrier  to 
their  advances  is  dread  of  detection.  It  is  thus  that  the  principle  of 
communism  is  working  in  the  body  politic,  and  producing  the  loatiisorne 
festering  in  our  social  and  official  corporations. 

Does  it  not  evince  almost  a  putrid  condition  of  the  moral  sense,  when 
the  highest  Court  of  the  nation  could  make  a  decision  in  palpable  viola 
tion  of  the  Constitution  of  the  country  ?  And  what  communistic  draughts 
these  same  judges  must  have  imbioet.',  before  they  could  have  bejome  so 
intoxicated  as  to  render  a  decision  ignoring  the  fundamental  principles 
of  justice  ?  They  must  have  been  apt  pupils  of  the  higher  law  school  ; 
and  have  received  with  humble  docility  the  new  gospel  of  Seward,  Bui- 


608  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

itself,  like  the  other  evils,  with  which  we  have  been  and  are 
afflicted,  was  produced  by  the  dissemination  of  spurious  princi 
ples,  that  were  antagonistic  to  republican  institutions.  It  was 
caused  by  the  officious  effort  of  Northern  intermedlers,  to  pluck 
the  mote  out  of  their  brother's  eye,  without  being  conscious  of 
the  beam  that  clouded  their  own  visions. 

The  war  being  produced  by  the  anti-constitutional  interference 
of  a  party,  whose  corner-stone  principle  was  sectional  hate,  it 
should  not  be  suppossd  that  the  bcdy  politic  of  our  country  could 
ever  recover  its  wonted  strength,  until  all  the  deadly  virus  would 
be  totally  expelled  from  the  system.  The  war  upon  the  part  of 
the  Southern  people,  therefore,  was  but  an  effort  of  nature  which 
the  republic  made  to  cast  off  the  offensive  matter,  which  was 
threatening  death  to  constitutional  liberty.  The  effort  would 
have  been  successful,  but  for  the  fact  that  the  vigor  of  healthy 
life  was  dissolved  in  the  disease  of  fanaticism  which  had  over 
taken  our  country.  And  all  the  subsequent  struggles  undergone 
to  overthrow  the  policy  of  the  revolution,  were  made  in  the  interest 
of  republican  government.  The  Democracy,  being  the  nat 
ural  party  of  the  Republic,  could  not  die  as  long  as  any  hope 
for  free  government  remained.  But  the  principles  of  the  party 
of  revolution,  being  the  efflux  of  despotism,  must  be  overthrown, 
or  the  Republic  can  never  again  be  restored  to  its  normal  condi 
tion.  As  it  now  exists,  it  is  simply  a  Republic  in  name,  its 
cardinal  principles  having  perished.  It  is  a  mockery  to  call  our 
government  a  republic,  until  the  people  of  every  section  of 
our  common  country  shall  have  amicably  adjusted  all  their  diffi 
culties  since  the  beginning  of  the  war;  framed  a  new  Constitu 
tion,  or  remodled  the  old  one  so  as  to  make  it  satisfactory  to  all ; 

lingame  and  their  worthy  confreres.  No  doubt  they  passed  a  creditable 
examination  in  communistic  exegesis  before  the  judicial  ermine  had 
fallen  upon  them.  Even  members  of  the  Republican  party  are  com 
pelled  to  acknowledge  that  our  prevailing  corruption  has  been  aided  by 
the  conduct  of  men  in  high  places.  W.  G.  Dix,  an  author  who  speaks 
in  eulogistic  terms  of  Lincoln  and  Sumner,  says:  "  Who  canwondtr 
at;  the  corruption  which  prevails  in  so  many  departments  of  the  Govern 
ment,  and  111  every  nook  and  corner  of  the  land,  when  a  judgment  of 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  however  just  or  legal  its  inten 
tion,  is  universally  understood  to  permit  and  sanction  fraud  ?  *.  "*  * 
The  resignation  of  those  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  who  pronounced 
irredeemable  greeenbacks  lawful  money  fo^  the  payment  of  previous 
debts,  contracted  to  be  paid  in  gold  or  its  equivalent,  would  do  more 
than  anything  else  to  redeem  the  honor  of  our  highest  tiibunal,  and  to 
bring  public  opinion  back  to  its  bearings  on  financial  questions." — [The 
American  State,  pp.  34  and  35. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  509 

and  afterwards  in  State  conventions  shall  have  freely  adopted  the 
same.  Then,  and  not  before,  will  peace,  prosperity  and  happiness 
return  to  our  united  country ;  and,  as  before,  gladness  cover  our  land 
as  the  waters  cover  the  sea.  If,  however,  this  be  impossible  to  be 
reached,  on  account  of  the  turbulent  elements  of  our  composition, 
then  without  further  dissembling  let  the  declaration  be  made,  that 
republican  government  has  proved  a  failure ;  that  the  irrational 
efforts  to  secure  what  God  opposes,  universal  equality,  have,  instead 
of  bringing  liberty,  only  sunk  the  stragglers  deeper  in  the  slough  of 
despotism  ;  and  then  let  the  inevitable  consequences  be  accepted  ; 
let  constitutional  monarchies  arise  where  the  republic,  whilst 
governed  by  wisdom  and  virtue,  flourished,  and  let  the  world- 
struggle  forever  end.  Who  is  unable  to  see  that  our  Govern 
ment,  as  conducted  by  so-called  Republicanism,  since  its  advent  to 
power  has  been  infinitely  worse  than  the  constitutional  monarchy 
of  Great  Britain  ? 

The  Abolition  party  being  based  upon  false  principles,  it  of 
necessity  produced  an  entire  disintegration  of  our  whole  repub 
lican  system   of  government.     The   history  of  the  past  fifteen 
years  has  demonstrated  its  workings.     Coming  into  power  as  the 
pronounced  advocate  of  moral  delinquency,  could  abolition  rule 
do  ought  else  than  produce  the  miserable  desolation  of  principle 
which  now  covers  our  country  from  ocean  to  ocean.     No  other 
result  was  possible  to  occur,  when  the  moral  lepers,  who  con 
trolled  the  underground  railroads  and  their  tutors,  had  seized 
control  of  the  reins  of  government.     Men  who  made  a  boast  of 
their  dexterity  in  securing  the  safe  passage  of  fugitives  to  Canada 
and   elsewhere,  were   suitable  instruments  to  degrade   virtuous 
tone  throughout   the  community ;  and  produce  from  Maine  to 
California,  that  condition  of  moral  putrefaction  which  is  rapidly 
eating   out   the   vitals   of  truth,  honor   and   upright    manhood. 
Having  no  respect  for  the  immutable  laws,  which  God  has  im 
planted  upon  the  face  of  being,  they  were  ready  to  set  aside  all 
the  instruction  of  past  ages,  and  reconstruct  society  in  accord 
ance  with  their  wild  and  unhallowed  conceptions.     Atheists  in 
disguise,  and  infidels  in  profession,  they  had  no  regard  for  the 
Christian  code,  nor  even  for  the  moral  maxims  of  the  Greek  and 
Roman  philosophers.     The  felon  of  Charlestown  was  the  exem 
plar  they  worshipped,  and  his  maxims  formed  their  guide  as 
citizens  and  rulers. 


510  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

It  was  easy  for  such  men,  to  violate  as  they  did,  the  Federal 
Constitution,  first  in  making  war  against  the  South,   and  after 
wards  in  its  prosecution.     No  oaths  were  binding  upon   them, 
most  of  them  entertaining  no  belief  in  a  future  state  of  exist 
ence.     They  came  into  power,  therefore,  determined  to  destroy 
Southern  society,  and  make  it  in  future  conform  with  their  ideas, 
drawn  from  the  revolutionary  schools  of  France,  where  belief  in 
a   Deity   is   scoffed   to   the  encore.     The  passage  of  the  Legal 
Tender  Bill,  which  declared  that  all   debts,  whether  contracted 
before  or  subsequent  to  its  enactment,  should  be  paid  by  the 
notes  issued  by  the  Government,  was  simply  the  work   of  men 
destitute   of   moral    obligation,    and   displayed    their   dangerous 
character.      Necessity,    they   plead,    as   justifying   their   action, 
thereby  admitting,  that  the  Constitution  clothed  them  with  no  such 
authority.     "What  worse  do  banditti,  pirates  and  other  public  rob 
bers,  than  did  the  American  Congress,  in  the  enactment  of  tho 
unjust  and  unconstitutional  law,  which  permitted   all   debtors  to 
discharge  their  obligations  with  less  sums  of  money  than  they  owed 
their  creditors.     Robbers  embark  in  a  career,  in  which  necessity 
compels  them  to  seize  the  property  of  others,  in  order  to  support 
their  existence.     The  Abolition  Congress  and  President  Lincoln 
did  the  same.     They  entered,  in  violation  of  the   Constitution, 
upon  a  war  to  subjugate  and  ruin  the  Southern  people.     Necessity 
compelled  them  to  enact  the  Legal  Tender  Bill  in  order,  under 
guise  of  law,  to  be  able  to  subsidize,  by  a  false  financial  system, 
the  wealth  of  the  American  people,  or  abandon  their  unrighteous 
undertaking.     But  for  their  violations  of  sacred   obligation,   in 
having  done  so,  the  compensator  of  human  action,  as  an  avenging 
Deity,  will  yet  sing  songs  of  infamy  over  the  tombs  of  those, 
who  trampled  upon  and  desecrated  her  holy  laws. 

The  inspired  book  advises  us,  that  we  are  to  judge  the  tree  by 
its  fruits.  In  the  application  of  this  test  to  the  political  parties 
of  our  country,  what  a  verdict  of  doom,  at  this  time,  strikes  the 
vision  of  the  revolutionary  party ;  that  party  which  has  almost 
sunk  the  Ship  of  State  in  the  billows  of  misgovernment  and 
social  corruption  ?  It  is,  as  many  of  their  shrewd  leaders  have 
already  expressed  it,  enough  to  make  them  shudder  at  the 
thought  of  the  Democracy  returning  to  power.  They  see  the  tide 
of  ignominy  slowly  rolling,  thai:  is  to  cover  them  forever,  unless 
by  perjury,  bribery,  and  the  perversion  of  the  elective  franchise 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  511 

they  can  successfully  embank  against  it,  as  they  have  been  able 
to  do  since  the  close  of  the  rebellion. 

The  tree  of  corruption,  sprung  chiefly  from  the  soil  fertilized 
by  those  who  proclaimed  a  higher  law  than  the  Constitution,  has 
produced  in  our  country  its  natural  fruit.  It  seems  even  to  be 
growing  with  fearful  rapidity,  and  producing  every  year  a  fresh 
and  more  abundant  crop  than  that  of  the  preceding  season.  Its 
roots  have  penetrated  every  State  of  our  monarchically  consoli 
dated  Union,  diffusing  exhalations  that  have  tainted  the  moral 
atmosphere  in  all  departments  of  society.  And  the  pestiferous 
fruit,  though  in  itself  noxious,  has  come  to  be  the  chief  object 
of  aspiration  amongst  the  American  people,  and. is  sought  after 
with  the  greatest  possible  avidity.  "What  at  an  early  period  in 
our  history,  would  have  been  rejected  with  scorn  as  dishonorable 
and  degrading,  is  now  coveted  by  large  numbers  of  the  commu 
nity  with  the  greatest  zeal. 

The  moral  disease  displayed  itself  fully  with  the  installation  of 
the  abolition  party,  in  power  in  1861.  The  men  who  appeared 
in,  and  those  who  were  appointed  to  the  chief  places  of  trust  and 
honor  under  the  Government,  were  mainly  those  who  were  most 
sensibly  tainted  with  the  leprosy  that  had  for  years  been  diseas 
ing  the  body  politic  of  the  North  ;  and  the  subsequent  develop 
ment  of  the  public  corruption,  which  from  this  time  disclosed 
itself  to  the  eyes  of  the  nation,  was  chiefly  traceable  to  this 
class  of  public  functionaries.  Accusations  followed  accusations, 
from  that  period  of  our  history,  and  public  officials  were  accused 
of  peculations  and  plunder  of  the  public  money,  which  Avould 
never  have  been  committed  at  an  earlier  period  of  our  history. 
These  charges,  numerous  as  they  were,  nevertheless  were  mostly 
unheeded  by  the  men  and  the  party  that  controlled  the  National 
Government.  And  even  when  investigations  were  ordered, 
those  appointed  to  inquire  into  the  charges  of  corruption,  were 
usually  the  friends  and  companions  of  the  guilty  parties  them 
selves.  During  the  whole  period  of  the  civil  war,  this  con 
dition  of  affairs  continued,  the  corruption  all  the  while  steadily ' 
increasing.  And  this,  it  has  continued  to  do,  up  to  the  present 
time. 

It  should  have  seemed  probable,  that  the  moral  organization  of 
the  body  politic  would  have  revolted  against  the  hideous  deformi 
ties  that  arose  upon  all  sides  ;  and  have  rebuked  the  corrupt  men 


513  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

who  perpetrated  and  those  who  sustained  evil  doers  in  their 
foul  iniquities.  But  the  false  doctrines  which  had  been  propa 
gated  with  success  for  years,  had  also  taken  firm  hold  of  the 
opinions  of  the  masses,  and  they  no  longer  viewed  public  offences 
as  their  ancestors  had  done  before  them.  Besides,  they  were 
assured  by  crafty  leaders,  that  periods  of  turbulence,  as  civil 
wars,  ever  engender  corruptions,  and  lead  to  such  violations  of 
principle  as  ever  shock  the  moral  sense  of  communities.  As 
soon  as  the  corrupt  officials  came  to  discover  that  the  moral  tone 
had  lowered  itself,  their  descent  on  the  descending  plane  percepti 
bly  increased,  and  still  further  gained  in  velocity  as  fresh  license 
was  granted.  Action  and  reaction  were  thus  plainly  effective  in 
the  lowering  of  the  moral  tone. 

The  lobby  rings  of  the  different  States  and  nation,  first  showed 
themselves  in  their  utter  deformity,  after  the  accession  of  the 
Abolition  party  to  power.  In  those  States,  fully  under  the  con 
trol  of  this  party,  the  lobby  at  the  seat  of  government  was  a 
fixed  and  profitable  institution  ;  and  many  Democrats  came  to 
be  participant  in  its  doings.  But  though  individual  impurities 
were  disclosed  in  the  Democratic  organization,  its  principal  lead 
ers  placed  themselves  in  opposition  to  the  lobbyists,  and  strove 
to  break  up  their  calling.  In  Pennsylvania  this  was  effected, 
under  the  new  Constitution,  adopted  in  the  State  in  1873,  mainly 
by  the  Democratic  party,  against  the  votes  of  most  of  the  oppo 
sition  party.  In  Washington,  the  corrupt  lobby  only  attained  to 
notoriety  after  the  majority  of  both  branches  of  Congress  had 
become  Abolitionists, 

The  sinking  of  the  moral  tone,  throughout  the  country,  which 
took  place  after  the  Abolition  party  came  into  power,  gave  rise 
to  the  numerous  scandals,  which  from  time  to  time,  blackened  the 
memories  of  public  men  in  their  States  and  at  the  Federal 
Capital.  In  consequence  of  this  moral  fall,  a  more  corrupt  and 
less  cultivated  class  of  politicians  were  able,  in  their  respective 
States  and  districts,  to  secure  their  elevation  to  Congress.  Means 
were  resorted  to  by  the  successful  politicians,  which  men  of 
honorable  tone  refused  to  adopt ;  and  when  these  reached  Con 
gress,  they  were  eager  to  make  up  by  bribes,  and  other  corrupt 
practices,  what  they  had  expended  to  procure  their  seats.  The 
Credit  Mobilier,  Pacific  Mail,  and  numerous  other  scandals  that 
inflicted  dishonor  upon  Vice-President,  Senator^  and  other 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  53 

Members  of  Congress,  are  to  be  imputed  to  the  lowering 
tone  of  moral  purity  that  has  pervaded  the  nation  since  the 
year  1861. 

With  corruption  stalking  in  mid-day,  unrebuked  in  the  Federal 
and  State  Capitals,  it  was  not  surprising  that  it  should  react 
upon  the  body  politic.  This  it  has  done ;  and  for  a  decade  in 
the  Xorth,  elections  have  proved  farcical  in  the  extreme.  Men, 
for  years,  hava  been  declared  as  elected  Governors  of  States. 
Members  of  Congress,  State  Legislators  and  other  officers,  who 
never  received  the  majority  of  the  legal  votes  of  the  people. 
Fraudulent  repeaters,  purchased  voters,  and  altered  returns  of 
elections,  were  employed  to  secure  the  prolongation  of  that  party 
in  power,  which  originally  opened  the  flood-gates  of  political 
corruption.  To  such  a  degree  of  boldness  did  the  so-called 
Republican  leaders  advance,  that  they  no  longer  hesitated  to 
count  their  victories  in  advance,  basing  them,  upon  their  knowl 
edge  of  what  the  money  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  leaders  for 
the  canvasses  would  be  able  to  effect.  Politicians  no  longer  seek 
for  men  best  fitted  for  public  positions;  and  only  those  are 
selected  as  nominees,  who  respond  most  freely  to  the  financial 
demands  made  upon  them.  The  nominee  must  liquidate  his 
assessment,  under  pain  of  being  stricken  from  the  list  of 
candidates,  and  another  name  substituted  for  his  own  by  the 
committee  that  holds  the  party  despotism  in  its  hands.  This 
corrupting  and  anti-republican  system  of  political  proceeding, 
originating  in  the  fertile  brains  of  Abolitionists,  has  also  made 
its  entry  into  the  Democratic  party.  Corruption  seems  the  all 
present  attendant  of  modern  American  politics. 

Besides,  is  to  be  mentioned,  as  abolition  fruit,  the  shocking  mis- 
government  which  followed  the  accession  of  the  revolutionary 
party  to  power  in  the  South,  by  the  aid  of  negro  votes.  Men 
were  then  elected  as  public  officials,  who  were  utterly  unfitted 
for  any  other  occupation,  save  that  of  cotton  pickers  upon  the 
plantation  of  a  Southern  master.  A  large  proportion  of  several 
of  the  Southern  legislatures  were  composed  for  years,  of  freed 
negroes,  who  were  no  better  fitted  to  legislate  upon  questions  of 
government  than  the  Chiefs  of  Soudan  or  Guinea,  Many  of 
those  who  were  elected,  had  simply  been  barbers,  waiters  in 
hotels,  or  field  laborers  upon  Southern  plantations  before  the  out 
break  of  the  rebellion.  A  few  of  them  had  picked  up  a  smat- 


514  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

tering  of  the  elementary  branches  of  an  English  education,  which 
fitted  them  in  their  own  and  abolition  estimation,  to  be  the  rulers 
and  law-givers  in  their  States  and  in  the  nation.  But  that 
eternal  adaptation  and  fitness  of  things,  which  cause  harmony 
and  their  contrary  inharmony,  soon  displayed  themselves  in 
the  workings  of  governmental  affairs,  after  the  South  had  become 
Africanized. 

It  soon  became  apparent  that  it  is  not  elementary  education 
that  fits  men  for  self-government.  This  kind  of  learning  only 
furnishes  the  tools  for  the  acquisition  of  that  other  instruction, 
that  prepares  men  for  government.  It  is  alone,  after  men 
have  become  imbued  with  the  principles  of  moral  science  and 
political  philosophy,  that  they  are  qualified  for  taking  part  in 
governmental  affairs,  and  not  when  they  have  simply  mas 
tered  the  rudiments  of  an  education.  The  history  of  other 
nations  and  of  former  times  should  be  studied  by  legislators, 
the  nature  of  government  be  well  examined,  and  reflected 
upon ;  and  the  experience  of  our  own  and  foreign  nations  be 
dilligently  observed,  inferences  drawn  therefrom,  and  atten 
tively  weighed  and  considered.  By  such  education  alone,  are 
men  prepared  for  taking  an  intelligent  share  in  the  concerns  of 
government. 

The  misgovernment  of  years,  that  oppressed  several  of  the 
Southern  States  from  the  period  of  reconstruction,  until  one 
after  another  of  these  were  grasped  from  the  talons  of  the  filthy 
cormorants  that  wrere  feeding  upon  them,  is  known  throughout 
the  nation.  And  some  of  these  States  as  yet  remain  to  be  snatched 
from  the  political  vultures  that  have  fattened  upon  their  sub 
stance.  South  Carolina  remains  in  the  grasp  of  corrupt  scound- 
relism,  which  was  fastened  upon  her  by  a  party,  whose  leaders 
deserve  the  reprobation  and  contempt  of  coming  ages.  Their 
rotten  system  of  negro  government  has  been  thoroughly  tested 
in  that  State,  and  the  late  election  of  F.  J.  Moses  and  W.  J. 
Whipper,  the  colored  jurist,  has  almost  satisfied  their  own  cor- 
ruptionists,  that  the  eyes  of  an  indignant  nation  are  opening  to 
their  misdeeds. 

But  not  only  is  the  fruit  of  fanaticism  exemplified  in  the 
flagrant  corruption  and  misgovernment  that  are  festering  in  the 
nation,  but  the  business  of  the  people  has  been  ruined  by  the 
adoption  of  an  unwise  financial  system,  which  may,  perhaps, 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  515 

ultimately  produce  universal  bankruptcy  and  entail  ruinous  con 
sequences  upon  coming  generations.  The  condition  of  affairs 
under  which  \ve  are  now  laboring,  was  predicted  as  sure  to  fol 
low,  should  Congress  adopt  the  Legal  Tender  Bill  and  banish 
gold  and  silver  from  business  circles.  But  all  the  predictions 
were  unheeded,  and  the  conquest  of  the  South  was  prosecuted  at 
all  hazards.  It  was  accomplished ;  and  now  the  people  are  reap 
ing  the  harvest  of  financial  disaster,  the  seeds  of  which  the 
fanatical  men  of  the  war  epoch  sowed.  And  when  the  hurricane 
of  death  has  come,  these  same  destroyers  of  the  currency  are 
striving  to  appear  before  the  nation  as  the  constitutional  financiers 
of  the  country.  Like  the  old  ruler  of  darkness  who,  when  sick, 
desired  the  Monkish  Cowl,  but  when  cured  again,  was  soon  ready 
to  lay  it  aside,  The  destructive  party  is  smitten  with  sickness ; 
and  it  now  desires  to  show  its  penitence. 

Can  the  condition  of  affairs  under  which  we  labor  be  altered  ? 
Only  one  remedy  appears  to  present  the  possibility  of  improve 
ment.  And  that  is  the  restoration  of  the  constitutional  Democ 
racy  to  power,  and  the  purification  of  their  own  ranks  by  a 
gradual  elimination  of  the  corrupt  elements.  Can  more  of  re 
form  be  expected  from  this  party  than  from  their  political  oppo 
nents?  Upon  the  affirmative  determination  of  this  question, 
depend  the  restoration  of  our  Union  back  to  a  republican  condi 
tion,  and  its  future  preservation  as  a  free  government.  Under  the 
management  of  the  revolutlonay  party,  the  Union  from  being  a 
comparatively  pure  Confederated  Republic,  has  become  a  cor 
rupt  consolidation  ;  and  the  demoralization  of  affairs  threatens 
the  general  prostration  of  moral  principles. 

Can  the  Democracy  remedy  this  condition  ?  That  they  may  do 
BO,  is  hoped  for  the  following  reasons.  The  democracy  are  the 
national  party  of  America,  tracing  lineal  descent  from  the  framers 
of  the  republic.  They  are  the  constitutional  party,  the  one 
which  ever  abides  by  its  own  and  the  nation's  legal  obligations ;  op 
poses  all  fanaticisms,  but  is  the  tolerator  and  extender  of  equal 
liberty  to  all  religions.  It  is  composed  mainly  of  the  conservative 
elements  of  the  country.  Its  long  continued  existence,  as  a  partv, 
has  been  owing  principally  to  the  elements  of  its  composition  ; 
the  ranks  accepting  as  dogmatical  truths,  its  cardinal  fundamental 
principles  finding  their  own,  and  the  country's  interest  in  so 


516  A  REVIEW  OF  THE 

doing.  The  Democracy-"  are  largely  the  party  of  the  laboring 
people,  who  are  not  in  possession  of  the  wealth  of  the  country. 
The  leaders  are  men  whom  the  just  and  constitutional  principles 
of  the  party  hold  in  its  ranks ;  and  whom  otherwise,  interest 
might  in  the  Korth  attract  to  the  opposition.  These  men  when 
elevated  to  power,  will  again  diffuse  a  new  moral  tone  throughout 
the  nation;  and  if  possible,  restore  the  Union  to  its  former 
republican  purity.  Is  it  not  natural  to  suppose  that  a  more 
healthy  tone  of  morality  will  be  established  amongst  the  people, 
by  leaders  who  observed  their  oaths  to  support  the  constitution, 
than  by  those  who,  relying  upon  a  higher  law,  disregarded  them  ? 
By  the  latter,  as  has  been  seen,  the  political  corruption  has  been 
introduced,  but  this  remains  to  be  arrested  by  the  former.  If 
however,  they  be  unable  to  arrest  the  political  disorders  of  our 
country,  the  days  of  the  republic  have  ended. 

The  bitter  fruits  that  the  American  people  have  been  com 
pelled,  by  fanaticism,  to  gather  from  the  tree  of  evil,  should 
admonish  them  to  forsake  the  leaders,  who  have  so  treacherously 
seduced  them.  Let  them  return  and  accept  the  leadership  of 
men  of  true  principles ;  men  of  the  same  principles  as  those  who 
laid  the  foundation  of  the  republic,  and  built  up  for  it  a  peaceful 
and  prosperous  government.  For  if  they  continue  to  follow  the 
blind  guides  of  the  past,  then  America  has  only  begun  her  career 
of  madness  ;  and  a  magazine  of  destruction  is  yet  in  reserve 
for  her.  If  a  speedy  return  to  the  path  of  wisdom  be  not  made, 
one  collision  after  another  is  in  store  for  our  country,  until  the 
grand  climacteric  epoch  arrives.  That  will,  in  due  time,  come 
in  the  career  of  republicanism ;  and  fanaticism  is  hastening  it 
with  rapid  steps.  It  will  be  the  grand  climacteric  in  the  history 
of  modern  times,  the  French  revolution  being  simply  the  minor. 
All  the  time  the  portents  of  the  struggle  are  gathering.  It  will 
be  the  great  world  battle  of  Christianity  and  stable  government 
ngainst  the  infidel,  anarchical  hosts,  who  are  striving  for  a  total 
overthrow  and  reconstruction  of  civilized  Society.  Abolitionism 
has  gained  its  first  battle  on  the  Western  continent.  The  com 
munistic  forces  of  Europe  are  marshalling  their  battalions,  and 
advancing  them  with  steady  steps  towards  the  standards  of 

*In  the  South,  the  wealthy  classes  attached  themselves  to  the  Democ 
racy  to  resist  the  unconstitutional  movement  of  fanaticism,  and  tiiey 
remain  united  with  that  party. 


POLITICAL  CONFLICT  IN  AMERICA.  517 

their  allies,  the  American,  fanatics  and  agitators.  Both  will 
soon  unite  their  legions  on  common  ground  ;  proclaim  the  hold 
ing  of  property  to  be  robbery;  and  the  preparation  for  the  last 
conflict  will  commence.  Senseless  propagandists  are  blindly 
hastening1  towards  the  communistic  centre.  Wisdom  can  alone 

O 

shield  our  nation  from  what  destiny  seems  to  be  gathering  for 
her  final  destruction. 


RETURN         CIRCULATION  DEPARTMENT 

TO  -^                      1  98  Main  Stacks 

LOAN  PERIOD  1 
HOME  USE 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

ALL  BOOKS  MAY  BE  RECALLED  AFTER  7  DAYS. 

Renewls  and  Recharges  may  be  made  4  days  prior  to  the  due  date. 

Books  may  be  Renewed  by  calling  642-3405. 

DUE  AS  STAMPED  BELOW 


SENT  ON  ILL 


OCT20 


U.  C.  DERKELE1 


FORM  NO.  DD6 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA,  BERKELEY 
BERKELEY  CA  94720-6000 


LD  21A-i 

(Cl795slO)476B 


General  Library 

University  of  California 

Berkeley 


YU  50566 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 

*  -  '.  -!>, 


